Part 27

It has long been one object of my policy to engage the King of Prussia to act in our favor as a mediator for peace, whereby, if his mediation was agreed to, he might render us much more effectual service than by sending an army of fifty thousand men into Hanover, which step he could not take without arming the Emperor and the whole German empire against him. I have good reason to believe, that the King is much disposed to act in the quality of a mediator, but he is too wise to offer his services without being previously assured, that they would be accepted by both sides; however, we may expect very essential benefits from his influence with the Court of St Petersburg, who, it is said with confidence, has offered its mediation, and that it is accepted by the parties. I am informed, that the first proposition to be made to England by the mediating powers, as the commencement of the negotiation, is that America shall be treated as independent.[59] There is a strong inclination in Prussia to enter into the American commerce, and there is now a scheme in agitation under the direction of the Minister to make the trial, which, if the commencement is successful, will be carried on upon a very large scale, and will more effectually engage the King in our interests than any thing else. For this purpose, I think it would be of most essential service if two or three American vessels were to enter into the port of Emden, which is a good harbor, lying between Hamburgh and Amsterdam, and as easily got into as any of the ports of Holland.

I have continued my correspondence at Vienna, but having no powers to treat with the Empress Queen, who is still sole sovereign over all the dominions of the House of Austria, and the Emperor being much disgusted with some proceedings during the late war, and more so with its conclusion, is become of course much more disposed in favor of our enemies than he was, and consequently less inclined to serve us; therefore, little advantage can be expected from that quarter at present. Our friends in Holland increase every day, and I am still in regular correspondence with those who regulated with me the form of the treaty of commerce, copies of which have been sent you by various conveyances, and even now if the Stadtholder were to refuse to receive an American deputy, I have no doubt of his meeting a cordial reception from the city of Amsterdam, whose weight and decisive influence in their association you must be fully informed of.

Letters of good authority from England say, that the British Ministry would willingly agree to give up the independence of America to obtain peace, but it is feared that the obstinacy and folly of their master will prevent them from executing their plan; however, I am still firmly of opinion, that the best security and success of America will depend on her own efforts, her wise, steady, and uniform conduct. As the obtaining a fresh supply of troops from this country has been a favorite point with our enemies, I have paid continual attention to that object, and have the pleasure to inform you, that at present there is not any prospect of their obtaining fresh troops from this part of the world, as they have hitherto been defeated in all their various negotiations for that purpose; but as this campaign has passed away without any blow being struck in Europe, all the English fleets from the different parts of the world arrived safe without the least molestation, and the King’s hands are so much strengthened by the exertions of all parties in England to repel the invasion, which they have been threatened with all the year, that I think it is most probable the war will continue another year at least, for which, I suppose, proper provision will be made in America.

I have the honor to be, &c.

WILLIAM LEE.

[59] This was not true in regard to the “mediating powers,” but it was the invariable reply of France to all the propositions made by other powers for a mediation between her and England, that the independence of the United States must be assumed as a previously established point.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Brussels, February 10th, 1781.

Sir,

Be pleased to inform Congress, that I have received information, which I think is to be depended on, that the British cabinet has lately determined not to send any more troops for this campaign to North America. I therefore submit to the wisdom of Congress the propriety of making every possible vigorous effort this year to expel the British troops from the continent, for there may be reason to apprehend if this is not done, and Great Britain can by any means extricate herself from the irresistible northern storm she has raised against her, by the mad and foolish attack she has made on the Dutch, that her whole force will be employed next year against America, especially if she does not meet with some signal losses there this campaign.

The secret proposals for peace, which Great Britain is now making at Versailles and Madrid, are altogether insidious, and only intended to impede the active operations of France and Spain this year, whereby they hope, by getting the start, that they may obtain some decisive advantages in the East and West Indies, for which countries their expeditions are all now on the wing. The King of Prussia has been our steady friend, though wisely so, and has been of much service to us; therefore, from motives of gratitude as well as of justice and sound policy he ought not to be much longer neglected, for it is most certain that his wisdom directs greatly the present system of Europe.

I have the honor to be, &c.

WILLIAM LEE.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Brussels, April 12th, 1781.

Gentlemen,

Not having received any answers to various letters I have written to you, covering my account as Commissioner to the Courts of Vienna and Berlin, I take the liberty of again enclosing in this a copy of that account, No 4, but having understood that Congress had adopted another mode in settling Mr Izard’s account, I have stated another account, No. 2, conformable to that mode as I understand it, which is also enclosed, leaving it with your justice and discretion to determine which of them to lay before Congress.[60]

It is impossible to avoid observing, that the prevailing sentiments in America, and the situation of public affairs, which occasioned the resolution of Congress of the 20th of September, 1776, were very different from those, which dictated the resolution of August 6th, 1779.[61] Indeed, one difference is pretty remarkable, for at the first period, the office of a commissioner was so far from being esteemed a profitable and honorable appointment, that on the contrary it was refused, as the journals of Congress will show; but at the latter period there was such a change in the situation of the affairs of America, that similar appointments were sought after with great eagerness and much solicitude. It surely cannot be thought unreasonable, that this should be considered in rewarding those, who accepted of the appointments at the different periods, as well as the situations and stations in life that were quitted, and the personal losses that were sustained by entering into the public service. As to myself, I can solemnly aver, that my pecuniary loss from engaging in the service of my country exceeded the sum of £6000 sterling. This I do not mention as a peculiar merit, because I have no doubt there are others who have voluntarily made as great, if not much greater sacrifices in so good a cause; but as my family now feel not only that loss, but the want of that portion of my private fortune, which I was necessarily obliged to expend in the public service, I have reason to hope that the settlement of my account will be speedily determined, and I must further hope and request, that the payment of whatever sum Congress shall please to allow me may be ordered to me in Europe.

I have only to solicit, Gentlemen, your kind intercession that this business may be brought to as quick a decision as possible, in which you will confer a singular obligation on him, who has the honor to be, with the highest esteem, respect, and consideration, Gentlemen, your most obedient and obliged humble servant,

WILLIAM LEE.

[60] Both missing.

[61] “_August 6th, 1779_, Resolved, that an allowance of 11,428 livres tournois per annum be made to the several Commissioners of the United States in Europe for their services, besides their reasonable expenses respectively;

“That the salary, as well as the expenses, be computed from the time of their leaving their places of abode to enter on the duties of their offices, to be continued three months after notice of their recall, to enable them to repair to their families respectively.”

JAMES LOVELL TO WILLIAM LEE.

Philadelphia, September 20th, 1781.

Sir,

The decision of Congress respecting your letter of April 12th, which came to hand only the 4th of this month, is herewith transmitted. The period of payment will perhaps be more distant than you wish; but I am at liberty to assure you from the Superintendent of our Finances, that it is his intention to take the earliest possible opportunity to close this business.[62]

With much regard, I am, &c.

JAMES LOVELL, _For the Committee of Foreign Affairs_.

[62] “_September 12th, 1781._ The committee to whom was referred a letter of the 12th of April last from Mr William Lee, report,

“That upon principles admitted by Congress in the settlement of an account similar to that transmitted by Mr Lee, there appears to be due to him a balance of 42,189 livres tournois; whereupon,

“_Ordered_, That the account be referred to the Superintendent of Finance, to take order for payment of the balance, with interest, at the rate of six per cent per annum from this day, as soon as the state of the public finances will admit.”

TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Brussels, March 31st, 1782.

Sir,

Although I have not the honor of a personal acquaintance with you, yet I trust that this letter being on subjects which concern the interests of our country in general, I shall not stand in need of any apology for writing it.

You will be informed, probably, both by the newspapers and private letters, before this gets to your hands, of the late revolution in the British Ministry; the old set having given place to a new Ministry, composed of the Rockingham, Shelburne, and Grafton parties. This change has been forced on the king, very much against his inclination, and that of his secret advisers, Lords Bute and Mansfield, by the general exertion of almost the whole body of the people of England, both in and out of the House of Commons, who ardently wish for a peace, especially with America, and it appears that independence will not now be any great impediment, though they will endeavor to barter, as a consideration for acknowledging it for a beneficial treaty of commerce, the Newfoundland fishery and some other points.

It seems evidently to be the general wish of the nation, that a peace with America should be immediately made almost on any terms, and on that principle it is that they have forced the present Ministry into place; but as I am not quite clear that the principles of Lord Shelburne, or those of his friend, Mr Dunning, are in any manner friendly to America, and the king’s inveteracy continuing as great as ever, it is not possible to say how far the negotiations for peace may be traversed and impeded by secret manœuvres and intrigues; therefore in my opinion it will be wise in America to be well on her guard, and take her present measures, as if the war was yet to continue some years. I have not yet heard of his departure, but the 22d instant was fixed for General Carleton to leave Portsmouth in the Ceres, of thirtytwo guns, for New York, to take upon him the command in chief in America. The late British Ministry died as they lived, for one of their last official acts was to give the traitor Arnold, by patent, one thousand pounds sterling pension per annum for his and his wife’s lives.

It has been mentioned to me by a gentleman in the government here, that the Emperor is disposed to enter into a commercial treaty with America, and afterwards that a Minister or resident from Congress should reside at the Court here, this being the principal commercial country belonging to his Majesty. Though this communication was not official, yet it appears as if it had been made to me from their knowing, that I was formerly a Commissioner of Congress at the Court of Vienna; therefore I think it my duty to inform Congress of the circumstance through you, that they may take such measures in it as they think proper.

I will not presume to advise on the propriety or impropriety of appointing a Minister to treat with his Imperial Majesty, because Congress must be sufficiently informed, that the capital manufactures of this country in woollen, linen and cotton, and coarse hats, and the iron and steel manufactures at Leige, will be of great utility at all times in America; and the consumption of tobacco, indigo, rice, furs, skins, and salt fish is not only very considerable in this country, but in the adjacent inland ones, that always draw their supplies through the ports here. I will only venture to say, in my opinion, fifteen thousand livres tournois per annum would be a sufficient appointment for an American minister to reside at this Court, for his salary and expenses together. Should such a minister be appointed, his commission should run thus; “To negotiate, agree upon, conclude, and sign a treaty of, &c. &c. &c. between his Imperial and Apostolic Majesty Joseph the Second, Emperor of Germany, King of the Romans, of Hungary, Bohemia, &c. &c. &c. and the Congress of the United States of America, and afterwards to reside as Minister from the said Congress at the Court of Brussels, in the Austrian Netherlands, to transact such affairs as may be given to him in charge.” I mention this because there was a capital mistake in the original commission sent me to treat with the Court of Vienna, which I took the liberty of pointing out at the time.

You will find enclosed with this a copy of the London Gazette, and sentence of the Court Martial on Captain Dundass of the Boneta, which prove pretty explicitly a breach of the articles of capitulation at Yorktown by Lord Cornwallis and Captain Symonds. I do not know that the situation of affairs will render it necessary to take notice of this breach on the part of the enemy, but it appears to me proper that Congress should be informed of the fact.

With the highest consideration and respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

WILLIAM LEE.

THE CORRESPONDENCE OF RALPH IZARD, COMMISSIONER FROM THE UNITED STATES TO THE GRAND DUKE OF TUSCANY.

Ralph Izard was a native of South Carolina. He was residing in Paris with his family, when appointed by Congress a Commissioner to the Court of Tuscany. He had lived much in England and other parts of Europe. His Commission was dated July 1st, 1777. The state of European politics became such, that he did not visit the Court to which he was destined; nor did he leave Paris during the whole period of his agency. Congress recalled him on the 8th of June, 1779, and he returned in a few months afterwards to America. By correspondence he attempted to procure a loan in Italy, but without effect. It does not appear, that his services were in any way successful.

THE CORRESPONDENCE OF RALPH IZARD.

INSTRUCTIONS TO RALPH IZARD.

Philadelphia, July 1st, 1777.

Sir,

Herewith you will receive a Commission from the Congress of the United States of North America, authorising and appointing you to represent the said Congress, as their Commissioner at the Court of the Grand Duke of Tuscany. You will proceed with all convenient expedition to the Court of the Grand Duke, and will lose no time in announcing in form the declaration of Independence made in Congress, the fourth day of July, 1776. The reasons of this act of independence are so strongly adduced in the declaration itself, that further argument is unnecessary.

As it is of the greatest importance to these States, that Great Britain be effectually obstructed in the plan of sending German and Russian troops to North America, you will exert all possible address to prevail with the Grand Duke to use his influence with the Emperor and the Courts of France and Spain to this end.

You will propose a treaty of friendship and commerce with the said Grand Duke, upon the same commercial principles as were the basis of the first treaties of friendship and commerce proposed to the Courts of France and Spain, by our Commissioners, and which were approved in Congress, the seventeenth day of September, 1776, and not interfering with any treaties, which may have been proposed to or concluded with the Courts abovementioned. For your better instruction herein, the Commissioners at the Court of Versailles will be desired to furnish you, from Paris, with a copy of the treaty originally proposed by Congress to be entered into with France, together with the subsequent alterations, that have been proposed on either side.

You are to propose no treaty of commerce to be of longer duration, than the term of twelve years from the date of its ratification by the Congress of the United States. And it must never be forgotten in these commercial treaties, that reciprocal and equal advantages to the people of both countries be firmly and plainly secured.

There being reason to suppose, that his Royal Highness makes commerce an object of his attention, you will not fail to place before him, in the clearest light, the great advantages, that may result from a free trade between Tuscany and North America.

You will seize the first favorable moment to solicit, with firmness and respect, an acknowledgment of the independence of these States, and the public reception of their Commissioner as the representative of a sovereign State.

The measures you may take in the premises, and the occurrences of your negotiation, you will communicate to Congress, by every opportunity.

It may not be improper to observe, that these instructions, and all others, which you may receive from time to time, should be kept as secret as circumstances will admit.

JOHN HANCOCK, _President of Congress_.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, October 6th, 1777.

Gentlemen,

I had the honor of receiving by the Independence, Captain Young, a commission and instructions from Congress, the objects of which I shall use my utmost endeavors to accomplish.

The powers of Europe seem to be waiting for the determination of the Court of Versailles, respecting the acknowledgment of the independence of America. As soon as she sets the example, it will I believe be followed by all those whose interest makes them wish for the diminution of the power of England. In this description may be comprehended every State, that can be of any service to us. It is very much the interest of most of the powers of Italy, that the strength of the British navy should be lessened; some of their ports, particularly those of Naples, and Civita Vecchia, have been frequently insulted, and all of them are liable to be so, by a nation not remarkable for its moderation. I think, therefore, that they must be disposed to afford assistance to the States of America, privately, either by subsidy or loan. Congress will be pleased to honor me with their instructions on this point; and, in the mean time, I shall endeavor to procure every information on the subject in my power. Should the proposition be approved of, they will furnish me with proper powers. If I should be so fortunate as to succeed in procuring money, I should be glad to know how it should be disposed of, whether in the purchase of such articles as are wanted, or remitted in specie.

I hope to be frequently favored with the proceedings of Congress, and with the state of affairs in America, which will be of importance to me, and cannot fail of giving weight to the appointment they have honored me with.

I have the honor to be, &c.

RALPH IZARD.

_P. S._ The Committee will be pleased to direct their despatches to me, to the care of Dr Franklin, or whatever Commissioner may be resident at the Court of France.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, December 18th, 1777.

Gentlemen,

Since my letter of the 6th of October, I have cultivated an intimacy with the Tuscan Minister, resident at this Court. He is a man of honor, of considerable abilities, and extremely friendly to our country. I proposed to him, that I should immediately set out for Italy, and desired his opinion and advice. He dissuaded me from executing my intentions for the present, assured me of the good disposition of the Grand Duke towards us, and promised me to use his utmost endeavors to promote our interest with him. He thought, that my presence at this time might produce some embarrassment at his Court, which would not long be the case. He is since gone to Florence, and I am convinced, that no services that he can render the States will be withheld.

This gentleman is a great favorite, and I am well assured is more in the confidence of the Grand Duke than any of his Ministers. I flatter myself, therefore, that I have acted according to the wishes of Congress, in conforming to his advice. I have repeatedly pressed him on the subject of the German troops, recommended to me by Congress, and he has done every thing I could wish him to do. I have the satisfaction to learn, that the King of Prussia has refused to let a body of Germans, intended for America, pass through his dominions, and it is said, that he was induced to take this step at the desire of the Emperor. I expect letters very soon from Florence, which will regulate my conduct. Every thing in my power has been done to execute the trust that has been reposed in me by Congress; and it will make me extremely happy, whenever an opportunity offers of rendering any service to my country.

The irresolute and indecisive state of the politics at the Court of France, has for some time kept all Europe in suspense. The late success of our arms against General Burgoyne has given a fortunate turn to our affairs in this kingdom, and the conduct of the French Ministry has confirmed me in an opinion I have long had, that the establishment of our liberties must depend upon our own exertions. One successful battle will gain us more friends, and do our business more effectually, than all the skill of the ablest negotiators. I repeat my request, that I may be furnished from time to time with the proceedings and resolutions of Congress, and likewise with the state of affairs in America, which will be highly useful to me.

I am, &c.

RALPH IZARD.

ARTHUR LEE TO RALPH IZARD.

January 28th, 1778.

Sir,

You may if you please mention to the other Commissioners, that I have asked your opinion of the proposition of setting all our exports to the French Islands, against the molasses imported from them, in a perpetual exemption from duties. If your arguments should convince them, I am still ready to co-operate in preventing the article from taking effect, and think there is yet time. But a day may render it irrecoverable.

I am, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

Paris, January 28th, 1778.

Dear Sir,

Mr Lee has asked my opinion on an article, which he informs me has been under the consideration of the Commissioners, viz, whether an exemption from duty on molasses is an equivalent for a total exemption from duty of all the exports of North America to the French West India Islands?