Part 13

I had the honor of receiving your favor this moment, which is the first intimation I have received of what you mention. By six o’clock I will send you the letters you desire. I did intend to have spoken to you more upon what passed between the Spanish Ambassador and myself, which gave you uneasiness. But I must repeat, that I only related to him what I heard from Mr Deane, as coming from you, and what we in consequence of that information have written to Congress. Be so good as to accept of my best wishes for the happiness and success of your voyage.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

M. GERARD TO ARTHUR LEE.

Translation.

Versailles, April 1st, 1778.

Sir,

I have received the letter you did me the honor to write to me, as also the packets you send by me. I shall carry them with a great deal of pleasure, and am much flattered with your confidence. I must inform you, Sir, that notwithstanding the public nature of my mission, I do not avow it, and the confidence I place in you in this respect will, I hope, be considered by you as a proof of the regard, with which I have the honor to be, &c.

GERARD.

TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

Chaillot, April 2d, 1778.

Sir,

It was with the utmost surprise, I learnt yesterday, that M. Gerard was to set out in the evening for America, in a public character; and that Mr Deane was to accompany him, without either you or Mr Deane having condescended to answer my letter of the preceding day.

That a measure of such moment as M. Gerard’s mission should have been taken without any communication with the Commissioners, is hardly credible. That if it was communicated, you should do such violence to the authority which constituted us, together with so great an injury and injustice to me as to conceal it from me, and act or advise without me, is equally astonishing. If success to the mission and unanimity on the subject were your wish, with what propriety could you make it a party business, and not unite all the Commissioners in advising and approving a measure, in which you wished their friends and constituents might be unanimous?

I do not live ten minutes distance from you. Within these few days, as usual, I have seen you frequently; particularly on Monday I was with you at your house for some time. I asked you about the sailing of the ships at Nantes, expressing my desire to know when we should have an opportunity of writing. You said you did not know when they sailed. I asked if there were no letters, none but one from M. Dumas having been shown to me for some time. You answered no. I had at a former meeting asked you whether it was not proper for us to send an express to give intelligence of such consequential events, as our being acknowledged here, and the treaty avowed. You told me it would be sufficient to write by the ship at Nantes, (for it was afterwards you mentioned there were two,) as the news being public would find its way fast enough.

Upon Mr Amiel, who came to my house from yours, having mentioned on Tuesday, that Mr Deane was to go away in a few days, I wrote to you and him to repeat what I have so often requested, that the public accounts might be settled, for which Mr Deane had taken possession of all the vouchers, and that the public papers might be delivered to us before his departure. You made me no answer. I sent my secretary again yesterday to desire an answer; you sent me a verbal one, that you would settle accounts with me any day after tomorrow. Your reason for not doing it before was, that it was not your business. _Now_ it seemed your business only, and Mr Deane has no concern with it. The delivery of the public papers, which are the property of all, not of any one of the Commissioners, though you and Mr Deane have constantly taken them to yourselves, was too immaterial for you to answer.

During all this time, and with these circumstances, you have been totally silent to me about the present opportunity of writing to Congress concerning the important public measure in agitation, and about Mr Deane’s departure. Nay more, what you have said, and the manner in which you have acted, tended to mislead me from imagining that you knew of any such thing. Had you studied to deceive the most distrusted and dangerous enemy of the public, you could not have done it more effectually.

I trust, Sir, you will think with me, that I have a right to know your reasons for treating me thus. If you have any thing to accuse me of, avow it, and I will answer you. If you have not, why do you act so inconsistent with your duty to the public, and injurious to me? Is the present state of Europe of so little moment to our constituents, as not to require our joint consideration and information to them? Is the character of the Court here, and the person sent to negotiate with our constituents of no consequence for them to be apprized of? Is this the example you in your superior wisdom think proper to set of order, decorum, confidence, and justice?

I trust, Sir, you will not treat this letter, as you have done many others, with the indignity of not answering it. Though I have been silent I have not felt the less the many affronts of this kind, which you have thought proper to offer me.[30]

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, April 2d, 1778.

Gentlemen,

The conclusion of the treaties here has ended the powers of our commission. Whatever character it may please Congress to give to their representatives in future must be specified by new powers, and letters of credence to the Sovereign, with whom they are to act. The first example of this kind will be material, in determining the future rank of the United States of America among other sovereign nations. Since the treaty of Munster, Venice and the United Provinces have had their rank as crowned sovereigns. I presume the United States of America will not think a lower rank competent to their dignity, and to the importance they must command in the balance of European power. For I am satisfied, that in a few years that balance must be in their hands. Whatever orders Congress are pleased to give on this subject, their Ministers must support with firmness and inflexibility, _at first_, to prevent any disagreeable disputes for the future.

By the enclosed copies of letters, I hope to give you a distinct view of what passed in Spain and Prussia. I have never been able to learn, to what was owing the sudden change in the favorable disposition of the Spanish Court during my absence in Germany. Whether it arose from the proceedings at Dunkirk, &c. which produced such rigor on the part of France, they will not inform me. But it is clear from Baron de Schulenburg’s letter, that the conduct of France, in consequence of the Dunkirk business, prevented Prussia from adopting what I proposed.

I have written to Messrs Gardoquis about their charging five per cent commission, which appears to be exorbitant, because I remit them the money before they lay it out.

My brother William Lee is gone to Germany in pursuance of the commands of Congress. The war, that is kindling between the two Powers to whom he is destined, makes it hardly possible to hope that he can succeed with both. If one is disposed to form an alliance with us, the other will probably, for that reason, refuse it. I observe it was the desire of Congress that we should keep an account of our expenses. I have done so as minutely as the nature of things would admit; and they have not exceeded, including my two journies, the sum allotted by Congress. I shall endeavor to continue within those bounds, though the being acknowledged will necessarily augment the expense.

The Messrs Gardoquis have transmitted to me regularly the accounts of what they shipped on the public account; copies of which I have in the same manner sent to you. This I conceived to be the usual course of business, and necessary for the due information of all concerned. For this reason it was my wish, that the same might be done with regard to the public money expended here. My colleagues have not thought proper to concur with me. The Committee and Congress will order, if they think it proper, what I have not only requested in vain, but to my utter astonishment, have given very great offence in requesting.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

[30] The reason why the sailing of the French fleet, and the Mission of M. Gerard, were not made known to Mr Lee by Dr Franklin and Mr Deane, seems to have been, that they had not the permission of the French Court to communicate the intelligence to him. It does not appear, that Dr Franklin answered the above letter.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, April 5th, 1778.

Gentlemen,

Having pressed the matter of supplies from Spain, I received an answer yesterday, that endeavors would be used to send you succors through the Havanna. The present critical situation of that Court renders them averse to being more particular, or to have applications made to them, but I think they will not long remain under this embarrassment.

Dr Franklin and I are now settling the accounts as well as we can, from the papers Mr Deane thought proper to leave in Dr Franklin’s hands. How orderly and adequate they are, you will judge yourselves from the list, which I shall take care to transmit to you. I am obliged to say, that this gentleman took to himself the entire management of the business, in which I could obtain no share without a quarrel; that my advice and assistance were always rejected, and he never would settle accounts. Whether he has conducted it well, you will have the means of determining by what you have received, compared with the sums expended, which I shall make it my duty to transmit to you.

I cannot venture to detail to you the plans of this Court relative to the conduct of the war in your quarter. You will probably see the commencement of them before this reaches you. I enclose some additional, and as I conceive necessary articles, which I shall endeavor to obtain if Congress approve of them. I also send an accurate list of the actual and intended force of Great Britain.

With my utmost duty and respect to Congress, I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

_P. S._ Being obliged to send this by post, the articles must be deferred as being too voluminous.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, April 8th, 1778.

Gentlemen,

Whether there were any public despatches for you by the opportunity that carries Mr Deane, the late Commissioner, I do not know, because my colleagues concealed his departure from me. I trust you will think it proper to desire the reason of such conduct, the tendency of which is too plain and too pernicious not to require censure, if it cannot, as I conceive it cannot, be justified by stronger reasons of utility.[31]

Great Britain has not yet thought proper to declare war in form against France, but the vessels and sailors of each nation are reciprocally seized in their ports, and a French frigate has lately made prize of an English privateer. Both are preparing with all possible despatch, and both waiting for your decisive declaration with an anxiety proportioned to their conviction of that declaration deciding the fate of the war.

As far as I can venture to judge of Courts and Ministers, those of this country seem cordially disposed to co-operate with you in driving the English entirely out of America. But from what I could observe during the conference on the treaty, they seem to have some wishes relative to the islands of the fishery, which are not altogether compatible with the system laid down by Congress.

The war between the Emperor and the King of Prussia seems inevitable. It will be a war of giants and must engage all Germany. Three hundred thousand men, the best disciplined and the best led that ever made war, are ready to dispute the question on each side. Russia is sufficiently occupied by her own situation in regard to the Porte. The North is therefore no longer a subject for your apprehension. The whole house of Bourbon will certainly join in the war against England. Holland, therefore, seems the principal object of negotiation now; because, if the enemy should be deprived of her amity, they soon must be reduced to a _carte blanche_.

This is the present situation of Europe. I enclose you a Memorial,[32] which I wrote last year, and have now sent to Holland to promote the disposition we are informed they entertain at present in our favor. In the additional articles I sent for your consideration, there are some not very materially different, but as they are expressed in a different manner, I thought it might be of use to submit the choice to you.

The enclosed report[33] is what I received from the Court of Spain, in answer to an application in behalf of the people, who have involved themselves in this unfortunate situation.

It is proper to inform you, that the department of Spain, to which it has pleased Congress to destine me, is the most expensive of any, because the Court pass different parts of the year at four different places, at which every public Minister is obliged to reside, and consequently to have a house, which augments very much his expense. As I wish to avoid all occasion of blame, I mention this circumstance that I may not appear to be extravagant, should my expense increase on going thither.

You will greatly oblige me by presenting my duty to Congress, and believing me to be, with the greatest respect, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

[31] The reason was, as previously stated, that Franklin and Deane were not authorised by the French Court to make known to any person the sailing of the fleet.

[32] This Memorial was printed and circulated in Holland by the friends of the American cause.

[33] Missing.

MEMORIAL FOR HOLLAND.

When the ancestors of the present inhabitants of the United States of America first settled in that country, they did it entirely at their own expense. The public of England never granted one shilling to aid in their establishment. Had any such grants existed, they must have been upon record. The state of England, therefore, could not justly claim the benefit of an acquisition which it never made.

Upon this principle the first settlers conceived they had _a right to exchange and sell the produce of their labor to all nations without control_. This right they actually enjoyed unquestioned till the year 1652; then it was that the English, in violation of every principle of justice, usurped and established a monopoly of the American commerce, which they maintained till the rigor of their domination compelled the Americans to reclaim their ancient unalienable rights, by declaring themselves free and independent States. In consequence of this, all nations are restored to the participation of that commerce, from which the monopolising spirit of the English had unjustly excluded them.

No nation is more interested in this event than the Dutch, because it was against them that the establishment of the monopoly was chiefly intended. The great object of commercial policy with the States of Holland was and is the _carrying trade_. In consequence of this, when the commerce of America was free, the Dutch vessels in the American ports outnumbered those of England. But in the year 1651, a quarrel arose between the States of Holland and the then republic of England. The English, jealous of their naval power, resolved to destroy their American commerce, which contributed so much to its support. To effect this, the Council of State projected and passed on the 1st of December, 1651, the navigation ordinance, by which the carriage of American produce was prohibited except in English bottoms. The Dutch foresaw the intention, and felt the effects of this measure. Their resentment of it added fuel to the war, that raged from that time to the year 1654 with so much fury.

Their success, however, was not sufficient to re-establish what had been thus violently wrested from them. In negotiating the peace that concluded that war, De Witt labored with his usual abilities to obtain an abolition of the act, but all his efforts were ineffectual. Cromwell, who was not his inferior in acuteness, maintained the usurpation, and under Charles the Second it received the form and sanction of an act of Parliament. Thus in despite of all their efforts, this valuable branch of commerce was wrested from the Dutch, and monopolised by the English.

But what neither the uncommon talents of De Witt, nor the struggles of an obstinate and bloody war could effect, the course of human events has produced. The wealth and power arising from this very monopoly so intoxicated Great Britain, as to make her think there were no bounds to the exercise of the control she had usurped. Not content, therefore, with thus restraining the Americans for her own emolument in the mode of acquiring money, she arrogated to herself the right of taking that which was obtained under those restraints. The natural consequence of thus urging her domination, and adding a new usurpation to the former, was the abolition of the whole. America has, in form, renounced her connexion with Great Britain, and is maintaining her rights by arms.

The consequence of her success will be the re-establishment of commerce upon its ancient, free and general footing; all nations are interested in this success, but none so much as the Dutch. From them, therefore, America _in a most special manner looks for support_. _Resentment of an ancient injury, the policy of their ancestors, their present interest_, unite in calling upon them for a spirited avowal and support of the independence of America. They will not forget the blood, that was spilt in endeavoring to vindicate their right when it was first invaded. They will not forget the insolence and injustice with which Great Britain harassed their trade during the late war, by means of that very naval strength which she derived from her usurped monopoly. They cannot but feel at this moment the insult and indignity from the British Court, in presuming to forbid them that free participation of commerce which America offers.

The extraordinary remittances, which the people of America have made to the merchants of Great Britain, since the commencement of this dispute, is a proof of their honor and good faith; so much more safe and advantageous is it to trust money with a young, industrious, thriving people, than with an old nation overwhelmed with debt, abandoned to extravagance and immersed in luxury. By maintaining the independence of America, a new avenue will be opened for the employment of money where landed property, as yet untouched by mortgage or other incumbrances, will answer for the principal, and the industry of a young and uninvolved people would insure the regular payment of interest. The money holder would in that case be relieved from the continual fears and apprehensions, which every agitation of the English stocks perpetually excites. He might count his profits without anxiety, and plan his monied transactions with certainty.

_These_ are the _substantial objects_ of advantage, which America holds up to the people of Holland; and _this_ the moment of embracing them.

TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Chaillot, April 24th, 1778.

Sir,

Since I had the honor of seeing your Excellency, I have learnt that Mr Hartley in conversing with French people, whose opinions he thinks may have weight, insinuates to them, that engaging in a war in our favor is very impolitic, since you can expect nothing from us but ingratitude and ill faith, with which we have repaid Great Britain. To us he says, the French have done nothing for you, they can never be trusted, no cordial connexion can be formed with them, therefore you had better return back to your former connexions, which may be upon your own terms if you will renounce France. This gentleman and the wise men who sent him, have so high an opinion of our understandings, that they flatter themselves these insinuations will succeed.

I have also been informed, that besides their commissioners, the ministry have despatched two persons to America to work privately as Mr Hartley is doing. One of them is an American. I know them, and both the size of their understandings and the degree of their influence. There is nothing to apprehend from either. These are the little projects of little spirits, and will be attended with proportional success. They show the imbecility and distress of our enemies, and will only change the detestation of America into utter contempt.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

COUNT DE VERGENNES TO ARTHUR LEE.

Translation.

Versailles, April 24th, 1778.

Sir,

I am obliged to you for your attention in communicating Mr Hartley’s insinuations, as well to yourself as to such other persons as he may suppose he can influence in this country. I doubt that he finds easier access to you, than he will surely find with us; and I can assure you, that he will not find us accessible to the prejudices he may wish to inspire us with.

I conclude, being obliged to attend the Council, requesting you to accept of the assurances of the perfect respect, with which I have the honor, &c.

DE VERGENNES.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, May 9th, 1778.

Gentlemen,

No declaration of war in Germany or England. All things are preparing for it. Count d’Estaing had not passed Gibraltar the 27th of last month, contrary winds having prevented his passing the Straits. About thirty sail of the line are assembled at Spithead, under Admiral Keppel, but are not yet in a state for action. They are arraying their militia, and the chief object of their attention now seems to be their own defence. As far as I can judge, the King and his Ministers are not now sincere in their propositions, even such as they are, of peace and accommodation.

I have not yet obtained any light on Folger’s affairs. The enclosed copy of a letter from Count de Vergennes will show you the train in which I have put the inquiry. But I have reason to apprehend, that persons are concerned, who will have address enough to frustrate it. The blank paper substituted for the letters taken should be preserved, and compared with the paper of all the letters received by the same vessel. Some discovery may be pointed out by that. Mr Deane and Mr Carmichael should be examined, and their accounts transmitted here to be compared with those of others.

Spain and the German powers are yet undecided with regard to us. I do not think our enemies will succeed with Holland. We shall endeavor to establish a fund for the purposes you desire.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

_P. S._ By the banker’s accounts it appears, that the following sums were paid from December, 1776, to March, 1778, to the private disposition of the Commissioners.

Livres. To Dr Franklin, 65,956 3 13 To Silas Deane, 113,004 12 13 To Arthur Lee, 68,846 2 16

In my sum is included the additional expense of my journies to Spain and Germany.

COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO ARTHUR LEE.

York, May 14th, 1778.

Sir,