Part 23

From this, I conclude, that as soon as France has entered into a treaty with you, the king of Prussia will not hesitate to do the same. This shows, that my former opinion was well founded when I observed to you, that it was probable, most if not all the European powers would follow the example of France and Spain, in acknowledging the independence of America. I have so far been able to prevail with the Emperor, by negotiations with his Minister, as to get his Imperial Highness to discountenance the practice of the German princes hiring their troops to Great Britain, for the purposes of the American war. I have been waiting some time for the conclusion of certain affairs here, on which I presume the Commissioners at this Court will write fully. When they are clearly decided, signed, and sealed, I shall then immediately set out for Vienna, where it is thought my first visit will be most proper and beneficial, and then I shall proceed to Prussia, where I can venture to assure Congress, that American merchant ships will be now freely admitted for commerce.

Emden is a convenient port, where many American articles will come to a fine market, such as tobacco, furs, rice, and indigo, of that quality which is most like the St Domingo kind. The returns in woollens, linens, naval stores, arms, and ammunition, will be greatly beneficial to America. I shall, by all safe opportunities, regularly inform Congress of my proceedings, continuing to address my letters to you until I have other directions, having not received any instructions on that head as yet. It will certainly be of great use to keep me regularly advised, and as early as possible, of all the material occurrences in America. I cannot omit to mention it as my opinion, that let the events in Europe be what they will, you ought to prepare for another vigorous campaign, in which, if Great Britain is foiled, you may assuredly compute on the war being at an end. I have the pleasure to inform Congress, that from the best intelligence, I learn that Great Britain has hitherto been very unsuccessful in her attempts to hire fresh German troops for the American war, but the diligence of the Ministry is greatly increased in endeavoring, by every artifice and allurement, to raise men in England, Scotland, and among the Roman Catholics in Ireland. I am inclined to think, that even there they will find themselves a good deal disappointed; but a few weeks will show their chance of success with certainty. At all events, the troops they raise will be raw men, and not able to encounter your veterans, aided by a well disciplined and spirited militia. The plan of the next campaign is, I believe, as yet to be settled; the earliest information I can get on that head, which is to be depended on, shall be immediately transmitted to Congress.

I am, with all due regard, &c.

WILLIAM LEE.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, January 22d, 1778.

Sir,

Be so good as to inform Congress, that I have communicated to them, by several letters addressed to Charles Thomson their secretary, my proceedings hitherto, in consequence of their appointing me their Commissioner at the Courts of Vienna and Berlin. I am now to add, that having lately had a conference with the Imperial Ambassador at this Court, he observed immediately an imperfection in my commission, as it only authorises me to treat with the Emperor of Germany, and not with his mother, who is the reigning and sovereign Prince over all the Austrian dominions, as well in Germany and Flanders as elsewhere.

She is extremely jealous of her power and authority, not permitting her son to interfere in any manner in the government of her dominions. Her title is, “The Most Serene and Most Potent Princess Maria Theresa, Queen of Hungary and Bohemia, Arch Duchess of Austria, &c. &c.” The Emperor, her son, though heir to her dominions, is at present only Commander in Chief of his mother’s army, and as Emperor is the head of the German empire. I therefore beg leave to submit to Congress, whether it may not be proper to send another commission to treat with the Queen of Hungary, &c. since, in fact, there are two Courts to negotiate with, though they both reside in the same city, viz. with the Emperor, so far as relates to the German empire, such as obstructing Great Britain from procuring German troops to send to America; and with his mother, for the purposes of commerce with the Austrian dominions, &c. &c.

There is every reason to believe, that our affairs will be finally settled here, and the compact signed and sealed in a few days, after which I shall immediately set off for Vienna, since from that quarter we have most to apprehend, as there has been always a particular intimacy between that Court and the Court of London, at least for the present century, which has not been interrupted but during the last war with France.

Notwithstanding the promising appearance of things at present, I cannot forbear giving it as my opinion, that every possible exertion should be made to prepare for a vigorous campaign next summer.

I am with sincere esteem, &c.

WILLIAM LEE.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, February 28th, 1778.

Sir,

The unexpected return of Mr Simeon Deane gives me the opportunity of enclosing you a copy of my last, which went by an express from Spain, to which be pleased to refer. I should before this have set off for Vienna, but the Commissioners at this Court have not yet found time to examine the papers relative to the commercial concerns of Congress, taken from the private papers of the late Mr Thomas Morris, as Mr Deane’s card of this date (a copy of which is enclosed) will show. As soon as that business is finished, I shall immediately set out to execute your commands in Germany, where, I am sorry to inform you, there are now appearances of an approaching rupture between the Emperor and King of Prussia, relative to the possession of the late Elector of Bavaria’s estates. The Elector Palatine, who is the rightful heir, has agreed by treaty, signed the 12th ult. between him and the Emperor, on the division of the Bavarian estates, but the King of Prussia is not satisfied, because he has not a share; he has therefore commenced a negotiation with Great Britain, and the Princes in Germany, to support his pretensions to some parts of Germany, founded on claims of right that go several generations back. Great Britain, you may be sure, will instigate him to go on, because if war ensues, France will probably take part with the emperor, which will render their meditated attack on her more likely to succeed; but I still hope peace will be maintained by negotiation in that quarter.

The British ministry are now fairly pushed to the wall; after exerting every effort to procure men for the ensuing campaign, both at home and abroad, and finding it impracticable any where, so odious are they and their measures, they have recourse to acts of Parliament, which are so presumptuous and treacherous, that it is hardly possible to say in which they excel. You will have the two bills by this conveyance, which are too plain to be misunderstood by any one who knows the framers; therefore, I shall only observe, that by the first the _right_ of taxing you is explicitly enacted, though suspended for the present, which is going something further than the declaratory act, for by that the right of taxation was only implied. By the second bill, the Commissioners are vested with full powers to do all possible mischief to you, and no possible good, until it is confirmed by Parliament. Under these circumstances I do not well see how any treaty can be commenced, nor perhaps will it be prudent, in the moment of their weakness and distress, to agree to a cessation of hostilities by land, unless your enemies will remove all their troops to Europe.

The situation of Spain, her millions being yet on the sea, and the circumstances in Germany beforementioned, I believe induce this Court still to continue the injunctions of secrecy relative to the treaties; but if war is not declared before, I do not see how it can be avoided as soon as you publish them, which I suppose will be done as soon as they come to hand, or at least such parts as will announce the fact to the world in such a manner that it cannot be doubted.

The number of French troops that are now on the coast, in Brittany and Normandy, with the powerful naval preparations both in this country and Spain, would effectually prevent Great Britain from sending any more troops to America this year, even if she could get them.

I have the honor to be, &c.

WILLIAM LEE.

Mr Deane presents his compliments to Mr Lee. As tomorrow is fixed by the minister for sending off the despatches, it will be impossible for him to attend the examination of Mr Morris’s papers before his brother sets off. As Mr Deane had the honor of mentioning before, it shall be his first business after the despatches are gone.

_Saturday Morning_.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, March 23d, 1778.

Sir,

To the enclosed copy of my last be pleased to refer. I have the pleasing satisfaction of congratulating you and my country on the independency of the thirteen United States of America being now openly acknowledged by the Court of France, which must soon put a glorious end to all our troubles. About fourteen days ago the French Minister in London formally avowed to the British Ministry the treaty, which His Most Christian Majesty had made with you, and on the 20th inst your Commissioners were, in form, introduced to the King and his Ministers at Versailles, as the representatives of a sovereign State, and on Sunday last they were introduced to the Queen and all the royal family.

The British Ministry, as usual, have blustered a good deal, but have not ventured to declare war, that we know of. If they do, our business may the sooner and better be finished. I set off tomorrow for Germany, where the prospect of a war between Austria and Prussia seems to thicken, although this Court uses all its influence to prevent one, and has explicitly declared to both parties, that she will not in any manner aid or assist either side, as she is determined to exert all her force in supporting her new alliance with the States of America. I have already claimed the King of Prussia’s promise to acknowledge our independence as soon as France has done so; his answer I shall meet in Germany, and as far as one can judge at present, there is a greater probability of my being sooner openly received at Berlin than at Vienna, but on this head, and at this critical moment, it is impossible for any man in the world to form a decisive opinion, because the issue will depend on events that are yet in the womb of time; therefore, all that is in prudence for me to do is, on the spot to seize the first opening that is made on either side in our favor; and I shall take care to give you the earliest intelligence of every thing material, that occurs in my department.

I have the honor to remain, &c.

WILLIAM LEE.

THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO WILLIAM LEE.

York, May 14th, 1778.

Sir,

Your favors of November 24th and December 18th, reached us only the 2d of this month, with the letters of our other friends at Paris, from whom we had not received a regular packet for eleven months. You will readily conceive how much we have wished to hear from you, and how very agreeable your information would have been at an earlier period. It is evident, that you were yourself in a degree of doubt as to the conduct of France, even after the conference of our Commissioners in December; you will, therefore, be naturally led to give us due credit for the resolute manner, in which we proceeded upon the two draughts of bills which the British Ministry had hurried over to America. Be assured we were unacquainted with the spirit of the French Court. The decisive part it has taken was really unexpected, judging from the accounts we had collected from travellers. The dates of the papers herewith sent will enable you to put this matter in a clear point of view.

The turn of affairs in Europe will make it needless for us to attempt the finesse of recruiting in Germany, which you hint at, and which would have a good effect in case of necessity. Mr Arthur Lee’s letters make it quite probable, that your commission will prove successful at Berlin, and there appears the best agreement between the King of Prussia and the Emperor.

The enclosed Resolve of Congress, of the 7th instant, will show their intentions with regard to your support, which was not properly attended to when your commission was made out.[53]

Other papers herewith sent will give you a general idea of our situation. You may be assured that independence is firmly adopted by the States; and the unanimity of Congress is truly emblematic of all America. Nova Scotia has long ago expressed its wishes to be adopted by us, and now afresh solicits. Canada will be greatly affected by the news of our alliance with its former parent State. In short, Sir, every thing which could be added to our own determination of being free and independent, is insured by this eclaircissement of the Court of Versailles. Our army is growing daily, so that if we are to negotiate with Britain we shall do it in a proper posture. There are some reports of her drawing away her troops, that she may with a better grace enter into parley. But this must be done without disguise, or no treaty can be held; for surely no one can suppose, that we shall now give up a point, which we had made a preliminary, before we knew what powerful friendship was secured to us in Europe.

The powers which had been given to our Commissioners in France, and our great anxiety to keep perfect faith in treaties, induced a caution with regard to the powers given in after appointments, which is now become unnecessary. Perfect equality being the basis of our present treaties, without any exclusive privileges to France, there can be no chance of discontent from the conclusion of similar treaties with other powers of Europe; therefore, we shall doubtless soon forward to you more full powers than were sent with your commission. As you seem to think it may be advantageous to have a cypher for correspondence, we would propose the same which has been mentioned to Dr Franklin formerly by Mr Lovell, and this is the rather chosen, because it may serve between the doctor and you or any number of your friends, taking a different key-word for each.

We are, with great regard, &c.

R. H. LEE, JAMES LOVELL, ROBERT MORRIS.

_P. S._ You are to have a plenipotentiary commission with instructions, _not_ limiting the term of the proposed treaties of amity and commerce.

[53] “_May 7th, 1778._ Resolved, that the Commissioners appointed for the Courts of Spain, Tuscany, Vienna and Berlin, should live in such style and manner, at their respective Courts, as they may find suitable and necessary to support the dignity of their public character; keeping an account of their expenses, which shall be reimbursed by the Congress of the United States of America;

“That besides the actual expenses of the Commissioners, a handsome allowance be made to each of them as a compensation for their services;

“That the Commissioners of the other Courts in Europe be empowered to draw bills of exchange from time to time for the amount of their expenses upon the Commissioners at the Court of France.”

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, September 12th, 1778.

Gentlemen,

I have just arrived here from Germany, and finding the bearer of this about to set off in a few hours, I cannot omit saying a word or two, though it will be impossible to be so full as I could wish. I wrote to the President of Congress from Vienna the 30th of May last,[54] which was forwarded from hence, to which be pleased to refer; since then I have received your first and only letter, dated from Yorktown the 14th of May last, wherein you acknowledge the receipt of mine of the 24th November and the 18th of December; but I am surprised at your not receiving also two other letters from me, dated the 28th of February and 23d of March last, which were sent by Mr Simeon Deane, and addressed to the President of Congress.

Since my last of the 30th of May, when the war broke out between the Emperor and the King of Prussia, on consultation with the French Ambassador at Vienna, it was agreed to be most advisable for me to retire to Frankfort, and wait there until the several powers in Germany and the rest of Europe had taken a decided line in this war, when we might be able to direct our operations to the most advantage for America, since it was evident, that neither the Court of Vienna, nor that of Berlin could, in their critical situation, take an open part with us, for fear of throwing Hanover, with a body of thirty thousand men, into the scale of the adversary, especially too as France had declared a neutrality, on the urgent application of the House of Austria for aid, under the treaties subsisting between them and France; to which however France replies with truth, that the case does not exist as specified in the treaty, which obliges them to aid the House of Austria. The two mighty powers have been in the field opposed to each other ever since the beginning of July, when the King of Prussia entered Bohemia with his army, but no battle has yet been given, or anything material passed on either side. There have been perpetual skirmishes between the foraging parties and advanced posts, which on the whole seem rather in favor of the Prussians. In the course of the winter or spring, we hope things will take such a turn as to enable me to operate to advantage with one or the other of the parties, but at present I think you may be assured, that such measures have been taken as will effectually prevent our enemies from obtaining any further aid from any part of Europe, if they should continue the war against us another year, which I can hardly expect they will do, for I am informed, and have reason to believe my information true, that orders have been already sent to their Commissioners in America to acknowledge our independence, if nothing else will answer, in order to commence a treaty and make a peace.

After my arrival at Frankfort, finding an opportunity offered to me of negotiating a Treaty of Commerce with the United States of Holland and West Friesland, I embraced it, and have proceeded so far as to agree on the draught of a treaty, with the regular representative of the Pensionary and Burgomasters of the city of Amsterdam, of which I have not time to send you a copy by this conveyance, but I am sure you would approve of it, as it contains all the substantially advantageous articles of the commercial treaty with France, and some beneficial and agreeable additions.

So far, the business has been conducted on both sides with great secrecy, which is absolutely necessary in order to procure final success with the United States here, for though the city of Amsterdam and the States of Holland pay, it is supposed, about five sixths of the whole taxes for the support of the government, which consequently gives them very powerful weight and influence, yet they have no power, by their constitution, of entering into such a treaty, without the concurrence of the other United States, in some of which the Prince of Orange has an over due influence, and all the world knows his blood connexions with the king of England, as well as that he has the same designs against his country, that have been attempted to be carried into execution against us, and which he hopes to succeed in by the aid of his cousin of England, with whom he is in the strictest intimacy. This renders secrecy of the last importance, until the patriots in Holland have secured success, before the business is agitated in the General Assembly of the States, where it must come, to have full authority.

Here I find myself embarrassed, because I have no power to sign such a treaty, and I know not how to determine as yet about communicating it, in the present situation of things, to those who have a power to sign it in your name, because it is well known that some of the most important negotiations and proceedings here, relative to your affairs, have sometime past been very speedily communicated in England, and I have not yet been able to learn that the old channel is stopped. I shall, however, proceed in the manner, that shall on the maturest reflection appear the best to forward the wishes of Congress, and advance the prosperity of our country.

In a week or ten days I shall return to my station in Germany, and watch with careful attention over my charge there, and when any thing material occurs you shall be duly advised.

I have the honor to be, &c.

WILLIAM LEE.

[54] Missing.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Frankfort, October 15th, 1778.

Gentlemen,

I have the honor of forwarding to you herewith a third copy of a plan of a treaty of amity and commerce, between the Seven United Provinces of the Netherlands and the United States of America, which you will perceive was settled by M. de Neufville, as the representative of Mr Van Berckel, Counsellor Pensionary of the city of Amsterdam, and myself. The Burgomasters of Amsterdam had authorised Mr Van Berckel to treat in this business in their name, and the Pensionary regularly authorised M. de Neufville, a capital merchant of Amsterdam, to treat with me. I forwarded two copies of this plan from Paris last month, where I went to communicate what had been done to the Commissioners there, as I did not think myself authorised to proceed any further alone.[55] They were fully informed by me of the state of politics in Holland, and that a great deal of management and secrecy in the present stage of the business would be requisite to complete it successfully, because the English party having the Prince of Orange at its head is very powerful, and might effectually obstruct the progress, if the negotiation comes to their knowledge before the Pensionary and Burgomasters have made sure of carrying the point in the Assembly of the States-General.

The further progress in this business your Commissioners at Paris will no doubt communicate to you. However, it appears to me of no inconsiderable importance, that I have obtained from the Pensionary an engagement, that the States-General shall not take any measures that may be injurious to the United States of America, provided America shall not take any measures injurious to Holland. This engagement the Pensionary is alone capable of complying with, because his single negative is sufficient to prevent the States-General from entering into any such measures, and consequently the States will be prevented from giving any aid to Great Britain against our good ally, France.

I have so often given you a full account of the situation of affairs in this quarter of the world, that I have little to add on that subject. Though the king of Prussia was prevented, by the critical situation of politics here, from complying with the promise he had made of acknowledging our independence as soon as France had done so, I thought it proper to write to his Minister to know whether our privateers and armed vessels would be permitted to enter and refit in the Prussian ports; to which he replied, that his Majesty’s absence from Berlin, and his continual application to the great object in which he is engaged, prevents him from being able at present to make me a favorable reply, but he hopes that circumstances will soon enable them to make us more advantageous proposals than they have already done.