Part 17

Noble Jones, the proprietor of Wormsloe, was a Lieutenant commanding thirty men,—volunteers and enlisted from Savannah,—in General Oglethorpe’s expedition against St. Augustine. He was subsequently assigned to the command of a scout and guard boat and a company of marines to watch the “Narrows at Skedoway” and the “Inlets of the near adjoining Sea;” more especially “those near him of Wassaw and Ussuybaw, lest any surprise should happen.” His guard-boat was armed “with a small swivel Gun” in the bow; and, in February, 1741, upon the appearance of a Spanish Privateer on the coast, “One of our smartest Pieces of Cannon,” says Stephens, “carrying a four Pound Ball, and well mounted,” was delivered to him to assist in the coast defense.[276]

At Wormsloe may still be seen the remains of the Tabby Fortification constructed by Captain Noble Jones. The outline of the work and its general features are well preserved, and constitute, perhaps, the most unique and interesting historical ruin on the Georgia coast.

With all its wealth of magnificent live-oaks, palmettoes, magnolias, and cedars; with its quiet, gentle views, balmy airs, soft sunlight, inviting repose, and pleasant traditions, this beautiful residence has at all times remained in the possession and ownership of the descendants of the original proprietor. Mr. G. W. J. DeRenne now guards the spot with all the tender care and devotion of a most loyal son, and to the memories of the past has added literary and cultivated associations in the present, which impart new charms to the name of _Wormsloe_.

In this youthful country, so careless of and indifferent to the memories of other days,—so ignorant of the value of monuments and the impressive lessons of antiquity,—where no law of primogeniture encourages in the son the conservation of the abode and heirlooms of his fathers,—where new fields, cheap lands, and novel enterprises at remote points are luring the loves of succeeding generations from the gardens which delighted, the hoary oaks which sheltered, and the fertile fields which nourished their ancestors,—where paternal estates are constantly alienated at public and private sales,—landed acquisitions are placed at the mercy of speculative strangers, and family treasures, established inheritances, and old homesteads are seldom preserved. Thus it comes to pass that ancestral graves lie neglected, abodes once noted for refinement, intelligence, virtue, and hospitality lose their identity in the ownership of strangers, and traditions worthy of transmission, are forgotten amid the selfish engagements of an alien present.

The utilitarian may smile at this, the Republican rejoice in it as a logical sequence of his cherished theories, and the disciples of Benjamin Franklin pronounce in favor of such a condition of affairs, but there is a deal of sadness about it nevertheless; and if this order of things obtain in the coming years as it has in those which are gone, America will continue to be largely a land without permanent homes,—a country devoid of ancestral monuments.

In planting colonies where proper preliminary surveys have not been made, and where the founders are compelled in large measure to grope their way in selecting points for earliest occupancy, errors of judgement will occur, and changes will be necessitated upon a more intimate acquaintance with the territory and during the progress of development. Locations at first deemed essential become subordinate to others, and sometimes prove of no value. Mistakes are committed with regard to the importance of streams, lines of communication, and the desirability of permanent seats. Defensive positions are rendered useless as the tide of human life advances. Barren fields are exchanged for others possessing greater fertility. Diseases are developed at certain points which compel their abandonment.

Settlements increase to the annihilation or absorption of others in their vicinity. The possessions of the many become concentrated in the ownership of the few. Towns perish for lack of support. Thus nothing is more common than to observe, amid the changes consequent upon the development of new plantations, a mortality among villages and settlements for which, at the outset, growth and lasting prosperity were confidently anticipated.

“It hath been a great endangering to the health of some plantations,” says Lord Bacon, “that they have built along the sea and rivers in marish and unwholesome grounds; therefore though you begin there to avoid carriage and other like discommodities, yet build still rather upwards from the stream, than along.”

Had this precaution been observed, fewer towns would have died in Georgia.

After all, however, despite the admonitions of the wisest and the foresight of the most experienced, we cannot hope to arrest the potent influence of inherent decay, or to stay that unseen hand which remorselessly worketh change and destruction among human habitations.

“Out upon Time! it will leave no more Of the things to come than the things before! Out upon Time! who forever will leave But enough of the Past for the Future to grieve O’er that which hath been, and o’er that which must be: What we have seen, our sons shall see; Remnants of things that have pass’d away, Fragments of Stone rear’d by Creatures of Clay.”

FOOTNOTES

[1] “Antiquities of the Southern Indians, particularly of the Georgia Tribes.” New York, 1873.

[2] History of the Province of Georgia, pp. 29, 30. Wormsloe, 1849.

[3] Extract of the Journals of Mr. Commissary VonReck, &c., p. 32. London, 1734.

[4] The Stone of Help.

[5] An Extract of the Journals of Mr. Commissary VonReck, &c., pp. 16, 18. London, 1734.

[6] Moore’s Voyage to Georgia, p. 11. London, 1744.

[7] Strobel’s Saltzburgers and their Descendants, p. 87. Baltimore, 1855.

[8] Voyage to Georgia, &c., p. 23. London, 1741.

In reporting this change of location to the Trustees, Mr. Oglethorpe, on the 13th of February, wrote as follows: “The people at Ebenezer are very discontented and Mr. VonReck and they that come with him, refuse to settle to the Southward. I was forced to go to Ebenezer to quiet things there and have taken all the proceedings in writing. Finding the people were only ignorant and obstinate, but without any ill intention, I consented to the changing of their Town. They leave a sweet place where they had made great improvements, to go into a wood.” Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. III, p. 13. Savannah, 1873.

Compare Harris’ Biographical Memorials of Oglethorpe, pp. 130, 132. Boston, 1841. Wright’s Memoir of Oglethorpe, p. 113. London, 1867.

[9] Strobel’s Saltzburgers and their Descendants, p. 89. Baltimore, 1855.

[10] Reverend Mr. John Wesley, writing in 1737, records in his Journal the following description of this abandoned settlement: “_Old Ebenezer_, where the _Saltzburghers_ settled at first, lies twenty-five miles west of _Savannah_. A small Creek runs by the Town, down to the River, and many Brooks run between the little Hills: But the soil is a hungry, barren sand; and upon any sudden Shower, the Brooks rise several Feet perpendicular, and overflow whatever is near them. Since the _Saltzburghers_ remov’d, two _English_ Families have been placed there; but these too say, _That the Land is good for nothing; and that the Creek is of little Use; it being by Water twenty miles to the River; and the Water generally so low in Summer-time, that a Boat cannot come within six or seven miles of the Town_.” An Extract of the Rev. Mr. John Wesley’s Journal, &c., &c., pp. 59, 60. Bristol, n. d.

[11] Journal of the Proceedings in Georgia, vol. I, pp. 226, 227. London, 1742.

In 1740 this Cow-Pen was still in existence at Old Ebenezer, the Trustees having a great number of cattle there. “But,” continues the narrative, “they were much neglected, there not being Horses or Men sufficient to drive up the young and outlying cattle.” A State of the Province attested upon Oath in the Court of Savannah, November 10, 1740, p. 9. London, 1742.

Compare An Impartial Enquiry into the State and Utility of the Province of Georgia, p. 48. London, 1741. Harris’ Complete Collection of Voyages and Travels, &c., vol. II, p. 337. London, 1748.

[12] Strobel’s Saltzburgers and their Descendants, p. 91. Baltimore, 1855.

[13] History of the Province of Georgia, &c., Plan facing p. 24. Wormsloe, 1849.

[14] An Impartial Enquiry into the State and Utility of the Province of Georgia, p. 47. London, 1741.

Another contemporaneous account is almost identical; “On the _Georgia_ side [of the Savannah river], twelve miles from _Purysburg_, is the Town of _Ebenezer_, which thrives very much; there are very good Houses built for each of the Ministers, and an Orphan House; and they have partly framed Houses and partly Huts, neatly built, and formed into regular streets; they have a great deal of Cattle and Corn-Ground, so that they sell Provisions at _Savannah_; for they raise much more than they can consume.” A State of the Province of Georgia attested upon Oath in the Court of Savannah, November 10, 1740, p. 5, London, 1742. See also idem, pp. 29, 31. “An Impartial Enquiry into the State and Utility of the Province of Georgia,” p. 13. London, 1741.

Compare Harris’ Complete Collection of Voyages and Travels, &c., vol. II, p. 337. London, 1748.

The Rev. Mr. John Wesley’s description is as follows: “_New Ebenezer_, to which the _Saltzburghers_ removed in _March, 1736_, lies six Miles Eastward from the _Old_, on a high bluff, near the _Savannah_ River. Here are some Tracts of Fruitful Land, tho’ the greatest Part of that adjoining to the Town, is Pine-barren. The Huts, 60 in number, are neatly and regularly built; the little Piece of Ground allotted to each for a Garden, is everywhere put to the best Use, no spot being left unplanted. Nay, even one of the main Streets, being one more than was as yet wanted, bore them this year a crop of _Indian Corn_.” An Extract of the Rev. Mr. John Wesley’s Journal, &c., p. 60. Bristol, n. d.

[15] An Impartial Enquiry into the State and Utility of the Province of Georgia, pp. 69, 72. London, 1741.

Compare A State of the Province of Georgia attested upon Oath, &c., pp. 5, 29, 30, 32. London, 1742. An Account showing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia in America, &c., pp. 66, 69. London, 1741.

[16] See McCall’s History of Georgia, vol. I, p. 199. Savannah, 1811.

[17] See Strobel’s Saltzburgers and their Descendants, p. 123. Baltimore, 1855.

[18] An Account showing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia, &c., pp. 39, 40. London, 1741.

[19] Chapter V, pp. 55, 59. London, 1733.

[20] An Account showing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia in America, p. 13. London, 1741.

[21] Martyn’s Reasons for establishing the Colony of Georgia with regard to the Trade of Great Britain, p. 9. London, 1733.

[22] An Account showing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia in America, &c., p. 32. London, 1741.

[23] Gentleman’s Magazine for 1755, p. 185. London Magazine for 1755, p. 186.

[24] Silk Culture in Georgia, by Dr. Stevens. Harris’ Memorials of Oglethorpe, pp. 410, 411. Boston, 1841.

[25] History of the Province of Georgia, &c., p. 20. Wormsloe, 1749.

[26] History of the Province of Georgia, &c., pp. 21, 22. Wormsloe, 1849.

[27] The Saltzburgers and their Descendants, &c., p. 149. Baltimore, 1855.

[28] History of the Province of Georgia, &c., p. 24. Wormsloe, 1849.

[29] Marbury and Crawford’s Digest, pp. 150, 151.

Under the Writs of Election issued by Sir James Wright in 1761, the following gentlemen were returned as members from St. Matthew’s Parish:

Abercorn and Goshen—William Francis.

Ebenezer—William Ewen, N. W. Jones, and James de Veaux.

McCall’s History of Georgia, vol I, p. 285.

[30] Watkins’ Digest, p. 8.

[31] See Strobel’s Saltzburgers and their Descendants, p. 194. Baltimore, 1855.

[32] In 1776, Ebenezer had been partially fortified by the Revolutionists. See letter of Sir James Wright to Lord George Germain under date March 20, 1776. Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. III, p. 239. Savannah, 1873.

[33] Strobel’s Saltzburgers and their Descendants, pp. 203, 207. Baltimore, 1855.

[34] Ebenezer is not mentioned among the principal towns of Georgia enumerated by George Sibbald in 1801.

See “Notes and Observations on the Pine Lands of Georgia,” &c., pp. 58 to 66. Augusta, 1801.

[35] Watkins’ Digest, p. 298.

[36] Marbury and Crawford’s Digest, pp. 154, 155.

[37] Marbury and Crawford’s Digest, p. 158.

[38] See Strobel’s Saltzburgers and their Descendants, p. 234. Baltimore, 1855.

[39] Rev’d P. A. Strobel.

[40] Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia with regard to the Trade of Great Britain, &c., pp. 38-41. London, 1733.

[41] A New and Accurate Account of the Provinces of South Carolina and Georgia, &c. London, 1733.

[42] See Copy of Charter, McCall’s History of Georgia, Vol. I, p. 329 et seq.: Savannah, 1811. Reasons for establishing the Colony of Georgia, &c., p. 29. London, 1733. A State of the Province of Georgia attested upon oath, &c., p. 1. London, 1742.

[43] See Letter of Gen’l Oglethorpe to the Trustees under date February 27th, 1735-6. Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, Vol. III, p. 15. Savannah, 1873.

[44] A Voyage to Georgia, begun in the year 1735 by Francis Moore, p. 17. London, 1744.

Compare Harris’ Complete Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol. II, p. 330. London, 1748. An Account Showing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia, &c., p. 20. London, 1741.

[45] Moore’s Voyage to Georgia, &c., p. 44. London, 1744.

[46] Named by Oglethorpe after _Frederick_, Prince of Wales.

[47] These are “long flat-bottomed boats carrying from 20 to 35 Tons. They have a kind of a Forecastle and a Cabbin; but the rest open, and no Deck. They have two Masts, which they can strike, and Sails like Schooners. They row generally with two Oars only.”

[48] The Aborigines cleared considerable spaces on the Sea Islands along the Georgia Coast, planting them with maize, pumpkins, gourds, beans, melons, &c. These indications of early agriculture were not infrequent in various portions of the State. The richest localities were selected by the Aborigines for cultivation: their principal towns and maize-fields being generally found in rich valleys where a generous soil yielded, with least labor, the most remunerative harvest. The trees were killed by girdling them by means of stone axes. They then decayed and fell piecemeal. So old were these Indian fields that in them no traces appeared of the roots and stumps even of the most durable trees. The occupancy of these islands by the Red race was general and of long duration. Prominent bluffs are to this day marked by their refuse heaps, composed chiefly of the shells of oysters, conchs, and clams, and the bones of the animals, reptiles, birds, and fishes upon which they subsisted, intermingled with sherds of pottery, and broken articles, and relics of various sorts. Many localities are hoary with ancient shell-mounds, while sepulchral tumuli of earth are not infrequent. Besides the primitive population permanently domiciled on these islands, at certain seasons of the year, large numbers of Indians from the main here congregated and spent much time in hunting and fishing.

[49] An Impartial Enquiry into the State and Utility of the Province of Georgia, pp. 40 and 41. London, 1741.

[50] Buffalo and quail were found on the Main.

[51] State of the Province of Georgia attested upon Oath, &c., p. 25. London, 1742.

Compare Affidavits of Lieut. Raymond Demare, Hugh MacKay, and John Cuthbert, to same effect. An Impartial Enquiry into the State and Utility of the Province of Georgia, pp. 61, 63, 64. London, 1741.

[52] Francis Moore, Voyage to Georgia, &c., p. 57. London, 1744.

[53] Moore says April. See A Voyage to Georgia, p. 63. London, 1744.

[54] Oglethorpe’s letter to the Lieutenant Governor of South Carolina. Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. III, p. 28. Savannah, 1873.

[55] This island was named _Wissoo_ by the Indians, signifying _Sassafras_. It was called Cumberland in memory of his Royal Highness, the Duke of Cumberland, at the suggestion of Toonahowi,—nephew of Tomo-chi-chi,—to whom, during his visit to England, the Duke had given a gold repeating watch, that he “might know how the time went.” “We will remember him at all times,” said Toonahowi, “and therefore will give this Island this name.”

[56] Called by the Spaniards _Santa Maria_.

[57] Moore’s Voyage to Georgia, p. 71. London, 1744.

[58] On the South-west side of Cumberland island, and upon a high neck of land commanding the water approaches each way, Fort St. Andrews was subsequently built. “Its walls were of wood, filled in with earth. Round about were a ditch and a palisade.” Wesley’s Journal, p. 61. Bristol, n. d.

[59] See Wright’s Memoir of Gen’l James Oglethorpe, p. 167. London, 1867.

[60] See A Journal of the Proceedings in Georgia, &c., vol. I, p. 98. London, 1742.

[61] See one of the Memorials of the Trustees in “An Account Shewing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia,” &c., p. 58. London, 1741.

[62] See Wright’s Memoir of Oglethorpe, p. 191. London, 1867.

[63] See Harris’ Memorials of Oglethorpe, pp. 188, 189. Boston, 1841. Wright’s Memoir of Oglethorpe, p. 191. London, 1867. Gentleman’s Magazine, vol. VIII, p. 164.

[64] Stephens’ Journal of Proceedings, vol. I, pp. 294, 295. London, 1742.

[65] Gentleman’s Magazine for January, 1739, p. 22.

[66] Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. III, p. 48. Savannah, 1873.

[67] Sketch of the Life of General James Oglethorpe. Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. I, p. 261. Savannah, 1840.

[68] Vol. II, p. 332. London, 1748.

[69] Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. III, p. 62. Savannah, 1873.

[70] Idem, p. 94.

[71] See Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. III, pp. 97, 101. Savannah, 1873.

[72] Compare Harris’ Complete Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. II, p. 337. London, 1748.

[73] Compare Gentleman’s Magazine, vol. IX, pp. 214, 215. Stephens’ Journal of Proceedings, vol. I, p. 326. London, 1742. McCall’s History of Georgia, vol. I, pp. 124, 125. Savannah, 1811. Hewitt’s Historical Account of the Rise and Progress of the Colonies of South Carolina and Georgia, vol. II, pp. 70, 71. London, 1779. Stevens’ History of Georgia, vol. I, pp. 154, 155. New York, 1847. Wright’s Memoir of Oglethorpe, pp. 204, 205. London, 1867. Harris’ Biographical Memorials of Oglethorpe, pp. 194, 195, 369. Boston, 1841.

[74] See McCall’s History of Georgia, vol. I, pp. 125, 126. Savannah, 1811.

[75] Hewitt’s Account of the Rise and Progress of the Colonies of South Carolina and Georgia, vol. II, pp. 72-74. London, 1779.

[76] Sketch of the Life of General James Oglethorpe. Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. I, p. 263. Savannah, 1840.

[77] See Stephens’ Journal of Proceedings, etc., vol. II, p. 153. London, 1742. Gentleman’s Magazine, vol. X, p. 129. Historical Sketch of Tomo-chi-chi, C. C. Jones, Jr., p. 120, _et seq._ Albany, 1868.

For the precise location of Tomo-chi-chi’s grave, see Plan of the City of Savannah and its Fortifications by John Gerar William DeBrahm, History of the Province of Georgia, etc., p. 36. Wormsloe, 1849.

[78] See Jones’ Historical Sketch of Tomo-chi-chi, pp. 107, 108. Albany, 1868. Gentleman’s Magazine, vol. XII, p. 497. Harris’ Memorials of Oglethorpe, pp. 256, 257. Boston, 1841.

[79] In the account of this transaction contained in the Gentleman’s Magazine for 1740, (volume X, page 129,) it is stated that after they were shot, the heads of these two Highlanders were cut off and their bodies cruelly mangled by the enemy. The perpetrators of this outrage consisted of Spaniards, negroes, and Indians. See Letter of General Oglethorpe to the Lieutenant Governor of South Carolina, dated November 16th, 1739. “The Spanish Hireling detected,” etc., pp. 50, 51. London, 1743.

[80] For full details of these incursions see letter of Gen. Oglethorpe to Col. Stephens, dated Frederica, 1st February, 1740. Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. III, pp. 105-108. Savannah, 1873.

[81] In a letter dated Frederica, December 29th, 1739, General Oglethorpe explained to the Carolina authorities his designs against St. Augustine, and the assistance he desired to receive from that Province. A requisition was therein made for twelve 18-pounder guns with two hundred rounds of ammunition for each piece, one mortar with proper complement of powder and bombs, eight hundred pioneers, either negroes or white men, and the requisite tools “such as spades, hoes, axes, and hatchets to dig trenches, make gabelines, and fascines.” Vessels and boats sufficient to transport the artillery, men, and provisions, and six thousand bushels of corn or rice to feed the thousand Indians who were to unite in the expedition, were also demanded. He also desired that as many horsemen as could be collected, should, under the guidance of Mr. McPherson or Mr. Jones, cross the Savannah and rendezvous at the ferry on the “Alata” river, from which point they would be conducted into “Spanish Florida.” It was suggested that fifty good horsemen might be raised at “Purrisburg,” and that four months’ provisions for four hundred men of his regiment should be contributed, and also boats sufficient to transport them. Of artillery on hand the General reported thirty-six coehorns and about eighteen hundred shells. In addition to the four hundred men drawn from his regiment, and the Indians whom he had engaged, he expected to be able to arm and utilize for the expedition about two hundred men of the Georgia Colony, if arrangements could be made for paying and feeding them. For this letter in full, see Harris’ Complete Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. II, pp. 338, 339. London, 1748.

See also “The Spanish Hireling detected,” etc., pp. 52-57. London, 1743.

[82] See Harris’ Memorials of Oglethorpe, pp. 378, 380. Boston, 1841.

[83] The object of this fort was to guard the passage of the St. Johns river and maintain communication with St. Marks and Pensacola. It was a place of some strength, and the traces of the earth-works there thrown up may still be seen about a fourth of a mile north of the termination of the Bellamy road. Fairbanks’ History and Antiquities of St. Augustine, pp. 144, 145. New York, 1858.

[84] This work had been erected by Don Diego de Spinosa upon his own estate. Its remains, with one or two cannon, are still visible. Idem, p. 144.

[85] See Letter of General Oglethorpe to the Lieutenant Governor of South Carolina, under date December 29, 1739. “The Spanish Hireling detected,” etc., pp. 57, 58. London, 1743. Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. III, pp. 108, 109. Savannah, 1873.

[86] “Spanish Hireling detected,” etc., pp. 59-61. London, 1743.

[87] Of South Carolina.

[88] This was an out-post on the North river, about two miles north of St. Augustine. A fortified line,—a considerable portion of which may now be traced,—extended across from the stoccades on the St. Sebastian to Fort Moosa. A communication by a tide creek existed through the marshes, between the Castle at St. Augustine and Fort Moosa. Fairbanks’ History and Antiquities of St. Augustine, p. 144. New York, 1858.

[89] The main battery on Anastasia island, called the Poza, was armed with four eighteen pounders and one nine pounder. Two eighteen pounders were mounted on the point of the wood of the island. The remains of the Poza battery are still to be seen, almost as distinctly marked as on the day of its erection. Four mortars and forty cohorns were employed in the siege. See Fairbanks’ History and Antiquities of St. Augustine, p. 146. New York, 1868.