Part 22

If an entire stranger may be permitted to offer his homage to your lady, I beg the favor of you, Sir, to make mine acceptable to Mrs Jay.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, October 7th, 1780.

Sir,

I must trouble your Excellency to inform Congress of my arrival in this city; and that I shall obey their commands, in giving them information in my power relative to the conduct of their private affairs.

Your Excellency will permit me to deposit with you the picture of the King of France, set with diamonds, which the Minister of that monarch presented to me, as a mark of his Majesty’s esteem, upon my taking leave of the Court of Versailles. But as it was in consequence of my having been a Commissioner of Congress at that Court, I do not think it becomes me to retain this present, without the express approbation of Congress.

It is with infinite pain, that I feel myself obliged to mention to Congress, that the manner of my dismission from the service of the United States implies a censure upon my conduct abroad, and is injurious to my character. I have already laid before Congress the fullest evidence of the untruth and malice of the insinuations made against me. And as they all appear at length abandoned by those who made them, and the single assertion maintained of my having been disesteemed at the French Court, I desire to lay before Congress a copy of a letter from Count de Vergennes in direct contradiction to that assertion; with two letters from my colleague, Mr John Adams, as testimonials of my conduct, to which he was witness.[51]

Should any doubt remain in Congress, that the insinuations made against me were groundless and malicious, and that I have discharged the public trust reposed in me with zeal and fidelity, I must beg of their justice to give me a full hearing at their bar, upon the whole of the proceedings, that concern my public conduct.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

_P. S._ I have brought with me the original vouchers, to show the manner of the expenditure in public supplies, of the money intrusted to me, particularly for the public use. These vouchers I shall lay before Congress as soon as it is their pleasure to receive them.

[51] For these letters see above, p. 224, 227, and 249.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, December 7th, 1780.

Sir,

I received in due time the letter, which your Excellency did me the honor of writing me, on the 26th of October, enclosing a resolution of Congress, by which I am directed to lay before them all the information in my power, relative to their affairs in Europe.

As a citizen of the United States, I should have immediately complied with the desire of that respectable body, had I not felt myself embarrassed by the dubious light in which the manner of my dismission from the public service had placed my conduct.[52]

The information Congress requires should comprehend the conduct, character, views, and dispositions of the Courts and Ministers with which these United States are connected, and the proceedings of the servants of Congress in Europe. It is hardly to be expected, that I should commit to paper what I know and think of the former; and of the latter, the disputes which have been artfully excited and fomented, make it a painful task to speak even the truth.

In my letter of the 21st of May, 1779, I have written as far as I might of the state of Europe, and the most material alterations since, are the declaration of Spain against Great Britain, upon a distinct ground, and the league of the neutral powers, planned by the Empress of Russia, to maintain and enlarge the rights of neutral ships. But the real policy of this plan was to prevent the House of Bourbon, as well as Great Britain, from acquiring a dominion of the seas, dangerous to the liberties of the rest of Europe.

The ineffectual attempts, which have been made in Europe for obtaining money, and the disposition which I observed on that subject, satisfied me, that however essentially necessary it may be at this juncture, it will be infinitely difficult to succeed. The Court of France in particular will not, I am of opinion, assist us with any adequate sum, but from being fully impressed with the indispensable necessity of it to the maintenance of our independence, and that we are by wise and honest systems retrieving the public credit, and establishing funds, which may soon relieve them from the burthen of supplying us.

With regard to loans from the public at large in Europe, you will permit me, Sir, to repeat what I had the honor of writing to the Committee of Congress, November 6th, 1779. “I perceive by the journals, that a committee is appointed for framing a plan of a foreign loan. It is my duty to say, that there is not the least probability in the present situation of things of obtaining any adequate loan in Europe, and to beseech Congress not to let the vain expectation of that divert their attention from trying every resource at home. It is necessary, that the impressions to our discredit, which have arisen from the unsuccessful attempts, that have been already made, should wear off, and some favorable event occur, such as the enemy being obliged to draw off their troops, before it will be possible to succeed in such a plan. In the meantime the repetition of ineffectual attempts will only debase your credit more, and especially if they are accompanied with the offer of more than ordinary interest, which ever augments the suspicion of the insecurity of the principal, and that the borrowers are themselves conscious of their insufficiency.” Since the time the above was written, the successes of the enemy against us have necessarily increased the improbability of our having credit to found a foreign loan.

From the experience I have had of your foreign affairs, as well as from the example of all other States, the establishment of a Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, who may digest them into system, and conduct them with regularity, seems absolutely necessary.

There remains one object of the last importance to the most essential interest of these States, in the final settlement of the present contest, that is the Court of Petersburg. The vast power of the Russian Empire, the wisdom and extensive views of its Ministers, and the respectability of its Empress, give that Court the greatest weight among the confederate neutral powers. These certainly hold the balance in this war, and most probably will dictate the terms of a general pacification. The wisdom of Congress will, therefore, perceive, that it is of the greatest consequence, that the views and opinions of that Court in this question should be known to them, and measures taken to impress the Empress and her Council with a favorable opinion of our cause. And this more especially, as the Empress has been hitherto left entirely to English impressions, and some degree of disrespect shown her in applications to other powers. I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

[52] _December 1st._ “Resolved, That Mr Lee be informed, that Congress approve of his retaining the picture; that he be further informed, in answer to his letter, that there is no particular charge against him before Congress properly supported, and that he be assured his recall was not intended to fix any kind of censure on his character or conduct abroad.”

THE CORRESPONDENCE OF WILLIAM LEE,

COMMISSIONER FROM THE UNITED STATES

TO THE COURTS OF VIENNA AND BERLIN.

William Lee was a native of Virginia, but at the commencement of the revolution he had resided several years in London as a merchant. Notwithstanding his foreign birth, he acquired so much popularity in London, that he was chosen an Alderman, which post he held at the breaking out of the war.

His high toned whig principles, and his zeal in the American cause, had made him conspicuous, and pointed him out to the Congress as a person suitable to engage in their interests abroad. At the beginning of the year 1777, the commercial concerns of the United States in France, particularly at the port of Nantes, became important. For various reasons they were not well managed in the hands of the first agent, Mr Morris, and the Committee of Secret Correspondence appointed Mr William Lee as a joint commercial agent. He was informed of this appointment in April by a letter received in London from Mr Deane. Being detained by his private affairs, he did not arrive in Paris till June 11th. Here he found no commission to act as commercial agent, nor any other notice of his appointment, than what had been communicated to Mr Deane in a letter from the Committee of Congress.

Not deeming it expedient to act upon this authority alone, he remained in Paris till August 2d, when, by the recommendation of Dr Franklin and Mr Deane, he repaired to Nantes. The disagreements between the agents there had brought the public business into disorder, which Mr Lee was desired to use his influence in correcting. He staid in Nantes two months, and then returned to Paris, not yet having received any formal commission as commercial agent.

Meantime on the 9th of May, Mr William Lee had been elected by Congress a Commissioner to the Courts of Vienna and Berlin. His commission and instructions were waiting for him in Paris on his arrival, October 6th. The commission was dated July 1st, and gave him “full power and authority to communicate and treat with his Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Germany, or with such person or persons as shall be by him for such purpose authorised, of and upon a true and sincere friendship, and a firm, inviolable, and universal peace for the defence, protection, and safety of the navigation and mutual commerce of the subjects of his Imperial Majesty, and the people of the United States.” He had a separate commission to the Court of Berlin, worded in the same manner.

The state of things at that time in Europe was not such, as to warrant Mr Lee in rendering himself at either of the Courts of Vienna or Berlin. He remained nearly a year in Paris, waiting the issue of events. At length he went to Frankfort in Germany, where he took up his residence, as a point convenient for his operations, till the time should arrive for some decided step with reference to the main object of his mission. On the 4th of September, 1778, he agreed to a plan of a treaty between the Netherlands and the United States. This was done at Aix la Chapelle, where he met M. de Neufville, the Dutch agent. But as M. de Neufville acted only in his private capacity, this treaty was never ratified nor matured.

In March, 1779, Mr Lee was in Paris, endeavoring to engage the French ministry to aid him in advancing his views in Germany. Failing in this purpose, he returned again to Frankfort, where he continued to reside during the remainder of his mission. He was recalled by a resolution of Congress, dated June 9th, 1779, but not required to come to the United States. Towards the end of the year he retired to Brussels, where he continued to live with his family for some time afterwards.

It is a little remarkable, that during the whole of Mr Lee’s public agency in the service of the United States, he was still an Alderman of the city of London. He sent his resignation to the Common Council, but they declined accepting it, on account of the difficulty of finding a successor, whose principles agreed with those of the majority.

THE CORRESPONDENCE OF WILLIAM LEE.

INSTRUCTIONS TO WILLIAM LEE.

Philadelphia, July 1st, 1777.

Sir,

Herewith you will receive Commissions from the Congress of the United States of North America, authorising and appointing you to represent the said Congress as their Commissioner at the Courts of Vienna and Berlin. You will proceed with all convenient expedition to those Courts; visiting that first, which, on consultation with the Commissioners at the Court of France, shall be judged most proper. You will lose no time in announcing in form to those Courts the declaration of independence made in Congress on the fourth day of July, 1776. The reasons of this act of independence are so strongly adduced in the declaration itself, that further argument is unnecessary. As it is of the greatest importance to these States, that Great Britain be effectually obstructed in the plan of sending German and Russian troops to North America, you will exert all possible address and vigor to cultivate the friendship, and procure the interference of the Emperor and of Prussia. To this end you will propose treaties of friendship and commerce with these powers, upon the same commercial principles as were the basis of the first treaties of friendship and commerce proposed to the Courts of France and Spain, by our Commissioners, and which were approved in Congress the seventeenth day of September, 1776, and not interfering with any treaties, which may have been proposed to, or concluded with, the Courts abovementioned. For your better instruction herein, the Commissioners at the Court of Versailles will be desired to furnish you, from Paris, with a copy of the treaty originally proposed to Congress, to be entered into with France, together with the subsequent alterations that have been proposed on either side.

You are to propose no treaty of commerce to be of longer duration, than the term of twelve years from the date of its ratification by the Congress of the United States. And it must never be forgotten, in these commercial treaties, that reciprocal and equal advantages to the people of both countries be firmly and plainly secured.

There being reasons to suppose, that his Prussian Majesty makes commerce an object, you will not fail to place before him, in the clearest light, the great advantages, that may result from a free trade between the Prussian dominions and North America.

You will seize the first favorable moment to solicit, with decent firmness and respect, an acknowledgment of the independence of these States, and the public reception of their Commissioner as the representative of sovereign States. The measures you may take in the premises, and the occurrences of your negotiation, you will communicate to Congress by every opportunity.

It may not be improper to observe, that these instructions, and all others, which you may receive from time to time, should be kept as secret as circumstances will admit.

JOHN HANCOCK, _President of Congress_.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, October 7th, 1777.

Sir,

Your goodness I trust will excuse me, for requesting the favor of you to inform the honorable Congress of the United States of America, that this moment (on my arrival here from Nantes, where I have been discharging the public trust reposed in me by the Secret Committee of Congress) were put into my hands the instructions, and appointment of me as Commissioner at the Courts of Vienna and Berlin, but not having had an opportunity of a conference on the subject with the Commissioners here, it is not in my power at present to enlarge on the business, more especially as I am told, that this express is to be immediately despatched. I understand another will be sent in ten or twelve days, by which opportunity I shall write fully. I have only further to entreat, that you will assure the honorable Congress of my steady attachment to that respectable body, and to the rights of America, which I shall invariably and on all occasions endeavor to support and maintain.

I am, with the truest respect and esteem, &c.

WILLIAM LEE.

TO CHARLES THOMSON, SECRETARY OF CONGRESS.

Paris, November 24th, 1777.

Sir,

Be so good as to inform the honorable Congress of the United States of America, that I have received the commissions, whereby they have done me the honor of appointing me their Commissioner and Representative to the Courts of Vienna and Berlin. In consequence of their instructions, I have applied to their Commissioners at the Court of Versailles for a copy of the treaty originally proposed by Congress, to be entered into with France, together with the subsequent alterations that have been proposed on either side, which I presume they will furnish me with, and in the meantime I have been taking, and shall continue to take, measures to get the best possible information, which of these Courts it will be most for the interest of the United States, that I should visit first, in order to accomplish the most urgent object of Congress, that of preventing Great Britain from obtaining more German troops to send to America. For this object, my views shall be extended to Russia, as far as the situation of affairs in Europe will admit.

Colonel Faucet, the British Agent, has been most of the year in Germany, and about two months ago, General Haldiman, who was appointed and embarked to go and succeed General Carleton as Governor of Quebec, was recalled and sent to Germany, as it is supposed to aid Colonel Faucet in obtaining more German troops. What success they will meet with, I cannot at present speak of with certainty, but you may rely on every exertion in my power to obstruct their operations, and I have some hopes of succeeding so far as to prevent their obtaining more than to make up the number, that the States of Hesse, Brunswick, and Anspach, have formerly contracted to keep in the pay and service of Great Britain in America. It would certainly add to their difficulty, and embarrass the British Ministry, if there were only an appearance of beating up for men for the United States, in some of the free towns in Germany, where all the world by custom is permitted to recruit and enlist men. Something of this sort might be attempted, sufficient to give a great alarm and create a diversion in your favor at a very little expense, if prudently managed.

I shall pay strict attention to my instructions, and embrace the first favorable opportunity of prevailing upon the Courts of Vienna and Berlin to receive the Commissioner of Congress, as the Representative of a sovereign State, which will necessarily carry along with it an acknowledgment of the Independence of the Thirteen United States of America; though in this business I apprehend the other powers of Europe will wait for France and Spain to take the lead, as they are known every where to be friendly to the American States, and to have received hitherto greater advantages from the American commerce than any other kingdoms, and still have not determined as yet to receive the American Commissioners, as the representatives of a sovereign State. I hope I shall be excused for observing, that neither my commission nor instructions authorise me to conclude any treaty with the Courts of Vienna and Berlin, even if I should find those Courts at any time disposed for such a measure. Congress will determine whether it may be prudent to enlarge those powers, when they consider the distance between the two countries, and the time it will take to write to Congress, receive their answer, return to them the treaty, and then again receive their ratification.

It occurs to me, that it will be extremely proper for me to have a cypher, to carry on my correspondence with Congress, more especially if any supplies of cordage, arms, cannon, or ammunition are purchased in the Northern Countries, where it is beyond a doubt they may be had infinitely better in quality, and very considerably cheaper, than what have been sent already, or may be sent from France or Spain; particularly iron and brass ordnance, ball, shot, fusils, woollen and linen cloth for soldiers’ clothing, and tents, sailcloth, and cordage. Ways and means may be contrived to ship any of these things from the northern ports, as easily as from the southern ones. If this idea is approved by Congress, any cypher you send me shall be used when necessary. As there is no particular mode pointed out in my instructions, how I am to correspond with Congress, I have adopted the method of addressing myself to you as their Secretary, it being the usual practice in similar cases in Europe, but if I am wrong, I shall hope to be better informed by the next despatches I receive.

I am, &c.

WILLIAM LEE.

TO CHARLES THOMSON.

Paris, December 18th, 1777.

Sir,

Enclosed is a copy of what I did myself the honor of writing to you, by the Independence, Captain Young. Be pleased to inform the honorable Congress, that, upon application being made to his Prussian Majesty, he has prevented the Hesse and Hanau recruits, for reinforcing the British army in America, from passing through his territories on the Rhine, which has kept those troops still in Germany, who otherwise would, by this time, have been on their voyage to America, and it is now doubtful whether they will ever be permitted to go. Our friends at Court here are of opinion, that it will be better for me to visit the Court of Vienna first, as it may be of use to strengthen and unite all the branches of the family compact, in the measures they have determined to take here in our favor; therefore, as soon as the ceremony (which is a pretty essential one) of _signing_ and _sealing_ has taken place, I shall set out for Vienna, as it is thought most advisable to wait till something decisive is absolutely concluded with the Court of Versailles, because on _that_ must be grounded my operations at Vienna and Berlin.

With respect to the latter, trade must be the principal object, though the friendship of the king of Prussia will be of use to keep Russia quiet, and to prevent Great Britain from getting any material aid from that quarter in case of an European war, while she is mad enough to continue the war with America. Nothing material relative to commerce can be effected in the north till late in the spring, because their ports are all frozen up during the winter. His Prussian Majesty seems well disposed to our cause, and I trust will give us every encouragement in time that we can wish; but in a country where there is very little foreign commerce, it must be raised gradually and by experimental conviction of its benefits. To me it seems evident, that the commerce between America and the Prussian dominions must be considerable, because the natural productions of the former will come to as good a market in the latter, as almost any part of Europe; those from the latter are what we have been heretofore obliged to get from England. I shall omit no safe opportunity of informing Congress of my proceedings, and with due consideration and regard,

I am, Sir, &c.

WILLIAM LEE.

TO CHARLES THOMSON.

Paris, January 2d, 1778.

Sir,

I had the honor of writing to you by the Independence, Captain Young, a copy of which went since.

It is with infinite pleasure, that I congratulate Congress and America on the favorable change in our affairs in Europe, since advice was received of the noble and spirited exertions of the northern army and militia, in making General Burgoyne and his army prisoners. The purport of the last and present despatches from the Commissioners at the Court of Versailles, will show how pleasing and encouraging the prospect before us is in this country at the present moment.

I must beg you to lay before Congress, that though we had received repeated assurances from the king of Prussia of his good wishes for our success, and indeed had experienced his operations in our favor, by his forbidding his officers to permit the Hesse and Hanau recruits for the British army in America to pass down the Rhine, yet, since the late advices, his prime Minister writes more decidedly than before, for he says, “I can assure you, Sir, his Majesty will not be the last power to acknowledge the independence of the Americans, but you must be sensible it is not natural for him to begin it; and that at least France, whose political and commercial interests are more immediately connected with yours, should set the example.”