Part 26

1st. “That Mr William Lee never had a commission for the commercial agency.” What Mr Deane may style a _commission_ I do not know, but he knew by a letter to himself from Mr John Ross, in July, 1777, of which he knows I have a copy, that I had as sufficient authority to act in the commercial agency as Mr Thomas Morris, and that I did act in that department accordingly. But if Mr Deane knew I was not a commercial agent, how can he palliate so bold and daring an imposition on His Most Christian Majesty and his Ministers, as to represent me in that character to them, which he did do in the letter signed by him to his Excellency Count de Vergennes in February, 1778, requesting that the late Mr Thomas Morris’s papers might be put into my possession, as then being the sole commercial agent of Congress. But, indeed, we ought not to be surprised at any imposition whatever on the part of Mr Deane, since he imposed himself on the King of France, his Ministers, and the whole world, as a Commissioner of Congress, on the 20th of March, 1778, when he confesses that on the 4th of that month he received a resolution of Congress, recalling him to America. I also refer for his conviction to the letters and proceedings of the Secret Committee.

2dly. Mr Deane says, “Mr Lee’s caution was such, that he never even answered my letters to him in February or March, informing him that Mr Robert Morris had written to me, that he was appointed; nor did I hear anything from him of his intentions until he arrived at Paris the summer following, where also he acted with the greatest caution while he waited the return of his brother from Berlin.” One cannot here omit observing the studied latitude of his expressions. Mr Deane talks of his letter in _February_ or _March_, and that I came to Paris in the summer following. Will Mr Deane say how many letters he wrote? I never saw or heard of but _one_. Will he please to say whether that one letter was dated the 1st of February, or the 31st of March? For the difference of _two_ whole months makes a very material alteration in the consequence he means to draw from the assertion. I will answer, that his only letter is dated the 30th of March, though he acknowledges his having received a _notification_ from Mr Robert Morris in February of my appointment, and at the same time was desired to give me information of it _immediately_. It has been also proved by Mr Deane’s letter to Mr Williams, on the same day, viz. March 30th, that he was plotting a contention and rivalship in this department, before it was possible for him to know my determination on the subject. Again, will Mr Deane specify what time in the _summer_ I arrived in Paris? Because here it is left to be understood, either the first day of June, or the last day of August, which is a still greater difference than the former expression. I will assert what I can prove, that I arrived in Paris the 11th of June, and that besides receiving a letter from me himself in the month of _May_, he was personally told by my brother, Arthur Lee, by my desire, in the beginning of May, that I would come over as soon as possible to execute my appointment, and so far from waiting in Paris for my brother’s return from Berlin, I waited, by the express advice of Dr Franklin and Mr Deane, until the 31st of July, 1777, as their letter to me of that date will show, which was nine days after my brother’s return from Berlin to Paris.

The manner in which Mr Deane sent me the letter, informing me of my appointment, joined with what is now manifest, a formed design in him and Dr Franklin to make Mr Williams (nephew of the latter, and who now appears connected with the former in private mercantile business) commercial agent,[57] in opposition to the Secret Committee’s appointment, renders it evident that he expected either the interception of that letter or my answer would have subjected me to imprisonment and secured their plan. It is this disappointment that makes Mr Deane so outrageous against me, for not having committed so great an act of imprudence, situated as I was, as to be writing to him by the post upon such a subject. That this scheme of Mr Deane might be more effectual, notice of my appointment was circulated upon the Royal Exchange of London, before I received Mr Deane’s letter; and not long after, it was published in the newspapers in authentic letters written from Paris. Now, as Mr Deane acknowledges that he received a letter announcing my appointment, it must have been by him, that others were enabled to write and publish it to all the world, while my life, liberty, and property were at stake. It is hardly in charity to believe, that these were not the intended victims of Mr Deane’s conduct.

3dly. Mr. Deane says, “So far was he (meaning me) from ever executing, or publicly attempting to execute that agency, until after the news of General Burgoyne’s defeat had arrived in France, that he did nothing that ever I heard of, which could have prevented his returning to the exercise of his Aldermanship in London.”

If anything could astonish me, that comes from Mr Deane, surely here is abundant matter for astonishment. He had just before, from under his own hand, on the very same paper, acknowledged my having attempted to exercise that appointment, in the joint letter from Mr Thomas Morris and myself as commercial agents to himself and Dr Franklin, in August, 1777, which he calls _severe_, but which I aver is a very civil one, and that it does not contain a single harsh or offensive expression. He acknowledges, also, the conference I had with all the Commissioners in France in October, on the subject of the commercial business, when Mr Izard was present. He knew, also, that I had received a cargo publicly at Nantes, belonging to Congress, by the Abigail, Captain Jenne, which vessel was loaded again by me, and despatched back for America in three weeks, while other American vessels, of no greater size or importance, were detained at Nantes from two to three months. He knew, also, or ought to have known, that I had written a letter addressed to all the Commissioners, Dr Franklin, Mr Deane, and Mr Arthur Lee, on the 10th of November, 1777, which was delivered to Dr Franklin as eldest Commissioner the same day, wherein I requested a copy of the treaties, that had been proposed to the Courts of France and Spain, agreeably to my instructions from Congress, that I might not, as a Commissioner of Congress, propose anything repugnant thereto to the Courts of Vienna and Berlin. After these things, and a continued series of operations in the public service, (all of which Mr Deane was acquainted with) from the time I was permitted to act by himself and Dr Franklin, until the 4th of December, when the news of General Burgoyne’s defeat arrived at Paris, with what face could Mr Deane make such an assertion as he has done? Most of these things also being of public notoriety, and capable of being proved by a multitude of witnesses, can any one suppose Mr Deane so totally ignorant of the laws of England, as to imagine he could think I might return “to the exercise of my Aldermanship in London,” without being a madman desirous of hanging myself?

This gentleman attempts to excuse himself and Dr Franklin, for not answering the joint letter of Mr Morris and myself to them, by laying the blame on Mr Arthur Lee, not a syllable of which was mentioned at the conference I had in October, 1777, at Passy with the Commissioners, when Mr Izard was present, and which Mr Lee has answered himself; but he omits to say why my several letters from Nantes, as commercial agent on public business to the Commissioners, were not answered, and of which I not only complained at the conference but since. In order to invalidate what Mr Izard has written, he totally mistakes the purport of the letter, in which Mr Izard complains of Dr Franklin’s and Mr Deane’s refusing to write. This letter, as desired by me, was a general one to all captains and others, informing them that I was a Commercial Agent of the Secret Committee of Congress, and that in consequence, they ought to follow my directions and orders in all matters relative to the commercial business of the Committee.

So far from my proposing the suspension of Mr Morris, I never thought that the Commissioners had the least shadow of authority to do it. It is certain, that Mr Deane not only proposed the suspension of Mr Morris at this conference, but at several other times. As a confirmation of this assertion, I beg leave to give the following extract of Mr Deane’s letter to me, dated, “Passy, December 18th, 1777. My advice before your appointment (as was well known) was to supersede Mr Morris, and appoint another until the pleasure of Congress should be known; I was always of the same opinion after your appointment, that you ought to conduct the business alone; these are well known to have been my uniform sentiments.”

Mr Deane labors much to throw an odium on me, as wishing to monopolise to myself the places both of honor and profit. Probably, from the weakness of his memory he forgot, that in the commencement of his address to the public, he states, that before September, 1776, he “had the honor to be the _Commercial_ and _Political_ Agent of America in Europe.” He also forgets, that the first cause of any difference between us was his usurping the exercise of the Commercial Agency, to which Mr Morris and myself were appointed by the Secret Committee, while he was not only one of the Commissioners to the Court of Versailles particularly, but generally authorised to treat with every power in Europe; the influence and patronage of which very expensive commission, he was perpetually endeavoring to retain entirely to himself. He also seems to be ignorant of what I suppose is known to most people in Philadelphia, that his “venerable friend,” as he calls him, Dr Franklin, is at this moment not only sole Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of Versailles, but also in fact sole superintending Commercial Agent in all Europe.

I have the honor to be, &c.

WILLIAM LEE.

[56] See these letters and paper in Mr Deane’s Correspondence, Vol. I, pp. 129, 139, 148, 155, of this work.

[57] For a correction of an error here, in regard to the imputed designs of Dr Franklin respecting his nephew, see the note on p. 164, of the present volume.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, March 25th, 1779.

Gentlemen,

Be pleased to refer to the foregoing copy of my letter to you of the 25th ult. by Mr Stockton, which may not get to hand as soon as this.

On the 10th instant an armistice was published between the Emperor and King of Prussia, and the same day the conferences were opened at Teschin in Austrian Silesia, to consolidate and reduce into form the treaty of peace between the two contending powers, the important articles of which have been already agreed upon by both parties. The operations of war have consequently ceased, but perhaps the final signature of the peace may not take place for some weeks.

The principal objects of my coming here, were to engage this Court to aid and assist me in adopting the most speedy and efficacious measures to prevent our joint enemies from reaping considerable advantage from the peace in Germany, by engaging a vast number of the free corps that have been raised for this war, to the number of fifteen or twenty thousand men, that will all be disbanded as soon as the peace is signed, and to aid me in endeavoring to get the German powers to acknowledge the independence of America, which would certainly have a decided influence on Great Britain, and induce her King and Ministers to make peace with us on the footing of independence.

As it is the regular and usual mode in Europe for one nation to treat with another on public business, through the medium of their public ministers, I applied to Dr Franklin on my arrival here, as the American Minister at this Court, to go with me to his Excellency Count de Vergennes to consult with him on these points. The doctor declined doing so, saying he was so little acquainted with German affairs, that he could not meddle with them. I told him that it was not his knowledge or idea of the German politics, that was to be communicated to the Minister, but mine, on which the Minister would form his own judgment with respect to the propriety of my propositions, but unless they were made to him in the regular mode by the Minister of Congress at this Court, it could not be expected that he would pay much attention to what came from me, as an individual unauthorised by Congress to treat with him on great political subjects. The doctor still refused either to go with me, or to write by me on the subject to Count de Vergennes. I shall, however, do every thing that is in my power to accomplish these desirable ends, and from the present appearance of things, it appears to me most probable I shall succeed in one, if not both the objects in view, if I can obtain the aid and concurrence of the Ministry here.

These are certainly objects of high importance, especially with respect to the troops, as the British Ministry have now several officers in pay in Germany waiting to engage them. Our enemies it seems are determined to prosecute the war against us, at least for this year; their plan must be begun before this gets to hand, and therefore opened to you, which renders it unnecessary for me to mention any thing on that subject.

With this, is a letter to President Jay, covering my reply to the allegations of Mr Silas Deane against me, in his letter to Congress of the 12th of October, to be laid before Congress, which I flatter myself will, in the mind of every impartial person, be not only a full vindication of my conduct, but also prove how little credit is due to any assertions of Mr Deane. As to myself personally, I am perfectly at ease with respect to the weak and wicked attempts of Mr Deane to injure me, for I am shielded with the invincible armor of innocence; but the injury his daring publication[58] has done to the common cause of America in Europe is not easily to be delineated, and I can assure you with truth, that our enemies are more elated at it, than they would have been with a capital victory. The reason for their exultation is too evident to require mentioning. Besides, it has created a diffidence in the minds of the Europeans, which will embarrass extremely every attempt at public negotiations, since few Ministers will treat with a people, who permit every thing that passes to be wantonly published to the world with impunity. I trust, however, the wisdom of Congress will not let its attention be drawn off from the great and principal object of providing effectually for defeating the open and secret efforts of our enemies against us, and finally to force them to an honorable peace; which I am convinced they will not accede to until they are driven off the continent.

I have the honor to be, &c.

WILLIAM LEE.

[58] His Address to the American People, published in the Pennsylvania Gazette, of December 5th, 1778.

RALPH IZARD AND ARTHUR LEE TO WILLIAM LEE.

Paris, June 22d, 1779.

Sir,

We had the honor of receiving your favor of the _______, in which you ask our advice relative to an application to the King of Prussia to comply with his promise, made through his Minister, Baron de Schulenburg, “that he would acknowledge the independence of the United States as soon as France had done so,” and whether it would be proper to change the channel of application from Baron de Schulenburg to the Minister of Foreign Affairs.

It is with great pleasure, that we contribute whatever is in our power to assist your judgment in what so materially concerns the public good.

We are of opinion, that in the present state of expectancy from Spain, it will be prudent to wait till her example also has given encouragement to the Court of Berlin, and contributed to counteract the motives from Russia, which withhold that Court from pursuing its interest and inclination in openly espousing our cause. That when it may be proper to move the question, the promises should be touched with delicacy, by stating, that the good will towards us, which the King had formerly declared, having been suspended in its operation by the war in Germany, you hope that their objection being now removed, he will not delay to give the world a decided proof of his sentiments, in the acknowledgment of the independency of the United States of America, which cannot fail by the weight of such an example to stop the further wanton effusion of blood.

As the King of Prussia is in fact his own Minister, we should imagine, that it might have a bad effect to change from Baron de Schulenburg, whom he seems to have appointed to transact this particular business. But in this, a knowledge of the actual situation of that Court must decide, and of that we are not informed.

We wish you every success in this important negotiation, and are, with the greatest esteem, dear Sir, yours, &c.

RALPH IZARD, ARTHUR LEE.

JAMES LOVELL TO WILLIAM LEE.

Philadelphia, July 17th, 1779.

Sir,

The Committee of Congress for Foreign Affairs are officially instructed to inform you, that on the 8th of June last past, it was resolved to recall you from the Courts of Vienna and Berlin, to which you had been appointed. But you are also to be informed, that it is the sense of Congress, that you need not repair to America.

You may see the proceedings at length, respecting this business, in their Journals, printed authoritatively by David C. Claypole, and being in the hands of Dr Franklin or Mr Arthur Lee at Paris.

We are, Sir, with sincere regard, &c.

JAMES LOVELL, _For the Committee of Foreign Affairs_.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Francfort, September 28th, 1779.

Gentlemen,

I have not had the honor of receiving any answer to the various letters I have written to you since my coming to this country, nor any letter from you since May, 1778, except a short one of the 28th of October last, which, added to my never receiving intelligence, information, or assistance of any kind from your Minister at the Court of Versailles, has rendered my situation extremely embarrassing; and, therefore, if my success has not been so complete as could have been wished, I shall hope for the indulgence of Congress, especially when it is considered, that the general system of affairs in Europe, for eighteen months past, has been so very critical as to puzzle the deepest and most refined politicians.

Not being able to prevail on your Minister at the Court of Versailles (as I mentioned to you in March last) to aid me, in getting the French Ministry to exert themselves in endeavoring to obtain a declaration of American independence by all the northern powers of Europe, that were interested in the Congress held at Teschin in Silesia last spring, I was consequently disappointed in the full hopes I entertained of obtaining so desirable a point, which there was the greatest prospect of succeeding in, if the Court of Versailles had made a point of it; at least I am assured, that the King of Prussia would not have had any objection, and from the very great influence he has in the Cabinet of Petersburg, there is little doubt but that he could easily have prevailed with the Empress of Russia to have given her consent. Had this point been gained, our enemies would have been deprived of every ray of hope of obtaining any assistance to continue the war against us, for the great object of their European politics has been, and is still, to draw the Empress of Russia into their quarrel.

We had not in this country got sufficiently quieted, after the signing of the peace of Teschin, on the 10th of May last, to make it prudent for me to take any public steps under the commissions I have from Congress, before the negotiations for peace under the mediation of Spain were drawn to a conclusion, but as the rescript delivered in June by the Spanish Ambassador to Lord Weymouth, in London, said not one word in our favor, but rather seemed to look on the Thirteen United States of America as being still colonies, or provinces, belonging to Great Britain, it became absolutely necessary for me to wait until this enigma could be cleared up, and till I could get sure information of the real designs of Spain, and the measures she intended to pursue.

As soon as I had got this information, I made a formal requisition to the Prussian Minister, hoping that, as the late war in Germany had prevented his Majesty’s former declarations in our favor from being carried into effect, and as that obstruction was now removed, his Majesty would not delay to acknowledge the independence of the Thirteen United States of America, which might be the means of putting a stop to the further wanton effusion of human blood. To this requisition I received the following answer from the Minister. “With respect to the declaration, which you again desire of the King, in favor of the independence of the Americans, I have frequently explained, that his Majesty having, by the position of his dominions and those of his neighbors, very different interests from those powers that are properly called maritime ones, he had no right to expect a direct influence in maritime affairs, and that he could not in wise policy take any measures in those affairs, because they would always be unfruitful, as they could not be supported by a warlike marine. The support of the maritime powers will make the balance incline in your favor more effectually, than all the declinations in the world, and Spain, by joining with France to make war on England, renders you the most essential services, without having acknowledged your independence. The King, in making the declaration now which you desire, would only embroil himself with England, without rendering the smallest service to your country. These are the reasons, which induce the King to confine himself at present to the facilities, which his Majesty has offered at different times with respect to commerce, in assuring you, which I do again, that merchant vessels of America, that choose to enter into the ports of the King, to sell their goods and to buy ours, shall be received in a friendly manner, and treated on an equality with the merchants of any other country.”