SCENE II.--A DESART.

_Enter_ ORSBOURN _and_ HONNYMAN, _Two English Hunters_.

_Orsbourn._ Long have we toil'd, and rang'd the woods in vain; No Game, nor Track, nor Sign of any Kind Is to be seen; I swear I am discourag'd And weary'd out with this long fruitless Hunt. No Life on Earth besides is half so hard, So full of Disappointments, as a Hunter's: Each Morn he wakes he views the destin'd Prey, And counts the Profits of th' ensuing Day; Each Ev'ning at his curs'd ill Fortune pines, And till next Day his Hope of Gain resigns. By Jove, I'll from these Desarts hasten home, And swear that never more I'll touch a Gun.

_Honnyman._ These hateful Indians kidnap all the Game. Curse their black Heads! they fright the Deer and Bear, And ev'ry Animal that haunts the Wood, Or by their Witchcraft conjure them away. No Englishman can get a single Shot, While they go loaded home with Skins and Furs. 'Twere to be wish'd not one of them survived, Thus to infest the World, and plague Mankind. Curs'd Heathen Infidels! mere savage Beasts! They don't deserve to breathe in Christian Air, And should be hunted down like other Brutes.

_Orsbourn._ I only wish the Laws permitted us To hunt the savage Herd where-e'er they're found; I'd never leave the Trade of Hunting then, While one remain'd to tread and range the Wood.

_Honnyman._ Curse on the Law, I say, that makes it Death To kill an Indian, more than to kill a Snake. What if 'tis Peace? these Dogs deserve no Mercy; They kill'd my Father and my eldest Brother, Since which I hate their very Looks and Name.

_Orsbourn._ And I, since they betray'd and kill'd my Uncle; Tho' these are not the same, 'twould ease my Heart To cleave their painted Heads, and spill their Blood. I do abhor, detest, and hate them all, And now cou'd eat an Indian's Heart with Pleasure.

_Honnyman._ I'd join you, and soop his savage Brains for Sauce; I lose all Patience when I think of them, And, if you will, we'll quickly have amends For our long Travel and successless Hunt, And the sweet Pleasure of Revenge to boot.

_Orsbourn._ What will you do? Present, and pop one down?

_Honnyman._ Yes, faith, the first we meet well fraught with Furs; Or if there's Two, and we can make sure Work, By Jove, we'll ease the Rascals of their Packs, And send them empty home to their own Country. But then observe, that what we do is secret, Or the Hangman will come in for Snacks.

_Orsbourn._ Trust me for that; I'll join with all my Heart; Nor with a nicer Aim, or steadier Hand Would shoot a Tyger than I would an Indian. There is a Couple stalking now this way With lusty Packs; Heav'n favor our Design. Are you well charged?

_Honnyman._ I am. Take you the nearest, And mind to fire exactly when I do.

_Orsbourn._ A charming Chance!

_Honnyman._ Hush, let them still come nearer.

[_They shoot, and run to rifle the Indians._

They're down, old Boy, a Brace of noble Bucks!

_Orsbourn._ Well tallow'd faith, and noble Hides upon 'em.

[_Taking up a Pack._

We might have hunted all the Season thro' For Half this Game, and thought ourselves well paid.

_Honnyman._ By Jove, we might, and been at great Expense For Lead and Powder; here's a single Shot.

_Orsbourn._ I swear, I have got as much as I can carry.

_Honnyman._ And faith, I'm not behind; this Pack is heavy. But stop; we must conceal the tawny Dogs, Or their bloodthirsty Countrymen will find them, And then we're bit. There'll be the Devil to pay; They'll murder us, and cheat the Hangman too.

_Orsbourn._ Right. We'll prevent all Mischief of this Kind. Where shall we hide their Savage Carcases?

_Honnyman._ There they will lie conceal'd and snug enough.

[_They cover them._

But stay--perhaps ere long there'll be a War, And then their Scalps will sell for ready Cash, Two Hundred Crowns at least, and that's worth saving.

_Orsbourn._ Well! that is true; no sooner said than done--

[_Drawing his Knife._

I'll strip this Fellow's painted greasy Skull.

[_Strips off the Scalp._

_Honnyman._ Now let them sleep to Night without their Caps,

[_Takes the other Scalp._

And pleasant Dreams attend their long Repose.

_Orsbourn._ Their Guns and Hatchets now are lawful Prize, For they'll not need them on their present Journey.

_Honnyman._ The Devil hates Arms, and dreads the Smell of Powder; He'll not allow such Instruments about him; They're free from training now, they're in his Clutches.

_Orsbourn._ But, Honnyman, d'ye think this is not Murder? I vow I'm shocked a little to see them scalp'd, And fear their Ghosts will haunt us in the Dark.

_Honnyman._ It's no more Murder than to crack a Louse, That is, if you've the Wit to keep it private. And as to Haunting, Indians have no Ghosts, But as they live like Beasts, like Beasts they die. I've killed a Dozen in this selfsame Way, And never yet was troubled with their Spirits.

_Orsbourn._ Then I'm content; my Scruples are removed. And what I've done, my Conscience justifies. But we must have these Guns and Hatchets alter'd, Or they'll detect th' Affair, and hang us both.

_Honnyman._ That's quickly done--Let us with Speed return, And think no more of being hang'd or haunted; But turn our Fur to Gold, our Gold to Wine, Thus gaily spend what we've so slily won, And Bless the first Inventor of a Gun.

[_Exeunt._

The remaining scenes of this act exhibit the rudeness and insolence of British officers and soldiers in their dealings with the Indians, and the corruption of British government agents. Pontiac himself is introduced and represented as indignantly complaining of the reception which he and his warriors meet with. These scenes are overcharged with blasphemy and ribaldry, and it is needless to preserve them here. The rest of the play is written in better taste, and contains several vigorous passages.

_Appendix C._

DETROIT AND MICHILLIMACKINAC.

1. THE SIEGE OF DETROIT. (Chap. IX.-XV.)

The authorities consulted respecting the siege of Detroit consist of numerous manuscript letters of officers in the fort, including the official correspondence of the commanding officer; of several journals and fragments of journals; of extracts from contemporary newspapers; and of traditions and recollections received from Indians or aged Canadians of Detroit.

THE PONTIAC MANUSCRIPT.

This curious diary was preserved in a Canadian family at Detroit, and afterwards deposited with the Historical Society of Michigan. It is conjectured to have been the work of a French priest. The original is written in bad French, and several important parts are defaced or torn away. As a literary composition, it is quite worthless, being very diffuse and encumbered with dull and trivial details; yet this very minuteness affords strong internal evidence of its authenticity. Its general exactness with respect to facts is fully proved by comparing it with contemporary documents. I am indebted to General Cass for the copy in my possession, as well as for other papers respecting the war in the neighborhood of Detroit.

The manuscript appears to have been elaborately written out from a rough journal kept during the progress of the events which it describes. It commences somewhat ambitiously, as follows:--

"Pondiac, great chief of all the Ottawas, Chippewas, and Pottawattamies, and of all the nations of the lakes and rivers of the North, a man proud, vindictive, warlike, and easily offended, under pretence of some insult which he thought he had received from Maj. Gladwin, Commander of the Fort, conceived that, being great chief of all the Northern nations, only himself and those of his nations were entitled to inhabit this portion of the earth, where for sixty and odd years the French had domiciliated for the purpose of trading, and where the English had governed during three years by right of the conquest of Canada. The Chief and all his nation, whose bravery consists in treachery, resolved within himself the entire destruction of the English nation, and perhaps the Canadians. In order to succeed in his undertaking, which he had not mentioned to any of his nation the Ottawas, he engaged their aid by a speech, and they, naturally inclined to evil, did not hesitate to obey him. But, as they found themselves too weak to undertake the enterprise alone, their chief endeavored to draw to his party the Chippewa nation by means of a council. This nation was governed by a chief named Ninevois. This man, who acknowledged Pondiac as his chief, whose mind was weak, and whose disposition cruel, listened to his advances, and joined him with all his band. These two nations consisted together of about four hundred men. This number did not appear to him sufficient. It became necessary to bring into their interests the Hurons. This nation, divided into two bands, was governed by two different chiefs of dissimilar character, and nevertheless both led by their spiritual father, a Jesuit. The two chiefs of this last nation were named, one Takee, of a temper similar to Pondiac's, and the other Teata, a man of cautious disposition and of perfect prudence. This last was not easily won, and having no disposition to do evil, he refused to listen to the deputies sent by Pondiac, and sent them back. They therefore addressed themselves to the first-mentioned of this nation, by whom they were listened to, and from whom they received the war-belt, with promise to join themselves to Pondiac and Ninevois, the Ottawas and Chippewas chiefs. It was settled by means of wampum belts, (a manner of making themselves understood amongst distant savages,) that they should hold a council on the 27th of April, when should be decided the day and hour of the attack, and the precautions necessary to take in order that their perfidy should not be discovered. The manner of counting used by the Indians is by the moon; and it was resolved in the way I have mentioned, that this council should be held on the 15th day of the moon, which corresponded with Wednesday the 27th of the month of April."

The writer next describes the council at the River Ecorces, and recounts at full length the story of the Delaware Indian who visited the Great Spirit. "The Chiefs," he says, "listened to Pondiac as to an oracle, and told him they were ready to do any thing he should require."

He relates with great minuteness how Pontiac, with his chosen warriors, came to the fort on the 1st of May, to dance the calumet dance, and observe the strength and disposition of the garrison, and describes the council subsequently held at the Pottawattamie village, in order to adjust the plan of attack.

"The day fixed upon having arrived, all the Ottawas, Pondiac at their head, and the bad band of the Hurons, Takee at their head, met at the Pottawattamie village, where the premeditated council was to be held. Care was taken to send all the women out of the village, that they might not discover what was decided upon. Pondiac then ordered sentinels to be placed around the village, to prevent any interruption to their council. These precautions taken, each seated himself in the circle, according to his rank, and Pondiac, as great chief of the league, thus addressed them:--

"It is important, my brothers, that we should exterminate from our land this nation, whose only object is our death. You must be all sensible, as well as myself, that we can no longer supply our wants in the way we were accustomed to do with our Fathers the French. They sell us their goods at double the price that the French made us pay, and yet their merchandise is good for nothing; for no sooner have we bought a blanket or other thing to cover us than it is necessary to procure others against the time of departing for our wintering ground. Neither will they let us have them on credit, as our brothers the French used to do. When I visit the English chief, and inform him of the death of any of our comrades, instead of lamenting, as our brothers the French used to do, they make game of us. If I ask him for any thing for our sick, he refuses, and tells us he does not want us, from which it is apparent he seeks our death. We must therefore, in return, destroy them without delay; there is nothing to prevent us: there are but few of them, and we shall easily overcome them,--why should we not attack them? Are we not men? Have I not shown you the belts I received from our Great Father the King of France? He tells us to strike,--why should we not listen to his words? What do you fear? The time has arrived. Do you fear that our brothers the French, who are now among us, will hinder us? They are not acquainted with our designs, and if they did know them, could they prevent them? You know, as well as myself, that when the English came upon our lands, to drive from them our father Bellestre, they took from the French all the guns that they have, so that they have now no guns to defend themselves with. Therefore now is the time: let us strike. Should there be any French to take their part, let us strike them as we do the English. Remember what the Giver of Life desired our brother the Delaware to do: this regards us as much as it does them. I have sent belts and speeches to our friends the Chippeways of Saginaw, and our brothers the Ottawas of Michillimakinac, and to those of the Riviere a la Tranche, (Thames River,) inviting them to join us, and they will not delay. In the mean time, let us strike. There is no longer any time to lose, and when the English shall be defeated, we will stop the way, so that no more shall return upon our lands.

"This discourse, which Pondiac delivered in a tone of much energy, had upon the whole council all the effect which he could have expected, and they all, with common accord, swore the entire destruction of the English nation.

"At the breaking up of the council, it was decided that Pondiac, with sixty chosen men, should go to the Fort to ask for a grand council from the English commander, and that they should have arms concealed under their blankets. That the remainder of the village should follow them armed with tomahawks, daggers, and knives, concealed under their blankets, and should enter the Fort, and walk about in such a manner as not to excite suspicion, whilst the others held council with the Commander. The Ottawa women were also to be furnished with short guns and other offensive weapons concealed under their blankets. They were to go into the back streets in the Fort. They were then to wait for the signal agreed upon, which was the cry of death, which the Grand Chief was to give, on which they should altogether strike upon the English, taking care not to hurt any of the French inhabiting the Fort."

The author of the diary, unlike other contemporary writers, states that the plot was disclosed to Gladwyn by a man of the Ottawa tribe, and not by an Ojibwa girl. He says, however, that on the day after the failure of the design Pontiac sent to the Pottawattamie village in order to seize an Ojibwa girl whom he suspected of having betrayed him.

"Pondiac ordered four Indians to take her and bring her before him; these men, naturally inclined to disorder, were not long in obeying their chief; they crossed the river immediately in front of their village, and passed into the Fort naked, having nothing but their breech-clouts on and their knives in their hands, and crying all the way that their plan had been defeated, which induced the French people of the Fort, who knew nothing of the designs of the Indians, to suspect that some bad design was going forward, either against themselves or the English. They arrived at the Pottawattamie village, and in fact found the woman, who was far from thinking of them; nevertheless they seized her, and obliged her to march before them, uttering cries of joy in the manner they do when they hold a victim in their clutches on whom they are going to exercise their cruelty: they made her enter the Fort, and took her before the Commandant, as if to confront her with him, and asked him if it was not from her he had learnt their design; but they were no better satisfied than if they had kept themselves quiet. They obtained from that Officer bread and beer for themselves, and for her. They then led her to their chief in the village."

The diary leaves us in the dark as to the treatment which the girl received; but there is a tradition among the Canadians that Pontiac, with his own hand, gave her a severe beating with a species of racket, such as the Indians use in their ball-play. An old Indian told Henry Conner, formerly United States interpreter at Detroit, that she survived her punishment, and lived for many years; but at length, contracting intemperate habits, she fell, when intoxicated, into a kettle of boiling maple-sap, and was so severely scalded that she died in consequence.

The outbreak of hostilities, the attack on the fort, and the detention of Campbell and McDougal are related at great length, and with all the minuteness of an eye-witness. The substance of the narrative is incorporated in the body of the work. The diary is very long, detailing the incidents of every passing day, from the 7th of May to the 31st of July. Here it breaks off abruptly in the middle of a sentence, the remaining part having been lost or torn away. The following extracts, taken at random, will serve to indicate the general style and character of the journal:--

"Saturday, June 4th. About 4 P. M. cries of death were heard from the Indians. The cause was not known, but it was supposed they had obtained some prize on the Lake.

"Sunday, June 5th. The Indians fired a few shots upon the Fort to-day. About 2 P. M. cries of death were again heard on the opposite side of the River. A number of Indians were descried, part on foot and part mounted. Others were taking up two trading boats, which they had taken on the lake. The vessel fired several shots at them, hoping they would abandon their prey, but they reached Pondiac's camp uninjured....

"About 7 P. M. news came that a number of Indians had gone down as far as Turkey Island, opposite the small vessel which was anchored there, but that, on seeing them, she had dropped down into the open Lake, to wait for a fair wind to come up the river.

"Monday, June 20th. The Indians fired some shots upon the fort. About 4 P. M. news was brought that Presquisle and Beef River Forts, which had been established by the French, and were now occupied by the English, had been destroyed by the Indians....

"Wednesday, June 22d. The Indians, whose whole attention was directed to the vessel, did not trouble the Fort. In the course of the day, the news of the taking of Presquisle was confirmed, as a great number of the Indians were seen coming along the shore with prisoners. The Commandant was among the number, and with him one woman: both were presented to the Hurons. In the afternoon, the Commandant received news of the lading of the vessel, and the number of men on board. The Indians again visited the French for provisions.

"Thursday, June 23d. Very early in the morning, a great number of Indians were seen passing behind the Fort: they joined those below, and all repaired to Turkey Island. The river at this place is very narrow. The Indians commenced making intrenchments of trees, &c., on the beach, where the vessel was to pass, whose arrival they awaited. About ten of the preceding night, the wind coming aft, the vessel weighed anchor, and came up the river. When opposite the Island the wind fell, and they were obliged to throw the anchor; as they knew they could not reach the Fort without being attacked by the Indians, they kept a strict watch. In order to deceive the Indians, the captain had hid in the hold sixty of his men, suspecting that the Indians, seeing only about a dozen men on deck, would try to take the vessel, which occurred as he expected. About 9 at night they got in their canoes, and made for the vessel, intending to board her. They were seen far off by one of the sentinels. The captain immediately ordered up all his men in the greatest silence, and placed them along the sides of the vessel, with their guns in their hands, loaded, with orders to wait the signal for firing, which was the rap of a hammer on the mast. The Indians were allowed to approach within less than gunshot, when the signal was given, and a discharge of cannon and small arms made upon them. They retreated to their intrenchment with the loss of fourteen killed and fourteen wounded; from which they fired during the night, and wounded two men. In the morning the vessel dropped down to the Lake for a more favorable wind.

"Friday, June 24th. The Indians were occupied with the vessel. Two Indians back of the Fort were pursued by twenty men, and escaped.

"Saturday, June 25th. Nothing occurred this day.

"Sunday, June 26th. Nothing of consequence.

"Monday, June 27th. Mr. Gamelin, who was in the practice of visiting Messrs. Campbell and McDougall, brought a letter to the Commandant from Mr. Campbell, dictated by Pondiac, in which he requested the Commandant to surrender the Fort, as in a few days he expected Kee-no-chameck, great chief of the Chippewas, with eight hundred men of his nation; that he (Pondiac) would not then be able to command them, and as soon as they arrived, they would scalp all the English in the Fort. The Commandant only answered that he cared as little for him as he did for them....

"This evening, the Commandant was informed that the Ottawas and Chippewas had undertaken another raft, which might be more worthy of attention than the former ones: it was reported to be of pine boards, and intended to be long enough to go across the river. By setting fire to every part of it, it could not help, by its length, coming in contact with the vessel, which by this means they expected would certainly take fire. Some firing took place between the vessel and Indians, but without effect.

"Tuesday, July 19th. The Indians attempted to fire on the Fort, but being discovered, they were soon made to retreat by a few shot.

"Wednesday, July 20th. Confirmation came to the Fort of the report of the 18th, and that the Indians had been four days at work at their raft, and that it would take eight more to finish it. The Commandant ordered that two boats should be lined or clapboarded with oak plank, two inches thick, and the same defence to be raised above the gunnels of the boats of two feet high. A swivel was put on each of them, and placed in such a way that they could be pointed in three different directions.

"Thursday, July 21st. The Indians were too busily occupied to pay any attention to the Fort; so earnest were they in the work of the raft that they hardly allowed themselves time to eat. The Commandant farther availed himself of the time allowed him before the premeditated attack to put every thing in proper order to repulse it. He ordered that two strong graplins should be provided for each of the barges, a strong iron chain of fifteen feet was to be attached to the boat, and conducting a strong cable under water, fastened to the graplins, and the boats were intended to be so disposed as to cover the vessel, by mooring them, by the help of the above preparations, above her. The inhabitants of the S. W. ridge, or hill, again got a false alarm. It was said the Indians intended attacking them during the night: they kept on their guard till morning.

"Friday, July 22d. An Abenakee Indian arrived this day, saying that he came direct from Montreal, and gave out that a large fleet of French was on its way to Canada, full of troops, to dispossess the English of the country. However fallacious such a story might appear, it had the effect of rousing Pondiac from his inaction, and the Indians set about their raft with more energy than ever. They had left off working at it since yesterday"....

It is needless to continue these extracts farther. Those already given will convey a sufficient idea of the character of the diary.

REMINISCENSES OF AGED CANADIANS.

About the year 1824, General Cass, with the design of writing a narrative of the siege of Detroit by Pontiac, caused inquiry to be made among the aged Canadian inhabitants, many of whom could distinctly remember the events of 1763. The accounts received from them were committed to paper, and were placed by General Cass, with great liberality, in the writer's hands. They afford an interesting mass of evidence, as worthy of confidence as evidence of the kind can be. With but one exception,--the account of Maxwell,--they do not clash with the testimony of contemporary documents. Much caution has, however, been observed in their use; and no essential statement has been made on their unsupported authority. The most prominent of these accounts are those of Peltier, St. Aubin, Gouin, Meloche, Parent, and Maxwell.

PELTIER'S ACCOUNT.

M. Peltier was seventeen years old at the time of Pontiac's war. His narrative, though one of the longest of the collection, is imperfect, since, during a great part of the siege, he was absent from Detroit in search of runaway horses, belonging to his father. His recollection of the earlier part of the affair is, however, clear and minute. He relates, with apparent credulity, the story of the hand of the murdered Fisher protruding from the earth, as if in supplication for the neglected rites of burial. He remembers that, soon after the failure of Pontiac's attempt to surprise the garrison, he punished, by a severe flogging, a woman named Catharine, accused of having betrayed the plot. He was at Detroit during the several attacks on the armed vessels, and the attempts to set them on fire by means of blazing rafts.

ST. AUBIN'S ACCOUNT.

St. Aubin was fifteen years old at the time of the siege. It was his mother who crossed over to Pontiac's village shortly before the attempt on the garrison, and discovered the Indians in the act of sawing off the muzzles of their guns, as related in the narrative. He remembers Pontiac at his headquarters, at the house of Meloche; where his commissaries served out provision to the Indians. He himself was among those who conveyed cattle across the river to the English, at a time when they were threatened with starvation. One of his most vivid recollections is that of seeing the head of Captain Dalzell stuck on the picket of a garden fence, on the day after the battle of Bloody Bridge. His narrative is one of the most copious and authentic of the series.

GOUIN'S ACCOUNT.

M. Gouin was but eleven years old at the time of the war. His father was a prominent trader, and had great influence over the Indians. On several occasions, he acted as mediator between them and the English; and when Major Campbell was bent on visiting the camp of Pontiac, the elder Gouin strenuously endeavored to prevent the attempt. Pontiac often came to him for advice. His son bears emphatic testimony to the extraordinary control which the chief exercised over his followers, and to the address which he displayed in the management of his commissary department. This account contains many particulars not elsewhere mentioned, though bearing all the appearance of truth. It appears to have been composed partly from the recollections of the younger Gouin, and partly from information derived from his father.

MELOCHE'S ACCOUNT.

Mad. Meloche lived, when a child, on the borders of the Detroit, between the river and the camp of Pontiac. On one occasion, when the English were cannonading the camp from their armed schooner in the river, a shot struck her father's house, throwing down a part of the walls. After the death of Major Campbell, she picked up a pocket-book belonging to him, which the Indians had left on the ground. It was full of papers, and she carried it to the English in the fort.

PARENT'S ACCOUNT.

M. Parent was twenty-two years old when the war broke out. His recollections of the siege are, however, less exact than those of some of the former witnesses, though his narrative preserves several interesting incidents.

MAXWELL'S ACCOUNT.

Maxwell was an English provincial, and pretended to have been a soldier under Gladwyn. His story belies the statement. It has all the air of a narrative made up from hearsay, and largely embellished from imagination. It has been made use of only in a few instances, where it is amply supported by less questionable evidence. This account seems to have been committed to paper by Maxwell himself, as the style is very rude and illiterate.

The remaining manuscripts consulted with reference to the siege of Detroit have been obtained from the State Paper Office of London, and from a few private autograph collections. Some additional information has been derived from the columns of the New York Mercury, and the Pennsylvania Gazette for 1763, where various letters written by officers at Detroit are published.

2. THE MASSACRE OF MICHILLIMACKINAC. (Chap. XVII.)

The following letter may be regarded with interest, as having been written by the commander of the unfortunate garrison a few days after the massacre. A copy of the original was procured from the State Paper Office of London.

Michillimackinac, 12 June, 1763.

Sir:

Notwithstanding that I wrote you in my last, that all the savages were arrived, and that every thing seemed in perfect tranquillity, yet, on the 2d instant, the Chippewas, who live in a plain near this fort, assembled to play ball, as they had done almost every day since their arrival. They played from morning till noon; then throwing their ball close to the gate, and observing Lieut. Lesley and me a few paces out of it, they came behind us, seized and carried us into the woods.

In the mean time the rest rushed into the Fort, where they found their squaws, whom they had previously planted there, with their hatchets hid under their blankets, which they took, and in an instant killed Lieut. Jamet and fifteen rank and file, and a trader named Tracy. They wounded two, and took the rest of the garrison prisoners, five [seven, Henry] of whom they have since killed.

They made prisoners all the English Traders, and robbed them of every thing they had; but they offered no violence to the persons or property of any of the Frenchmen.

When that massacre was over, Messrs. Langlade and Farli, the Interpreter, came down to the place where Lieut. Lesley and me were prisoners; and on their giving themselves as security to return us when demanded, they obtained leave for us to go to the Fort, under a guard of savages, which gave time, by the assistance of the gentlemen above-mentioned, to send for the Outaways, who came down on the first notice, and were very much displeased at what the Chippeways had done.

Since the arrival of the Outaways they have done every thing in their power to serve us, and with what prisoners the Chippeways had given them, and what they have bought, I have now with me Lieut. Lesley and eleven privates; and the other four of the Garrison, who are yet living, remain in the hands of the Chippeways.

The Chippeways, who are superior in number to the Ottaways, have declared in Council to them that if they do not remove us out of the Fort, they will cut off all communication to this Post, by which means all the Convoys of Merchants from Montreal, La Baye, St. Joseph, and the upper posts, would perish. But if the news of your posts being attacked (which they say was the reason why they took up the hatchet) be false, and you can send up a strong reinforcement, with provisions, &c., accompanied by some of your savages, I believe the post might be re-established again.

Since this affair happened, two canoes arrived from Montreal, which put in my power to make a present to the Ottaway nation, who very well deserve any thing that can be done for them.

I have been very much obliged to Messrs. Langlade and Farli, the Interpreter, as likewise to the Jesuit, for the many good offices they have done us on this occasion. The Priest seems inclinable to go down to your post for a day or two, which I am very glad of, as he is a very good man, and had a great deal to say with the savages, hereabout, who will believe every thing he tells them on his return, which I hope will be soon. The Outaways say they will take Lieut. Lesley, me, and the Eleven men which I mentioned before were in their hands, up to their village, and there keep us, till they hear what is doing at your Post. They have sent this canot for that purpose.

I refer you to the Priest for the particulars of this melancholy affair, and am, Dear Sir,

Yours very sincerely, [Signed] GEO. ETHERINGTON.

TO MAJOR GLADWYN.

P. S. The Indians that are to carry the Priest to Detroit will not undertake to land him at the Fort, but at some of the Indian villages near it; so you must not take it amiss that he does not pay you the first visit. And once more I beg that nothing may stop your sending of him back, the next day after his arrival, if possible, as we shall be at a great loss for the want of him, and I make no doubt that you will do all in your power to make peace, as you see the situation we are in, and send up provision as soon as possible, and Ammunition, as what we had was pillaged by the savages.

Adieu. GEO. ETHERINGTON.

_Appendix D._

THE WAR ON THE BORDERS.

THE BATTLE OF BUSHY RUN. (Chap. XX.)

The despatches written by Colonel Bouquet, immediately after the two battles near Bushy Run, contain so full and clear an account of those engagements, that the collateral authorities consulted have served rather to decorate and enliven the narrative than to add to it any important facts. The first of these letters was written by Bouquet under the apprehension that he should not survive the expected conflict of the next day. Both were forwarded to the commander-in-chief by the same express, within a few days after the victory. The letters as here given were copied from the originals in the London offices.

Camp at Edge Hill, 26 Miles from Fort Pitt, 5th August, 1763.

Sir:

The Second Instant the Troops and Convoy Arrived at Ligonier, whence I could obtain no Intelligence of the Enemy; The Expresses Sent since the beginning of July, having been Either killed, or Obliged to Return, all the Passes being Occupied by the Enemy: In this uncertainty I Determined to Leave all the Waggons with the Powder, and a Quantity of Stores and Provisions, at Ligonier; And on the 4th proceeded with the Troops, and about 350 Horses Loaded with Flour.

I Intended to have Halted to Day at Bushy Run, (a Mile beyond this Camp,) and after having Refreshed the Men and Horses, to have Marched in the Night over Turtle Creek, a very Dangerous Defile of Several Miles, Commanded by High and Craggy Hills: But at one o'clock this Afternoon, after a march of 17 Miles, the Savages suddenly Attacked our Advanced Guard, which was immediately Supported by the two Light Infantry Companies of the 42d Regiment, Who Drove the Enemy from their Ambuscade, and pursued them a good Way. The Savages Returned to the Attack, and the Fire being Obstinate on our Front, and Extending along our Flanks, We made a General Charge, with the whole Line, to Dislodge the Savages from the Heights, in which attempt We succeeded without Obtaining by it any Decisive Advantage; for as soon as they were driven from One Post, they Appeared on Another,'till, by continual Reinforcements, they were at last able to Surround Us, and attacked the Convoy left in our Rear; This Obliged us to March Back to protect it; The Action then became General, and though we were attacked on Every Side, and the Savages Exerted themselves with Uncommon Resolution, they were constantly Repulsed with Loss.--We also Suffered Considerably: Capt. Lieut. Graham, and Lieut. James McIntosh of the 42d, are Killed, and Capt. Graham Wounded.

Of the Royal Amer'n Regt., Lieut. Dow, who acted as A. D. Q. M. G. is shot through the Body.

Of the 77th, Lieut. Donald Campbell, and Mr. Peebles, a Volunteer, are Wounded.

Our Loss in Men, Including Rangers, and Drivers, Exceeds Sixty, Killed or Wounded.

The Action has Lasted from One O'Clock 'till Night, And We Expect to Begin again at Day Break. Whatever Our Fate may be, I thought it necessary to Give Your Excellency this Early Information, that You may, at all Events, take such Measures as You will think proper with the Provinces, for their own Safety, and the Effectual Relief of Fort Pitt, as in Case of Another Engagement I Fear Insurmountable Difficulties in protecting and Transporting our Provisions, being already so much Weakened by the Losses of this Day, in Men and Horses; besides the Additional Necessity of Carrying the Wounded, Whose Situation is truly Deplorable.

I Cannot Sufficiently Acknowledge the Constant Assistance I have Received from Major Campbell, during this long Action; Nor Express my Admiration of the Cool and Steady Behavior of the Troops, Who Did not Fire a Shot, without Orders, and Drove the Enemy from their Posts with Fixed Bayonets.--The Conduct of the Officers is much above my Praises.

I Have the Honor to be, with great Respect, Sir, &ca. HENRY BOUQUET.

His Excellency SIR JEFFREY AMHERST.

Camp at Bushy Run, 6th August, 1763.

Sir:

I Had the Honor to Inform Your Excellency in my letter of Yesterday of our first Engagement with the Savages.

We Took Post last Night on the Hill, where Our Convoy Halted, when the Front was Attacked, (a commodious piece of Ground, and Just Spacious Enough for our Purpose.) There We Encircled the Whole, and Covered our Wounded with the Flour Bags.

In the Morning the Savages Surrounded our Camp, at the Distance of about 500 Yards, and by Shouting and Yelping, quite Round that Extensive Circumference, thought to have Terrified Us, with their Numbers. They Attacked Us Early, and, under Favour of an Incessant Fire, made Several Bold Efforts to Penetrate our Camp; And tho' they Failed in the Attempt, our Situation was not the Less Perplexing, having Experienced that Brisk Attacks had Little Effect upon an Enemy, who always gave Way when Pressed, & Appeared again Immediately; Our Troops were besides Extremely Fatigued with the Long March, and as long Action of the Preceding Day, and Distressed to the Last Degree, by a Total Want of Water, much more Intolerable than the Enemy's Fire.

Tied to our Convoy We could not Lose Sight of it, without Exposing it, and our Wounded, to Fall a prey to the Savages, who Pressed upon Us on Every Side; and to Move it was Impracticable, having lost many horses, and most of the Drivers, Stupified by Fear, hid themselves in the Bushes, or were Incapable of Hearing or Obeying Orders.

The Savages growing Every Moment more Audacious, it was thought proper still to increase their Confidence; by that means, if possible, to Entice them to Come Close upon Us, or to Stand their Ground when Attacked. With this View two Companies of Light Infantry were Ordered within the Circle, and the Troops on their Right and Left opened their Files, and Filled up the Space that it might seem they were intended to Cover the Retreat; The Third Light Infantry Company, and the Grenadiers of the 42d, were Ordered to Support the two First Companys. This Man[oe]uvre Succeeded to Our Wish, for the Few Troops who Took possession of the Ground lately Occupied by the two Light Infantry Companys being Brought in Nearer to the Centre of the Circle, the Barbarians, mistaking these Motions for a Retreat, Hurried Headlong on, and Advancing upon Us, with the most Daring Intrepidity, Galled us Excessively with their Heavy Fire; But at the very moment that, Certain of Success, they thought themselves Masters of the Camp, Major Campbell, at the Head of the two First Companys, Sallied out from a part of the Hill they Could not Observe, and Fell upon their Right Flank; They Resolutely Returned the Fire, but could not Stand the Irresistible Shock of our Men, Who, Rushing in among them, Killed many of them, and Put the Rest to Flight. The Orders sent to the Other Two Companys were Delivered so timely by Captain Basset, and Executed with such Celerity and Spirit, that the Routed Savages, who happened to Run that Moment before their Front, Received their Full Fire, when Uncovered by the Trees: The Four Companys Did not give them time to Load a Second time, nor Even to Look behind them, but Pursued them 'till they were Totally Dispersed. The Left of the Savages, which had not been Attacked, were kept in Awe by the Remains of our Troops, Posted on the Brow of the Hill, for that Purpose; Nor Durst they Attempt to Support, or Assist their Right, but being Witness to their Defeat, followed their Example and Fled. Our Brave Men Disdained so much to Touch the Dead Body of a Vanquished Enemy, that Scarce a Scalp was taken, Except by the Rangers, and Pack Horse Drivers.

The Woods being now Cleared and the Pursuit over, the Four Companys took possession of a Hill in our Front; and as soon as Litters could be made for the Wounded, and the Flour and Every thing Destroyed, which, for want of Horses, could not be Carried, We Marched without Molestation to this Camp. After the Severe Correction We had given the Savages a few hours before, it was Natural to Suppose We should Enjoy some Rest; but We had hardly Fixed our Camp, when they fired upon Us again: This was very Provoking! However, the Light Infantry Dispersed them, before they could Receive Orders for that purpose.--I Hope We shall be no more Disturbed, for, if We have another Action, We shall hardly be able to Carry our Wounded.

The Behavior of the Troops, on this Occasion, Speaks for itself so Strongly, that for me to Attempt their Eulogium, would but Detract from their merit.

I Have the Honor to be, most Respectfully, Sir, &ca. HENRY BOUQUET.

P. S. I Have the Honor to Enclose the Return of the Killed, Wounded, and Missing in the two Engagements.

H. B.

His Excellency SIR JEFFREY AMHERST.

_Appendix E._

THE PAXTON RIOTS.

1. EVIDENCE AGAINST THE INDIANS OF CONESTOGA. (Chap. XXIV.)

Abraham Newcomer, a Mennonist, by trade a Gunsmith, upon his affirmation, declared that several times, within these few years, Bill Soc and Indian John, two of the Conestogue Indians, threatened to scalp him for refusing to mend their tomahawks, and swore they would as soon scalp him as they would a dog. A few days before Bill Soc was killed, he brought a tomahawk to be steeled. Bill said, "If you will not, I'll have it mended to your sorrow," from which expression I apprehended danger.

Mrs. Thompson, of the borough of Lancaster, personally appeared before the Chief Burgess, and upon her solemn oath, on the Holy Evangelists, said that in the summer of 1761, Bill Soc came to her apartment, and threatened her life, saying, "I kill you, all Lancaster can't catch me," which filled me with terror; and this lady further said, Bill Soc added, "Lancaster is mine, and I will have it yet."

Colonel John Hambright, gentleman, an eminent Brewer of the Borough of Lancaster, personally appeared before Robert Thompson, Esq., a justice for the county of Lancaster, and made oath on the Holy Evangelists, that, in August, 1757, he, an officer, was sent for provision from Fort Augusta to Fort Hunter, that on his way he rested at M'Kee's old place; a Sentinel was stationed behind a tree, to prevent surprise. The Sentry gave notice Indians were near; the deponent crawled up the bank and discovered two Indians; one was Bill Soc, lately killed at Lancaster. He called Bill Soc to come to him, but the Indians ran off. When the deponent came to Fort Hunter, he learnt that an old man had been killed the day before; Bill Soc and his companion were believed to be the perpetrators of the murder. He, the deponent, had frequently seen Bill Soc and some of the Conestogue Indians at Fort Augusta, trading with the Indians, but, after the murder of the old man, Bill Soc did not appear at that Garrison.

JOHN HAMBRIGHT.

Sworn and Subscribed the 28th of Feb., 1764, before me,

ROBERT THOMPSON, Justice.

Charles Cunningham, of the county of Lancaster, personally appeared before me, Thomas Foster, Esq., one of the Magistrates for said county, and being qualified according to law, doth depose and say, that he, the deponent, heard Joshua James, an Indian, say, that he never killed a white man in his life, but six dutchmen that he killed in the Minisinks.

CHARLES CUNNINGHAM.

Sworn To, and Subscribed before THOMAS FOSTER, Justice.

Alexander Stephen, of the county of Lancaster, personally appeared before Thomas Foster, Esq., one of the Magistrates, and being duly qualified according to law, doth say, that Connayak Sally, an Indian woman, told him that the Conestogue Indians had killed Jegrea, an Indian, because he would not join the Conestogue Indians in destroying the English. James Cotter told the deponent that he was one of the three that killed old William Hamilton, on Sherman's Creek, and also another man, with seven of his family. James Cotter demanded of the deponent a canoe, which the murderers had left, as Cotter told him when the murder was committed.

ALEXANDER STEPHEN.

THOMAS FOSTER, Justice.

_Note._--Jegrea was a Warrior Chief, friendly to the Whites, and he threatened the Conestogue Indians with his vengeance, if they harmed the English. Cotter was one of the Indians, killed in Lancaster county, in 1763.

Anne Mary Le Roy, of Lancaster, appeared before the Chief Burgess, and being sworn on the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God, did depose and say, that in the year 1755, when her Father, John Jacob Le Roy, and many others, were murdered by the Indians, at Mahoney, she, her brother, and some others were made prisoners, and taken to Kittanning; that stranger Indians visited them; the French told them they were Conestogue Indians, and that Isaac was the only Indian true to their interest; and that the Conestogue Indians, with the exception of Isaac, were ready to lift the hatchet when ordered by the French. She asked Bill Soc's mother whether she had ever been at Kittanning? she said "no, but her son, Bill Soc, had been there often; that he was good for nothing."

MARY LE ROY.

2. PROCEEDINGS OF THE RIOTERS. (Chap. XXIV., XXV.)

Deposition of Felix Donolly, keeper of Lancaster Jail.

This deposition is imperfect, a part of the manuscript having been defaced or torn away. The original, in the handwriting of Edward Shippen, the chief magistrate of Lancaster, was a few years since in the possession of Redmond Conyngham, Esq.

The breaking open the door alarmed me; armed men broke in; they demanded the strange Indian to be given up; they ran by me; the Indians guessed their intention; they seized billets of wood from the pile; but the three most active were shot; others came to their assistance; I was stupefied; before I could shake off my surprise, the Indians were killed and their murderers away.

Q. You say, "Indians armed themselves with wood;" did those Indians attack the rioters?

A. They did. If they had not been shot, they would have killed the men who entered, for they were the strongest.

Q. Could the murder have been prevented by you?

A. No: I nor no person here could have prevented it.

Q. What number were the rioters?

A. I should say fifty.

Q. Did you know any of them?

A. No; they were strangers.

Q. Do you now know who was in command?

A. I have been told, Lazarus Stewart of Donegal.

Q. If the Indians had not attempted resistance, would the men have fled? (fired?)

A. I couldn't tell; I do not know.

Q. Do you think or believe that the rioters came with the intent to murder?

A. I heard them say, when they broke in, they wanted a strange Indian.

Q. Was their object to murder him?

A. From what I have heard since, I think they meant to carry him off; that is my belief.

Q. What was their purpose?

A. I do not know.

Q. Were the Indians killed all friends of this province?

A. I have been told they were not. I cannot tell of myself; I do not know.

Donolly was suspected of a secret inclination in favor of the rioters. In private conversation he endeavored to place their conduct in as favorable a light as possible, and indeed such an intention is apparent in the above deposition.

Letter from Edward Shippen to Governor Hamilton.

Lancaster, ----, 1764.

Honoured Sir:

I furnish you with a full detail of all the particulars that could be gathered of the unhappy transactions of the fourteenth and twenty-seventh of December last, as painful for you to read as me to write. The Depositions can only state the fact that the Indians were killed. Be assured the Borough Authorities, when they placed the Indians in the Workhouse, thought it a place of security. I am sorry the Indians were not removed to Philadelphia, as recommended by us. It is too late to remedy. It is much to be regretted that there are evil-minded persons among us, who are trying to corrupt the minds of the people by idle tales and horrible butcheries--are injuring the character of many of our most respectable people. That printers should have lent their aid astonishes me when they are employed by the Assembly to print their laws. I can see no good in meeting their falsehoods by counter statements.

The Rev. Mr. Elder and Mr. Harris are determined to rely upon the reputation they have so well established.

For myself, I can only say that, possessing your confidence, and that of the Proprietaries, with a quiet conscience, I regard not the malignant pens of secret assailants--men who had not the courage to affix their names. Is it not strange that a too ready belief was at first given to the slanderous epistles? Resting on the favor I have enjoyed of the Government; on the confidence reposed in me, by you and the Proprietaries; by the esteem of my fellow-men in Lancaster, I silently remain passive.

Yours affectionately, EDWARD SHIPPEN.

Extract from a letter of the Rev. Mr. Elder to Governor Penn, December 27, 1763.

The storm which had been so long gathering, has at length exploded. Had Government removed the Indians from Conestoga, which had frequently been urged, without success, this painful catastrophe might have been avoided. What could I do with men heated to madness? All that I could do, was done; I expostulated; but _life_ and _reason_ were set at defiance. And yet the men, in private life, are virtuous and respectable; not cruel, but mild and merciful.

The time will arrive when each palliating circumstance will be calmly weighed. This deed, magnified into the blackest of crimes, shall be considered one of those youthful ebullitions of wrath caused by momentary excitement, to which human infirmity is subjected.

Extract from "The Paxtoniade," a poem in imitation of Hudibras, published at Philadelphia, 1764, by a partisan of the Quaker faction:--

O'Hara mounted on his Steed, (Descendant of that self-same Ass, That bore his Grandsire Hudibras,) And from that same exalted Station, Pronounced an hortory Oration: For he was cunning as a fox, Had read o'er Calvin and Dan Nox; A man of most profound Discerning, Well versed in P----n Learning. So after hemming thrice to clear His Throat, and banish thoughts of fear, And of the mob obtaining Silence, He thus went on--"Dear Sirs, a while since Ye know as how the Indian Rabble, With practices unwarrantable, Did come upon our quiet Borders, And there commit most desperate murders; Did tomahawk, butcher, wound and cripple, With cruel Rage, the Lord's own People; Did war most implacable wage With God's own chosen heritage; Did from our Brethren take their lives, And kill our Children, kine and wives. Now, Sirs, I ween it is but right, That we upon these Canaanites, Without delay, should Vengeance take, Both for our own, and the K--k's sake; Should totally destroy the heathen, And never till we've killed 'em leave 'em;-- Destroy them quite frae out the Land; And for it we have God's Command. We should do him a muckle Pleasure, As ye in your Books may read at leisure." He paused, as Orators are used, And from his pocket quick produced A friendly Vase well stor'd and fill'd With good old whiskey twice distill'd, And having refresh'd his inward man, Went on with his harangue again. "Is't not, my Brethren, a pretty Story That we who are the Land's chief Glory, Who are i' the number of God's elected, Should slighted thus be and neglected? That we, who're the only Gospel Church, Should thus be left here in the lurch; Whilst our most antichristian foes, Whose trade is war and hardy blows, (At least while some of the same Colour, With those who've caused us all this Dolor,) In matchcoats warm and blankets drest, Are by the Q----rs much caress'd, And live in peace by good warm fires, And have the extent of their desires? Shall we put by such treatment base? By Nox, we wont!"--And broke his Vase. "Seeing then we've such good cause to hate 'em, What I intend's to extirpate 'em; To suffer them no more to thrive, And leave nor Root nor Branch alive; But would we madly leave our wives And Children, and expose our lives In search of these wh' infest our borders, And perpetrate such cruel murders; It is most likely, by King Harry, That we should in the end miscarry. I deem therefore the wisest course is, That those who've beasts should mount their horses, And those who've none should march on foot, With as much quickness as will suit, To where those heathen, nothing fearful, That we will on their front and rear fall, Enjoy Sweet Otium in their Cotts, And dwell securely in their Hutts. And as they've nothing to defend them, We'll quickly to their own place send them!"

The following letter from Rev. John Elder to Colonel Shippen will serve to exhibit the state of feeling among the frontier inhabitants.

Paxton, Feb. 1, 1764.

Dear Sir:

Since I sealed the Governor's Letter, which you'll please to deliver to him, I suspect, from the frequent meetings I hear the people have had in divers parts of the Frontier Counties, that an Expedition is immediately designed against the Indians at Philadelphia. It's well known that I have always used my utmost endeavors to discourage these proceedings; but to little purpose: the minds of the Inhabitants are so exasperated against a particular set of men, deeply concerned in the government, for the singular regards they have always shown to savages, and the heavy burden by their means laid on the province in maintaining an expensive Trade and holding Treaties from time to time with the savages, without any prospect of advantage either to his Majesty or to the province, how beneficial soever it may have been to individuals, that it's in vain, nay even unsafe for any one to oppose their measures; for were Col. Shippen here, tho' a gentleman highly esteemed by the Frontier inhabitants, he would soon find it useless, if not dangerous, to act in opposition to an enraged multitude. At first there were but, as I think, few concerned in these riots, & nothing intended by some but to ease the province of part of its burden, and by others, who had suffered greatly in the late war, the gratifying a spirit of Revenge, yet the manner of the Quakers resenting these things has been, I think, very injurious and impolitick. The Presbyterians, who are the most numerous, I imagine, of any denomination in the province, are enraged at their being charged in bulk with these facts, under the name of Scotch-Irish, and other ill-natured titles, and that the killing the Conestogoe Indians is compared to the Irish Massacres, and reckoned the most barbarous of either, so that things are grown to that pitch now that the country seems determined that no Indian Treaties shall be held, or savages maintained at the expense of the province, unless his Majesty's pleasure on these heads is well known; for I understood to my great satisfaction that amid our great confusions, there are none, even of the most warm and furious tempers, but what are warmly attached to his Majesty, and would cheerfully risk their lives to promote his service. What the numbers are of those going on the above-mentioned Expedition, I can't possibly learn, as I'm informed they are collecting in all parts of the province; however, this much may be depended on, that they have the good wishes of the country in general, and that there are few but what are now either one way or other embarked in the affair, tho' some particular persons, I'm informed, are grossly misrepresented in Philadelphia; even my neighbor, Mr. Harris, it's said, is looked on there as the chief promoter of these riots, yet it's entirely false; he had aided as much in opposition to these measures as he could with any safety in his situation. Reports, however groundless, are spread by designing men on purpose to inflame matters, and enrage the parties against each other, and various methods used to accomplish their pernicious ends. As I am deeply concerned for the welfare of my country, I would do every thing in my power to promote its interests. I thought proper to give you these few hints; you'll please to make what use you think proper of them. I would heartily wish that some effectual measures might be taken to heal these growing evils, and this I judge may be yet done, and Col. Armstrong, who is now in town, may be usefully employed for this purpose.

Sir, I am, etc., JOHN ELDER.

Extracts from a Quaker letter on the Paxton riots.

This letter is written with so much fidelity, and in so impartial a spirit, that it must always remain one of the best authorities in reference to these singular events. Although in general very accurate, its testimony has in a few instances been set aside in favor of the more direct evidence of eye-witnesses. It was published by Hazard in the twelfth volume of his Pennsylvania Register. I have, however, examined the original, which is still preserved by a family in Philadelphia. The extracts here given form but a small part of the entire letter.

Before I proceed further it may not be amiss to inform thee that a great number of the inhabitants here approved of killing the Indians, and declared that they would not offer to oppose the Paxtoneers, unless they attacked the citizens, that is to say, themselves--for, if any judgment was to be formed from countenances and behavior, those who depended upon them for defence and protection, would have found their confidence shockingly misplaced.

The number of persons in arms that morning was about six hundred, and as it was expected the insurgents would attempt to cross at the middle or upper ferry, orders were sent to bring the boats to this side, and to take away the ropes. Couriers were now seen continually coming in, their horses all of a foam, and people running with the greatest eagerness to ask them where the enemy were, and what were their numbers. The answers to these questions were various: sometimes they were at a distance, then near at hand--sometimes they were a thousand strong, then five hundred, then fifteen hundred; in short, all was doubt and uncertainty.

About eleven o'clock it was recollected the boat at the Sweed's ford was not secured, which, in the present case, was of the utmost consequence, for, as there was a considerable freshet in the Schuylkill, the securing that boat would oblige them to march some distance up the river, and thereby retard the execution of their scheme at least a day or two longer. Several persons therefore set off immediately to get it performed; but they had not been gone long, before there was a general uproar--They are coming! they are coming! Where? where? Down Second street! down Second street! Such of the company as had grounded their firelocks, flew to arms, and began to prime; the artillery-men threw themselves into order, and the people ran to get out of the way, for a troop of armed men, on horseback, appeared in reality coming down the street, and one of the artillery-men was just going to apply the fatal match, when a person, perceiving the mistake, clapped his hat upon the touch-hole of the piece he was going to fire. Dreadful would have been the consequence, had the cannon discharged; for the men that appeared proved to be a company of German butchers and porters, under the command of Captain Hoffman. They had just collected themselves, and being unsuspicious of danger, had neglected to give notice of their coming;--a false alarm was now called out, and all became quiet again in a few minutes....

The weather being now very wet, Capt. Francis, Capt. Wood, and Capt. Mifflin, drew up their men under the market-house, which, not affording shelter for any more, they occupied Friends' meeting-house, and Capt. Joseph Wharton marched his company up stairs, into the monthly meeting room, as I have been told--the rest were stationed below. It happened to be the day appointed for holding of Youths' meeting, but never did the Quaker youth assemble in such a military manner--never was the sound of the drum heard before within those walls, nor ever till now was the Banner of War displayed in that rostrum, from whence the art has been so zealously declaimed against. Strange reverse of times, James--. Nothing of any consequence passed during the remainder of the day, except that Captain Coultas came into town at the head of a troop, which he had just raised in his own neighborhood. The Captain was one of those who had been marked out as victims by these devout conquerors, and word was sent to him from Lancaster to make his peace with Heaven, for that he had but about ten days to live.

In the evening our Negotiators came in from Germantown. They had conferred with the Chiefs of this illustrious--, and have prevailed with them to suspend all hostility till such time as they should receive an answer to their petition or manifesto, which had been sent down the day before....

The weather now clearing, the City forces drew up near the Court House where a speech was made to them, informing them that matters had been misrepresented,--that the Paxtoneers were a set of very worthy men (or something to that purpose) who labored under great distress,--that Messrs. Smith, &c., were come (by their own authority) as representatives, from several counties, to lay their complaints before the Legislature, and that the reason for their arming themselves was for fear of being molested or abused. By whom? Why, by the peaceable citizens of Philadelphia! Ha! ha! ha! Who can help laughing? The harangue concluded with thanks for the trouble and expense they had been at (about nothing), and each retired to their several homes. The next day, when all was quiet, and nobody dreamed of any further disturbance, we were alarmed again. The report now was, that the Paxtoneers had broke the Treaty, and were just entering the city. It is incredible to think with what alacrity the people flew to arms; in one quarter of an hour near a thousand of them were assembled, with a determination to bring the affair to a conclusion immediately, and not to suffer themselves to be harassed as they had been several days past. If the whole body of the enemy had come in, as was expected, the engagement would have been a bloody one, for the citizens were exasperated almost to madness; but happily those that appeared did not exceed thirty, (the rest having gone homewards), and as they behaved with decency, they were suffered to pass without opposition. Thus the storm blew over, and the Inhabitants dispersed themselves....

The Pennsylvania Gazette, usually a faithful chronicler of the events of the day, preserves a discreet silence on the subject of the Paxton riots, and contains no other notice of them than the following condensed statement:--

On Saturday last, the City was alarmed with the News of Great Numbers of armed Men, from the Frontiers, being on the several Roads, and moving towards Philadelphia. As their designs were unknown, and there were various Reports concerning them, it was thought prudent to put the City in some Posture of Defence against any Outrages that might possibly be intended. The Inhabitants being accordingly called upon by the Governor, great numbers of them entered into an Association, and took Arms for the Support of Government, and Maintenance of good Order.

Six Companies of Foot, one of Artillery, and two Troops of Horse, were formed, and paraded, to which, it is said, some Thousands, who did not appear, were prepared to join themselves, in case any attempt should be made against the Town. The Barracks also, where the Indians are lodged, under Protection of the regular Troops, were put into a good Posture of Defence; several Works being thrown up about them, and eight Pieces of Cannon planted there.

The Insurgents, it seems, intended to rendezvous at Germantown; but the Precautions taken at the several Ferries over Schuylkill impeded their Junction; and those who assembled there, being made acquainted with the Force raised to oppose them, listened to the reasonable Discourses and Advice of some prudent Persons, who voluntarily went out to meet and admonish them; and of some Gentlemen sent by the Governor, to know the Reasons of their Insurrection; and promised to return peaceably to their Habitations, leaving only two of their Number to present a Petition to the Governor and Assembly; on which the Companies raised in Town were thanked by the Governor on Tuesday Evening, and dismissed, and the City restored to its former Quiet.

But on Wednesday Morning there was a fresh Alarm, occasioned by a false Report, that Four Hundred of the same People were on their March to Attack the Town. Immediately, on Beat of Drum, a much greater number of the Inhabitants, with the utmost Alacrity, put themselves under Arms; but as the Truth was soon known, they were again thanked by the Governor, and dismissed; the Country People being really dispersed, and gone home according to their Promise.--_Pennsylvania Gazette_, No. 1833.

The following extract from a letter of Rev. John Ewing to Joseph Reed affords a striking example of the excitement among the Presbyterians. (See Life and Correspondence of Joseph Reed, I. 34.)

Feb. --, 1764.

As to public affairs, our Province is greatly involved in intestine feuds, at a time, when we should rather unite, one and all, to manage the affairs of our several Governments, with prudence and discretion. A few designing men, having engrossed too much power into their hands, are pushing matters beyond all bounds. There are twenty-two Quakers in our Assembly, at present, who, although they won't absolutely refuse to grant money for the King's use, yet never fail to contrive matters in such a manner as to afford little or no assistance to the poor, distressed Frontiers; while our public money is lavishly squandered away in supporting a number of savages, who have been murdering and scalping us for many years past. This has so enraged some desperate young men, who had lost their nearest relations, by these very Indians, to cut off about twenty Indians that lived near Lancaster, who had, during the war, carried on a constant intercourse with our other enemies; and they came down to Germantown to inquire why Indians, known to be enemies, were supported, even in luxury, with the best that our markets afforded, at the public expense, while they were left in the utmost distress on the Frontiers, in want of the necessaries of life. Ample promises were made to them that their grievances should be redressed, upon which they immediately dispersed and went home. These persons have been unjustly represented as endeavoring to overturn Government, when nothing was more distant from their minds. However this matter may be looked upon in Britain, where you know very little of the matter, you may be assured that ninety-nine in an hundred of the Province are firmly persuaded, that they are maintaining our enemies, while our friends back are suffering the greatest extremities, neglected; and that few, but Quakers, think that the Lancaster Indians have suffered any thing but their just deserts. 'Tis not a little surprising to us here, that orders should be sent from the Crown, to apprehend and bring to justice those persons who have cut off that nest of enemies that lived near Lancaster. They never were subjects to his Majesty; were a free, independent state, retaining all the powers of a free state; sat in all our Treaties with the Indians, as one of the tribes belonging to the Six Nations, in alliance with us; they entertained the French and Indian spies--gave intelligence to them of the defenceless state of our Province--furnished them with Gazette every week, or fortnight--gave them intelligence of all the dispositions of the Province army against them--were frequently with the French and Indians at their forts and towns--supplied them with warlike stores--joined with the strange Indians in their war-dances, and in the parties that made incursions on our Frontiers--were ready to take up the hatchet against the English openly, when the French requested it--actually murdered and scalped some of the Frontier inhabitants--insolently boasted of the murders they had committed, when they saw our blood was cooled, after the last Treaty at Lancaster--confessed that they had been at war with us, and would soon be at war with us again (which accordingly happened), and even went so far as to put one of their own warriors, Jegarie, to death, because he refused to go to war with them against the English. All these things were known through the Frontier inhabitants, and are since proved upon oath. This occasioned them to be cut off by about forty or fifty persons, collected from all the Frontier counties, though they are called by the name of the little Township of Paxton, where, possibly, the smallest part of them resided. And what surprises us more than all the accounts we have from England, is, that our Assembly, in a petition they have drawn up, to the King, for a change of Government, should represent this Province in a state of uproar and riot, and when not a man in it has once resisted a single officer of the Government, nor a single act of violence committed, unless you call the Lancaster affair such, although it was no more than going to war with that tribe, as they had done before with others, without a formal proclamation of war by the Government. I have not time, as you may guess by this scrawl, to write more at this time, but only that I am yours, &c.

JOHN EWING.

3. MEMORIALS OF THE PAXTON MEN. (Chap. XXV)

5. To the Honorable John Penn, Esq., Governor of the Province of Pennsylvania, and of the Counties of New-Castle, Kent, and Sussex, upon Delaware; and to the Representatives of the Freemen of the said Province, in General Assembly met.

We, Matthew Smith and James Gibson, in Behalf of ourselves and his Majesty's faithful and loyal Subjects, the Inhabitants of the Frontier Counties of Lancaster, York, Cumberland, Berks, and Northampton, humbly beg Leave to remonstrate and lay before you the following Grievances, which we submit to your Wisdom for Redress.

_First._ We apprehend that, as Freemen and English Subjects, we have an indisputable Title to the same Privileges and immunities with his Majesty's other Subjects, who reside in the interior Counties of Philadelphia, Chester, and Bucks, and therefore ought not to be excluded from an equal Share with them in the very important Privilege of Legislation;--nevertheless, contrary to the Proprietor's Charter, and the acknowledged Principles of common Justice and Equity, our five Counties are restrained from electing more than ten Representatives, _viz._, four for Lancaster, two for York, two for Cumberland, one for Berks, and one for Northampton, while the three Counties and City of Philadelphia, Chester, and Bucks elect Twenty-six. This we humbly conceive is oppressive, unequal and unjust, the Cause of many of our Grievances, and an Infringement of our natural Privileges of Freedom and Equality; wherefore we humbly pray that we may be no longer deprived of an equal Number with the three aforesaid Counties to represent us in Assembly.

_Secondly._ We understand that a Bill is now before the House of Assembly, wherein it is provided, that such Persons as shall be charged with killing any Indians in Lancaster County, shall not be tried in the County where the Fact was committed, but in the Counties of Philadelphia, Chester, or Bucks. This is manifestly to deprive British Subjects of their known Privileges, to cast an eternal Reproach upon whole Counties, as if they were unfit to serve their Country in the Quality of Jury-men, and to contradict the well known Laws of the British Nation, in a Point whereon Life, Liberty, and Security essentially depend; namely, that of being tried by their Equals, in the Neighbourhood where their own, their Accusers, and the Witnesses Character and Credit, with the Circumstances of the Fact, are best known, and instead thereof putting their Lives in the Hands of Strangers, who may as justly be suspected of Partiality to, as the Frontier Counties can be of Prejudices against, Indians; and this too, in favour of Indians only, against his Majesty's faithful and loyal Subjects: Besides, it is well known, that the Design of it is to comprehend a Fact committed before such a Law was thought of. And if such Practices were tolerated, no Man could be secure in his most invaluable Interest.--We are also informed, to our great Surprise, that this Bill has actually received the Assent of a Majority of the House; which we are persuaded could not have been the Case, had our Frontier Counties been equally represented in Assembly.--However, we hope that the Legislature of this Province will never enact a Law of so dangerous a Tendency, or take away from his Majesty's good Subjects a Privilege so long esteemed sacred by Englishmen.

_Thirdly._ During the late and present Indian War, the Frontiers of this Province have been repeatedly attacked and ravaged by skulking Parties of the Indians, who have, with the most Savage Cruelty, murdered Men, Women, and Children, without Distinction, and have reduced near a Thousand Families to the most extreme Distress.--It grieves us to the very Heart to see such of our Frontier Inhabitants as have escaped Savage Fury, with the Loss of their Parents, their Children, their Wives or Relatives, left Destitute by the Public, and exposed to the most cruel Poverty and Wretchedness, while upwards of an Hundred and Twenty of these Savages, who are, with great Reason, suspected of being guilty of these horrid Barbarities, under the Mask of Friendship, have procured themselves to be taken under the Protection of the Government, with a View to elude the Fury of the brave Relatives of the Murdered, and are now maintained at the public Expense.--Some of these Indians, now in the Barracks of Philadelphia, are confessedly a Part of the Wyalusing Indians, which Tribe is now at War with us; and the others are the Moravian Indians, who, living with us, under the Cloak of Friendship, carried on a Correspondence with our known Enemies on the Great Island.--We cannot but observe, with Sorrow and Indignation, that some Persons in this Province are at Pains to extenuate the barbarous Cruelties practised by these Savages on our murdered Brethren and Relatives, which are shocking to human Nature, and must pierce every Heart, but that of the hardened Perpetrators or their Abettors. Nor is it less distressing to hear Others pleading, that although the Wyalusing Tribe is at War with us, yet that Part of it which is under the Protection of the Government, may be friendly to the English, and innocent:--In what Nation under the Sun was it ever the Custom, that when a neighbouring Nation took up Arms, not an Individual should be touched, but only the Persons that offered Hostilities?--Who ever proclaimed War with a Part of a Nation and not with the whole?--Had these Indians disapproved of the Perfidy of their Tribe, and been willing to cultivate and preserve Friendship with us, why did they not give Notice of the War before it happened, as it is known to be the Result of long Deliberations, and a preconcerted Combination among them?--Why did they not leave their Tribe immediately, and come among us, before there was Ground to suspect them, or War was actually waged with their Tribe?--No, they stayed amongst them, were privy to their Murders and Ravages, until we had destroyed their provisions, and when they could no longer subsist at Home, they come not as Deserters, but as Friends, to be maintained through the Winter, that they may be able to scalp and butcher us in the Spring.

And as to the Moravian Indians, there are strong Grounds at least to suspect their Friendship, as it is known that they carried on a Correspondence with our Enemies on the Great Island.--We killed three Indians going from Bethlehem to the Great Island with Blankets, Ammunition, and Provisions, which is an undeniable Proof that the Moravian Indians were in Confederacy with our open Enemies. And we cannot but be filled with Indignation to hear this Action of ours painted in the most odious and detestable Colours, as if we had inhumanly murdered our Guides, who preserved us from perishing in the Woods; when we only killed three of our known Enemies, who attempted to shoot us when we surprised them.--And, besides all this, we understand that one of these very Indians is proved, by the Oath of Stinton's Widow, to be the very Person that murdered her Husband.--How then comes it to pass, that he alone, of all the Moravian Indians, should join the Enemy to murder that family?--Or can it be supposed that any Enemy Indians, contrary to their known Custom of making War, should penetrate into the Heart of a settled Country, to burn, plunder, and murder the Inhabitants, and not molest any Houses in their Return, or ever be seen or heard of?--Or how can we account for it, that no Ravages have been committed in Northampton County since the Removal of the Moravian Indians, when the Great Cove has been struck since?--These Things put it beyond Doubt with us that the Indians now at Philadelphia are his Majesty's perfidious Enemies, and therefore, to protect and maintain them at the public Expence, while our suffering Brethren on the Frontiers are almost destitute of the Necessaries of Life, and are neglected by the Public, is sufficient to make us mad with Rage, and tempt us to do what nothing but the most violent Necessity can vindicate.--We humbly and earnestly pray therefore, that those Enemies of his Majesty may be removed as soon as possible out of the Province.

_Fourthly._ We humbly conceive that it is contrary to the Maxims of good Policy and extremely dangerous to our Frontiers, to suffer any Indians, of what Tribe soever, to live within the inhabited Parts of this Province, while we are engaged in an Indian War, as Experience has taught us that they are all perfidious, and their Claim to Freedom and Independency, puts it in their Power to act as Spies, to entertain and give Intelligence to our Enemies, and to furnish them with Provisions and warlike Stores.--To this fatal Intercourse between our pretended Friends and open Enemies, we must ascribe the greatest Part of the Ravages and Murders that have been committed in the Course of this and the last Indian War.--We therefore pray that this Grievance be taken under Consideration, and remedied.

_Fifthly._ We cannot help lamenting that no Provision has been hitherto made, that such of our Frontier Inhabitants as have been wounded in Defence of the Province, their Lives and Liberties may be taken Care of, and cured of their Wounds, at the public Expence.--We therefore pray that this Grievance may be redressed.

_Sixthly._ In the late Indian War this Province, with others of his Majesty's Colonies, gave Rewards for Indian Scalps, to encourage the seeking them in their own Country, as the most likely Means of destroying or reducing them to Reason; but no such Encouragement has been given in this War, which has damped the Spirits of many brave Men, who are willing to venture their Lives in Parties against the Enemy.--We therefore pray that public Rewards may be proposed for Indian Scalps, which may be adequate to the Dangers attending Enterprises of this Nature.

_Seventhly._ We daily lament that Numbers of our nearest and dearest Relatives are still in Captivity among the savage Heathen, to be trained up in all their Ignorance and Barbarity, or to be tortured to Death with all the Contrivances of Indian Cruelty, for attempting to make their Escape from Bondage. We see they pay no Regard to the many solemn Promises which they have made to restore our Friends who are in Bondage amongst them.--We therefore earnestly pray that no Trade may hereafter be permitted to be carried on with them until our Brethren and Relatives are brought Home to us.

_Eighthly._ We complain that a certain Society of People in this Province in the late Indian War, and at several Treaties held by the King's Representatives, openly loaded the Indians with Presents; and that F. P., a Leader of the said Society, in Defiance of all Government, not only abetted our Indian Enemies, but kept up a private Intelligence with them, and publickly received from them a Belt of Wampum, as if he had been our Governor, or authorized by the King to treat with his Enemies.--By this means the Indians have been taught to despise us as a weak and disunited People, and from this fatal Source have arose many of our Calamities under which we groan.--We humbly pray, therefore, that this Grievance may be redressed, and that no private Subject be hereafter permitted to treat with, or carry on a Correspondence with our Enemies.

_Ninthly._ We cannot but observe with Sorrow, that Fort Augusta, which has been very expensive to this Province, has afforded us but little Assistance during this or the last War. The Men that were stationed at that Place neither helped our distressed Inhabitants to save their Crops, nor did they attack our Enemies in their Towns, or patrol on our Frontiers.--We humbly request that proper Measures may be taken to make that Garrison more serviceable to us in our Distress, if it can be done.

N. B. We are far from intending any Reflection against the Commanding Officer stationed at Augusta, as we presume his Conduct was always directed by those from whom he received his Orders.

Signed on Behalf of ourselves, and by Appointment of a great Number of the Frontier Inhabitants,

MATTHEW SMITH. JAMES GIBSON.

The Declaration of the injured Frontier Inhabitants, together with a brief Sketch of Grievances the good Inhabitants of the Province labor under.

Inasmuch as the Killing those Indians at Conestogoe Manor and Lancaster has been, and may be, the Subject of much Conversation, and by invidious Representations of it, which some, we doubt not, will industriously spread, many, unacquainted with the true State of Affairs, may be led to pass a severe Censure on the Authors of those Facts, and any others of the like Nature which may hereafter happen, than we are persuaded they would, if Matters were duly understood and deliberated; we think it therefore proper thus openly to declare ourselves, and render some brief Hints of the Reasons of our Conduct, which we must, and frankly do, confess nothing but Necessity itself could induce us to, or justify us in, as it bears an Appearance of flying in the Face of Authority, and is attended with much Labour, Fatigue and Expence.

Ourselves then, to a Man, we profess to be loyal Subjects to the best of Kings, our rightful Sovereign George the Third, firmly attached to his Royal Person, Interest and Government, and of Consequence equally opposite to the Enemies of his Throne and Dignity, whether openly avowed, or more dangerously concealed under a Mask of falsely pretended Friendship, and chearfully willing to offer our Substance and Lives in his Cause.

These Indians, known to be firmly connected in Friendship with our openly avowed embittered Enemies, and some of whom have, by several Oaths, been proved to be Murderers, and who, by their better Acquaintance with the Situation and State of our Frontier, were more capable of doing us Mischief, we saw, with Indignation, cherished and caressed as dearest Friends;--But this, alas! is but a Part, a small Part, of that excessive Regard manifested to Indians, beyond his Majesty's loyal Subjects, whereof we complain, and which, together with various other Grievances, have not only inflamed with Resentment the Breasts of a Number, and urged them to the disagreeable Evidence of it, they have been constrained to give, but have heavily displeased, by far, the greatest Part of the good Inhabitants of this Province.

Should we here reflect to former Treaties, the exorbitant Presents, and great Servility therein paid to Indians, have long been oppressive Grievances we have groaned under; and when at the last Indian Treaty held at Lancaster, not only was the Blood of our many murdered Brethren tamely covered, but our poor unhappy captivated Friends abandoned to Slavery among the Savages, by concluding a Friendship with the Indians, and allowing them a plenteous trade of all kinds of Commodities, without those being restored, or any properly spirited Requisition made of them:--How general Dissatisfaction those Measures gave, the Murmurs of all good people (loud as they dare to utter them) to this Day declare. And had here infatuated Steps of Conduct, and a manifest Partiality in Favour of Indians, made a final Pause, happy had it been:--We perhaps had grieved in Silence for our abandoned enslaved Brethren among the Heathen, but Matters of a later Date are still more flagrant Reasons of Complaint.--When last Summer his Majesty's Forces, under the Command of Colonel Bouquet, marched through this Province, and a Demand was made by his Excellency, General Amherst, of Assistance, to escort Provisions, &c., to relieve that important Post, Fort Pitt, yet not one Man was granted, although never any Thing appeared more reasonable or necessary, as the Interest of the Province lay so much at Stake, and the Standing of the Frontier Settlements, in any Manner, evidently depended, under God, on the almost despaired of Success of his Majesty's little Army, whose Valour the whole Frontiers with Gratitude acknowledge, as the happy Means of having saved from Ruin great Part of the Province:--But when a Number of Indians, falsely pretended Friends and having among them some proved on Oath to have been guilty of Murder, since this War begun; when they, together with others, known to be his Majesty's Enemies, and who had been in the Battle against Colonel Bouquet, reduced to Distress by the Destruction of their Corn at the Great Island, and up the East Branch of Susquehanna, pretend themselves Friends, and desire a Subsistence, they are openly caressed, and the Public, that could not be indulged the Liberty of contributing to his Majesty's Assistance, obliged, as Tributaries to Savages, to Support these Villains, these Enemies to our King and our Country; nor only so, but the Hands that were closely shut, nor would grant his Majesty's General a single Farthing against a savage Foe, have been liberally opened, and the public Money basely prostituted, to hire, at an exorbitant Rate, a mercenary Guard to protect his Majesty's worst of Enemies, those falsely pretended Indian Friends, while, at the same Time, Hundreds of poor, distressed Families of his Majesty's Subjects, obliged to abandon their Possessions, and fly for their Lives at least, are left, except a small Relief at first, in the most distressing Circumstances to starve neglected, save what the friendly Hand of private Donations has contributed to their Support, wherein they who are most profuse towards Savages have carefully avoided having any Part.--When last Summer the Troops raised for Defence of the Province were limited to certain Bounds, nor suffered to attempt annoying our Enemies in their Habitations, and a Number of brave Volunteers, equipped at their own Expence, marched in September up the Susquehanna, met and defeated their Enemy, with the Loss of some of their Number, and having others dangerously wounded, not the least Thanks or Acknowledgment was made them from the Legislature for the confessed Service they had done, nor any the least Notice or Care taken of their Wounded; whereas, when a Seneca Indian, who, by the Information of many, as well as by his own Confession, had been, through the last War, our inveterate Enemy, had got a Cut in his Head last summer in a Quarrel he had with his own Cousin, and it was reported in Philadelphia that his Wound was dangerous, a Doctor was immediately employed, and sent to Fort Augusta to take Care of him, and cure him, if possible.--To these may be added, that though it was impossible to obtain through the Summer, or even yet, any Premium for Indian Scalps, or Encouragement to excite Volunteers to go forth against them, yet when a few of them, known to be the Fast Friends of our Enemies, and some of them Murderers themselves, when these have been struck by a distressed, bereft, injured Frontier, a liberal Reward is offered for apprehending the Perpetrators of that horrible Crime of killing his Majesty's cloaked Enemies, and their Conduct painted in the most atrocious Colors; while the horrid Ravages, cruel Murders, and most shocking Barbarities, committed by Indians on his Majesty's Subjects, are covered over, and excused, under the charitable Term of this being their Method of making War.

But to recount the many repeated Grievances whereof we might justly complain, and Instances of a most violent Attachment to Indians, were tedious beyond the Patience of a Job to endure; nor can better be expected; nor need we be surprised at Indians Insolence and Villainy, when it is considered, and which can be proved from the public Records of a certain County, that some Time before Conrad Weiser died, some Indians belonging to the Great Island or Wyalousing, assured him that Israel Pemberton, (an ancient Leader of that Faction which, for so long a Time, have found Means to enslave the Province to Indians,) together with others of the Friends, had given them a Rod to scourge the white People that were settled on the purchased Lands; for that Onas had cheated them out of a great Deal of Land, or had not given near sufficient Price for what he had bought; and that the Traders ought also to be scourged, for that they defrauded the Indians, by selling Goods to them at too dear a Rate; and that this Relation is Matter of Fact, can easily be proved in the County of Berks.--Such is our unhappy Situation, under the Villainy, Infatuation and Influence of a certain Faction, that have got the political Reins in their Hands, and tamely tyrannize over the other good Subjects of the Province!--And can it be thought strange, that a Scene of such Treatment as this, and the now adding, in this critical Juncture, to all our former Distresses, that disagreeable Burden of supporting, in the very Heart of the Province, at so great an Expence, between One and Two hundred Indians, to the great Disquietude of the Majority of the good Inhabitants of this Province, should awaken the Resentment of a People grossly abused, unrighteously burdened, and made Dupes and Slaves to Indians?--And must not all well-disposed People entertain a charitable Sentiment of those who, at their own great Expence and Trouble, have attempted, or shall attempt, rescuing a laboring Land from a Weight so oppressive, unreasonable, and unjust?--It is this we design, it is this we are resolved to prosecute, though it is with great Reluctance we are obliged to adopt a Measure not so agreeable as could be desired, and to which Extremity alone compels.--God save the King.

_Appendix F._

CAMPAIGN OF 1764.

1. BOUQUET'S EXPEDITION.

Letter--General Gage to Lord Halifax, December 13, 1764. (Chap. XXVII.)

The Perfidy of the Shawanese and Delawares, and their having broken the ties, which even the Savage Nations hold sacred amongst each other, required vigorous measures to reduce them. We had experienced their treachery so often, that I determined to make no peace with them, but in the Heart of their Country, and upon such terms as should make it as secure as it was possible. This conduct has produced all the good effects which could be wished or expected from it. Those Indians have been humbled and reduced to accept of Peace upon the terms prescribed to them, in such a manner as will give reputation to His Majesty's Arms amongst the several Nations. The Regular and Provincial Troops under Colonel Bouquet, having been joined by a good body of Volunteers from Virginia, and others from Maryland and Pennsylvania, marched from Fort Pitt the Beginning of October, and got to Tuscaroras about the fifteenth. The March of the Troops into their Country threw the Savages into the greatest Consternation, as they had hoped their Woods would protect them, and had boasted of the Security of their Situation from our Attacks. The Indians hovered round the Troops during their March, but despairing of success in an Action, had recourse to Negotiations. They were told that they might have Peace, but every Prisoner in their possession must first be delivered up. They brought in near twenty, and promised to deliver the Rest; but as their promises were not regarded, they engaged to deliver the whole on the 1st of November, at the Forks of the Muskingham, about one hundred and fifty miles from Fort Pitt, the Centre of the Delaware Towns, and near to the most considerable settlement of the Shawanese. Colonel Bouquet kept them in sight, and moved his Camp to that Place. He soon obliged the Delawares and some broken tribes of Mohikons, Wiandots, and Mingoes, to bring in all their Prisoners, even to the Children born of White Women, and to tie those who were grown as Savage as themselves and unwilling to leave them, and bring them bound to the Camp. They were then told that they must appoint deputies to go to Sir William Johnson to receive such terms as should be imposed upon them, which the Nations should agree to ratify; and, for the security of their performance of this, and that no farther Hostilities should be committed, a number of their Chiefs must remain in our hands. The above Nations subscribed to these terms; but the Shawanese were more obstinate, and were particularly averse to the giving of Hostages. But finding their obstinacy had no effect, and would only tend to their destruction, the Troops having penetrated into the Heart of their Country, they at length became sensible that there was no safety but in Submission, and were obliged to stoop to the same Conditions as the other nations. They immediately gave up forty Prisoners, and promised the Rest should be sent to Fort Pitt in the Spring. This last not being admitted, the immediate Restitution of all the Prisoners being the _sine qua non_ of peace, it was agreed, that parties should be sent from the Army into their towns, to collect the Prisoners, and conduct them to Fort Pitt. They delivered six of their principal Chiefs as hostages into our Hands, and appointed their deputies to go to Sir William Johnson, in the same manner as the Rest. The Number of Prisoners already delivered exceeds two hundred, and it was expected that our Parties would bring in near one hundred more from the Shawanese Towns. These Conditions seem sufficient Proofs of the Sincerity and Humiliation of those Nations, and in justice to Colonel Bouquet, I must testify the Obligations I have to him, and that nothing but the firm and steady conduct, which he observed in all his Transactions with those treacherous savages, would ever have brought them to a serious Peace.

I must flatter myself, that the Country is restored to its former Tranquillity, and that a general, and, it is hoped, lasting Peace is concluded with all the Indian Nations who have taken up Arms against his Majesty.

I remain, etc., THOMAS GAGE.

IN ASSEMBLY, January 15, 1765, A. M.

To the Honourable Henry Bouquet, Esq., Commander in Chief of His Majesty's Forces in the Southern Department of America.

The Address of the Representatives of the Freemen of the Province of Pennsylvania, in General Assembly met

SIR:

The Representatives of the Freemen of the Province of Pennsylvania, in General Assembly met, being informed that you intend shortly to embark for England, and moved with a due Sense of the important Services you have rendered to his Majesty, his Northern Colonies in general, and to this Province in particular, during our late Wars with the French, and barbarous Indians, in the remarkable Victory over the savage Enemy, united to oppose you, near Bushy Run, in August, 1763, when on your March for the Relief of Pittsburg, owing, under God, to your Intrepidity and superior Skill in Command, together with the Bravery of your Officers and little Army; as also in your late March to the Country of the savage Nations, with the Troops under your Direction; thereby striking Terror through the numerous Indian Tribes around you; laying a Foundation for a lasting as well as honorable Peace, and rescuing, from savage Captivity, upwards of Two Hundred of our Christian Brethren, Prisoners among them. These eminent Services, and your constant Attention to the Civil Rights of his Majesty's Subjects in this Province, demand, Sir, the grateful Tribute of Thanks from all good Men; and therefore we, the Representatives of the Freemen of Pennsylvania, unanimously for ourselves, and in Behalf of all the People of this Province, do return you our most sincere and hearty Thanks for these your great Services, wishing you a safe and pleasant Voyage to England, with a kind and gracious Reception from his Majesty.

Signed, by Order of the House, JOSEPH FOX, Speaker.

2. CONDITION AND TEMPER OF THE WESTERN INDIANS.

Extract from a letter of Sir William Johnson to the Board of Trade, 1764, December 26:--

Your Lordships will please to observe that for many months before the march of Colonel Bradstreet's army, several of the Western Nations had expressed a desire for peace, and had ceased to commit hostilities, that even Pontiac inclined that way, but did not choose to venture his person by coming into any of the posts. This was the state of affairs when I treated with the Indians at Niagara, in which number were fifteen hundred of the Western Nations, a number infinitely more considerable than those who were twice treated with at Detroit, many of whom are the same people, particularly the Hurons and Chippewas. In the mean time it now appears, from the very best authorities, and can be proved by the oath of several respectable persons, prisoners at the Illinois and amongst the Indians, as also from the accounts of the Indians themselves, that not only many French traders, but also French officers came amongst the Indians, as they said, fully authorized to assure them that the French King was determined to support them to the utmost, and not only invited them to the Illinois, where they were plentifully supplied with ammunition and other necessaries, but also sent several canoes at different times up the Illinois river, to the Miamis, and others, as well as up the Ohio to the Shawanese and Delawares, as by Major Smallman's account, and several others, (then prisoners), transmitted me by Colonel Bouquet, and one of my officers who accompanied him, will appear. That in an especial manner the French promoted the interest of Pontiac, whose influence is now become so considerable, as General Gage observes in a late letter to me, that it extends even to the Mouth of the Mississippi, and has been the principal occasion of our not as yet gaining the Illinois, which the French as well as Indians are interested in preventing. This Pontiac is not included in the late Treaty at Detroit, and is at the head of a great number of Indians privately supported by the French, an officer of whom was about three months ago at the Miamis Castle, at the Scioto Plains, Muskingum, and several other places. The Western Indians, who it seems ridicule the whole expedition, will be influenced to such a pitch, by the interested French on the one side, and the influence of Pontiac on the other, that we have great reason to apprehend a renewal of hostilities, or at least that they and the Twightees (Miamis) will strenuously oppose our possessing the Illinois, which can never be accomplished without their consent. And indeed it is not to be wondered that they should be concerned at our occupying that country, when we consider that the French (be their motive what it will) loaded them with favors, and continue to do so, accompanied with all outward marks of esteem, and an address peculiarly adapted to their manners, which infallibly gains upon all Indians, who judge by extremes only, and with all their acquaintance with us upon the frontiers, have never found any thing like it, but on the contrary, harsh treatment, angry words, and in short any thing which can be thought of to inspire them with a dislike to our manners and a jealousy of our views. I have seen so much of these matters, and I am so well convinced of the utter aversion that our people have for them in general, and of the imprudence with which they constantly express it, that I absolutely despair of our seeing tranquillity established, until your Lordships' plan is fully settled, so as I may have proper persons to reside at the Posts, whose business it shall be to remove their prejudices, and whose interest it becomes to obtain their esteem and friendship.

The importance of speedily possessing the Illinois, and thereby securing a considerable branch of trade, as well as cutting off the channel by which our enemies have been and will always be supplied, is a matter I have very much at heart, and what I think may be effected this winter by land by Mr. Croghan, in case matters can be so far settled with the Twightees, Shawanoes, and Pontiac, as to engage the latter, with some chiefs of the before-mentioned nations, to accompany him with a garrison. The expense attending this will be large, but the end to be obtained is too considerable to be neglected. I have accordingly recommended it to the consideration of General Gage, and shall, on the arrival of the Shawanoes, Delawares, &c., here, do all in my power to pave the way for effecting it. I shall also make such a peace with them, as will be most for the credit and advantage of the crown, and the security of the trade and frontiers, and tie them down to such conditions as Indians will most probably observe.

NOTE.

Of the accompanying maps, the first two were constructed for the illustration of this work. The others are fac-similes from the surveys of the engineer Thomas Hutchins. The original of the larger of these fac-similes is prefixed to the _Account of Bouquet's Expedition_. That of the smaller will be found in Hutchins's _Topographical Description of Virginia_, etc. Both of these works are rare.

_Index._

A.

Abbadie. See _D'Abbadie_.

_Abenakis_, some of them present at the battle of the Monongahela, 88, 114.

Abercrombie, General James, has a force of 50,000 men, 96; fails in his attack on Ticonderoga, 98, 99.

Acadia ceded to the English crown, 79; disputes respecting its boundaries, _ib._; reduced by Col. Monkton, 92; the inhabitants transported, _ib._

Albany, meeting of colonial delegates there, 83; a rendezvous for Indian traders, 117.

_Algonquin_ family of Indians, found over a vast extent of territory, 35; their inferiority to the Iroquois, 40; points of distinction, _ib._; their legends, 40; and religious belief, 41; Algonquin life, 38, 39.

Allegory uttered by Pontiac, 153-155.

Ambuscade at the Devil's Hole, 330; a convoy lost there, 330; another ambuscade, 331.

Amherst, Sir Jeffrey, afterwards Lord Amherst, takes Louisburg, 98; also Ticonderoga and Crown Point, 100; captures Montreal, 110; sends a force to take possession of the western posts, 126; his contempt and careless treatment of the Indians, 138 _note_, 147; his letter to Major Gladwyn, 182 _note_; his uncomfortable position, 297; his inadequate comprehension of the Indian war, 298; takes measures to reinforce the frontier garrisons, 299, 300; hears of the murders near Detroit, 301; determines on "quick retaliation," 301; wishes to hear of no prisoners, 302; his blustering arrogance, 303 _note_; proposes to infect the Indians with small-pox, 304; his anger at the feeble conduct of the Pennsylvania Assembly, 344; resigns his office as commander-in-chief, 346; his ignorance of Indian affairs, 388.

_Andastes_, swept away before the Iroquois, 32; a remnant of them at Conestoga, 359 _note_.

Armstrong, Colonel, his expedition against the Indians on the upper Susquehanna, 346.

_Atotarho_, name of the presiding sachem of the Iroquois: strange legend concerning the first of the name, 23, 24.

B.

Baby, a Canadian near Detroit, supplies food to the garrison, 186; scene between him and Pontiac, 193; befriends the garrison, 214.

Ball-play, Indian, described, 250; a prelude to the massacre at Michillimackinac, 250.

Barbarity, Indian, shocking instances of, 28, 61, 175, 176, 180 _note_, 201 _note_, 221, 252, 262, 290 _note_, 336, 337.

Bartram, John, the botanist, quoted, 26, 27 _note_.

Beaujeu, a French captain, leads a sortie of French and Indians against Braddock's army, 88; wounded in the fray, 90.

Bedford, Fort, repels an Indian attack, 283; crowded with fugitives, 306; reinforced, 317.

Beletre, captain, commandant at Detroit, 128; surrenders to Major Rogers, 129.

Bird, Dr. Robert M., his story of "Nick of the Woods," 358.

_Blacksnake_, a Seneca warrior, 331 _note_.

Blane, Lieutenant Archibald, commands at Fort Ligonier, 306; successfully defends the fort against an attack of the Indians, 308, 309; vents his complaints of the service, 389.

Bloody Bridge fight, 229 _et seq._; great loss of the English, 234.

Boscawen, Admiral Edward, captures a French squadron previous to a declaration of war, 84; and thus begins the war of 1755, 85; the act condemned by English writers, 85 _note_.

Bouquet, Colonel Henry, his history, 297; his letter to Sir Jeffrey Amherst, 295; an excellent officer, 298; his correspondence with Amherst and others about the war, 299 _et seq._; his "truculent letter" to Amherst about extirpating the Indians, 302; hears of the destruction of the frontier garrisons, 302; he will try to send the small-pox among the Indians, and proposes to hunt them with English dogs, 304; is displeased with the surrender of Presqu' Isle, 308; complains of the negligence of the people of Pennsylvania, 310; his campaign against the Indians, 315 _et seq._; difficulties and dangers of the march, 317; attacked by the Indians at Bushy Run, 319; his masterly stratagem, 322; and complete success, 323. See _Appendix_ D. Arrives at Fort Pitt, 325; his dissatisfaction with the service, 390; severely blames the government of Pennsylvania, 422; sets out from Carlisle on an expedition against the Delawares and Shawanoes, 424; is displeased with Colonel Bradstreet, 424; arrives at Fort Pitt, 426; sends a message to the Delawares, 426; good effect of the message, 427; difficulties of the march through the woods, 427; the troops cross the Muskingum, 428; their number and fine appearance, 430; the commander holds a council with the Delawares, 430; his speech to them, 432-434; effect of the speech, 434; his decisive tone, 434; the Indians submit and give up their captives, 435, 436; number of the captives, 437; meeting of friends long separated, 441-443; some touching incidents, 443; the troops, having accomplished their work, return home, 448; Bouquet made a brigadier general, 449; his death, 450. See _Appendix_ F.

Braddock, General Edward, sails in command of a military force for Virginia, 84; his character, 86; his duel with Gumley, 86 _note_; his march through the wilderness, 87; difficulties of the advance, _ib._; the ambuscade, 89; the battle, 90; the utter defeat, 91; Braddock's insane behavior, 92; his death, _ib._; the terrible carnage, _ib._; the disgraceful rout, _ib._; the unhappy results, 92, 93.

Bradstreet, Colonel John, captures Fort Frontenac, 78, 391; his expedition against the north-western Indians, 392 _et seq._; the troops leave Niagara and embark on Lake Erie, 399, 400; he is shamefully duped by wily Indian foes, 401; he is reprimanded by General Gage, 402 _note_; arrives at Sandusky, 403; his imbecility, 403; reaches Detroit, 404; returns to Sandusky, 413.

Brebeuf, Jean de, a Jesuit missionary, his appalling fate, 51.

Bushy Run, severe battle there with the Indians, 319 _et seq._; the enemy repulsed, 323; and totally routed, 323; the losses on both sides, 324. See _Appendix_ D.

C.

Cadillac, La Motte, founds Detroit, 159.

Cahokia on the Illinois, a French settlement, 57, 120, 459; described, 499; Pontiac killed there, 499, 500.

Calhoun, a trader, betrayed by the Indians, but escapes, 280, 281.

Campbell, Lieutenant George, killed with all his command at Niagara, 332 _note_.

Campbell, Captain, commands at Detroit, 137; discovers an Indian plot, 137, 138; second in command, 174; treacherously detained in captivity by Pontiac, 179, 180; exposed by Indians to the fire of English guns, 195; cruelly murdered by the Indians, 221, 222.

Canada, a child of the church, 49; settled under religious impulses, 50; characteristics of the population, 47, 160; the fur-trade, 48; the true interest of the colony neglected, _ib._; Jesuit missionaries in, 50; want of energy in the common people, 53, 57; advantages for intercourse with the Indian tribes, 59; the colony suffers from the hostility of the Iroquois, 61; Canada an object of the bitterest hatred to the English colonies, and why, 79; surrendered to the English arms, 109; Canadians excite the Indians to attack the English, 134, 135, 240.

Canadians compared with the people of New England, 47-49; their false representations of the English colonists, 141; their character, 160; unfriendly to the English after the conquest, 134, 135, 240.

Cannibalism of the Indians, 262.

Captives taken in war by the Indians, their treatment, 28, 61, 180 _note_, 445-448, 466 _note_; sometimes they prefer to remain with the Indians, 446.

Carlisle, Pa., a frontier town in 1760, 279; panic among the inhabitants, 311; deplorable scenes there, 312; many leave the place for Lancaster and Philadelphia, 313; it becomes the outer settlement, 336 _note_.

Carver, Capt. Jonathan, the traveller, 166; his account of the conspiracy of Pontiac, 166 _note_, 167; other statements made by him, 236, 237 _note_; his description of Minavavana, the Ojibwa chief, 264, 265 _note_; his account of the death of Pontiac, 500 _note_.

_Cayugas_, one of the Five Nations, 20. See _Iroquois_.

Champlain, Samuel de, attacks the Iroquois, 60; the baleful consequences, _ib._.

_Cherokees_ attacked by the Iroquois, 74; remain quiet during the Pontiac war, 356.

_Chippewa_ Indians. See _Ojibwa nation_.

Chouteau, Pierre, one of the first settlers of St. Louis, 463; surprising changes witnessed by him, _ib._; the author visits him, _ib._ _note_; remembers seeing Pontiac, 463 _note_, 498.

Christie, Ensign, defends the fort at Presqu' Isle, 209-211; surrenders, 212; escapes and arrives at Detroit, 213; a further account of the matter, 288 _note_.

Church, Roman Catholic, its zeal for the conversion of the Indians, 46.

Clapham, Colonel, murdered by the Indians, 280 _note_.

Colden, Governor of New York, refuses to have the Moravian Indian converts brought within his province, 375.

Colonies of France and England, their distinctive traits, 46, 59.

Compton, Henry, bishop of London, advises William Penn to buy land of the Indians, 69.

Conestoga, a settlement of friendly Indians, 359; their manner of life, 360; suspected of hostile practices, _ib._; a massacre there, 361. See _Appendix_ E.

Conner, Henry, Indian interpreter, his statement respecting Pontiac's birth, 139 _note_; his account of the disclosure of the plans of Pontiac, 164-166.

Conference of Indians with Sir William Johnson at Niagara, 395; they ask forgiveness, 398.

Conspiracy of the Indians against the English after the French war, 131; its causes, 131; the English neglect to cultivate their friendship, 133; disorders of the English fur-trade, 133; intrusion of settlers on the Indian lands, 133; the arbitrary conduct of Sir Jeffrey Amherst, 147; the discontent of the Indians artfully increased by the French, 134; Indian plot to destroy the English, 137; a great crisis for the Indian race, 140; the conspiracy discovered, 165, 166; treachery of Pontiac, 169-174; the war begins, 175; attack on the fort at Detroit, 177, 178; negotiation, 179; comes to no good result, 180 _et seq._

Conyngham, Redmond, publishes an account of the massacre at Conestoga, 361 _note_.

Council of Indians summoned by Pontiac, 151 _et seq._; appearance of Pontiac, 152; his speech, 153 _et seq._; council-house at Onondaga, 21 _note_, 26, 27.

"_Coureurs de bois_," or bush-rangers, 68, 160; their degradation, _ib._; and superstition, 68; excite the Indians against the English, 135.

_Creek_ nation hostile to the English, 356.

Creoles along the Mississippi, their character and modes of life, 459.

Croghan, George, his representations to the Lords of Trade, 387; they are disregarded, 389; sent to negotiate with the western Indians, 475; his convoy seized by the Paxton men, 476, 477; at Fort Pitt he meets Indians in council, 480; finds them undecided in their plans, 480; descends the Ohio, 484; is attacked by the Kickapoos, 485; arrives at Vincennes, 485; meets with Pontiac, who offers the calumet of peace, 486; proceeds to Detroit, 487; holds a council there with the Indians, 487-490; his speech to the Ottawas, 488; outdoes the Indians in the use of figurative language, 488, 489 _note_; his complete success, 490.

Crown Point, a French fort erected there, 79; plan for its reduction, 86; the plan fails, 93; another attempt, 99; the fort evacuated, 100.

Cumberland County, Pa., settled by the Scotch-Irish, 335.

_Cusick_, a Tuscarora Indian, the historian of his tribe, 24, 25 _notes_.

Cuyler, Lieutenant, leaves Niagara with a reinforcement for Detroit, 198; is attacked by Indians, 199; fate of his detachment, 200.

D.

D'Abbadie, governor of the French, New Orleans, 472; gives audience to the messengers of Pontiac, 473; refuses aid, _ib._; dies, _ib._

_Dahcotah_, their estimated military strength, 265; their hatred of the Ojibwas, 268; their interference saves the English garrison at Green Bay, _ib._

Dalzel, Captain, leaves Niagara with a reinforcement for Detroit, 226; attacked by the Indians, 227; arrives at Detroit, _ib._; his night attack on the Indians, 228; his great bravery, 231; falls in the action, 232.

Davers, Sir Robert, murdered by Indians, 176; the transaction erroneously reported, 196.

_Delaware_ tribe of Indians, a brave and generous people, 36; called also Lenni Lenape, 35; the parent stem of the Algonquin tribes, _ib._; subjugated by the Iroquois, 19; recover their independence, 36; their treaty with William Perm, 36, 70; oppressed by his descendants, proprietors of Pennsylvania, 71-74, 84; driven from their homes, 73; some of them present at the battle of the Monongahela, 88; in alliance with the French, 111; attack the English settlements, 111; their number estimated, 115; where located in 1760, 116; found at present beyond the Mississippi, 36; incensed against the English, 134; a Delaware prophet, his wide influence, 136; the Delawares attack Fort Pitt, 284, 292; attack a body of British troops at Bushy Run, 319; are repulsed with great loss, 323; moral effect of the affair, 326; their hostile inroads in Pennsylvania, 345; a party of them brought prisoners to Albany, 356; their inveterate hostility, 410, 413; their worthless promises, 414; they sue for peace, 431-436.

Detroit founded, 159; description of, 159, 160, 163; held by a French garrison, 52, 57, 100, 126, 128; it capitulates to the English, 129, 130; its population at that time, 159; character of its inhabitants, 160; the fortifications, _ib._; the British garrison in 1760, 163; plan of Pontiac to seize the fort, 165, 166; the plot revealed, 166; See _Appendix_ C. Pontiac in Detroit, 169 _et seq._; attack on the fort 170, 171; distress of the garrison, 185; Detroit alone of all the frontier posts escapes capture by the Indians, 204; the garrison reinforced, 216; Gladwyn holds a council with the Canadians, 216, 217; his speech to them, 217; Indian attempt to burn an armed schooner, 223; the garrison again reinforced, 227; their numbers, 234; a supply of provisions collected, 351; the Ojibwas and other tribes ask for peace, _ib._; the siege of Detroit abandoned, 353; moral effect of the failure, 355; the garrison continue to be harassed by Indian hostility, 404; arrival of Bradstreet with a large military force, _ib._; he meets the Indians in council, 405; his absurd demands, 406; gives great offence to the Indians, 407.

Devil's Hole, near Niagara, described, 330; a convoy attacked there by Indians, _ib._; the fearful issue, 331.

Dieskau, Louis Auguste, Baron, sails from Brest with troops for Canada, 84; his defeat at Lake George, 94-95; wounded dangerously, but not mortally, 95, 96 _note_.

Dinwiddie, Robert, Lieutenant-Governor of Virginia, remonstrates against French encroachment, 80.

_Dionondadies_, or Tobacco Nation, 30.

Dogs, proposal to hunt the Indians with them, 304; the plan given in detail, 305 _note_.

E.

Easton, Pa., peace there made with the Indians, 111.

Ecuyer, Captain Simeon, commander at Fort Pitt, 279; his letters to Colonel Bouquet quoted, 279, 280 _note_, 282, 284, 293; his answer to the proposal to surrender, 285; his answer to a similar and subsequent demand, 292; his precautions for the safety of the fort, 295 _note_; his gallant conduct, 294; his discontent at the service, 390.

Elder, John, pastor at Paxton, Pa., his creditable military career, 343; his report to Governor Perm, 343 _note_; his character, 360; preaches to armed men, _ib._; endeavors to divert the Paxton men from their murderous design, but in vain, 363; his letter to Colonel Burd, 365 _note_. See _Appendix_ E.

Eliot, Charles, brave action of his, 312.

English colonies, their characteristics as contrasted with those of France, 46, 47, 48, 59, 64; neglect to cultivate the friendship of the Indians, 65, 131; plan for a union of these colonies, 83; its failure, and the reason why, 84; English colonies, their exposure to Indian hostility, in 1760, 147; how far they extended at that time, 277.

English treatment of the Indians, 65, 131, 140, 147; English parsimony towards them, 131. See _Appendix_ B. English fur-trade badly conducted, 133; profligacy of the traders, _ib._; treatment of the Indians by the soldiers in garrison, _ib._

_Eries_, Indian tribe, destroyed by the Iroquois, 32.

Etherington, Captain George, commands at Michillimackinac, 246; is warned of danger, _ib._; his disregard of the warning, _ib._; his extreme carelessness, 250; the massacre of his men, 251; he is taken by the Indians, 206, 251; his letters quoted, 205, 266; how he passed the night after the massacre, 256, 257; his complimentary letter to Colonel Bouquet on his promotion, 450.

F.

Fire, torture by, inflicted by Indians, 28, 51, 61, 201 _note_, 290, 303 _note_.

Fisher, Sergeant, murdered by the Indians, 175; treatment of his body, _ib._

Forbes, General John, drives the French from Fort Du Quesne, 98, 111, 113.

Forest of the West, 114; routes and modes of travel through it, 117-120; the scattered Indian and French settlements, 115, 120; the forest garrisons, 121; hunters and trappers, 122.

Fort Du Quesne, built by the French, 86; Braddock's approach to it, 87; taken by General Forbes, 98, 113; the fort destroyed and rebuilt, 278; and the name changed to Fort Pitt, 118.

Fort Le B[oe]uf, taken by the Indians after a gallant defence, 287, 288.

Fort Ligonier, 279; attacked by Indians, 283, 308, 309; the fort is reinforced and holds out to the end, 316.

Fort Miami taken by the Indians, 207.

Fort Pitt, originally Fort Du Quesne, 118, 126; its commanding position, 278; built on the ruins of the old fort, 278; two roads from it to the English settlements, 278; exposed to danger from the Indians, 279, 285; strength of the garrison, 284; attacked by Indians, 285; the Indians frightened and withdraw, 286; the surrender of the fort twice demanded, 286, 292; a vigorous attack by the Indians, 294; the attack ineffectual, 295; the fort reinforced and secured from further danger, 324, 325; brief history of the siege by one of the garrison, 325 _note_.

Franklin, Benjamin, his account of the murder of Indians in Lancaster jail, 364 _note_; his energetic conduct in providing for the defence of Philadelphia, 377.

Fraser, Lieutenant Alexander, accompanies Croghan in an embassy to the Indians, 475; visits the country of the Illinois, 481; his account of that country, 459 _note_; is ill-treated and his life in danger, 481; Pontiac saves his life, 482; descends the Mississippi and arrives at New Orleans, _ib._

French colonies, their distinctive characteristics, 46 _et seq._; devotion to the Romish church, 47, 48; engaged in the fur-trade, 48; their lack of energy, 53; have an extended military frontier, 48, 56; French plan to exclude the Anglo-Saxon race from the valley of the Mississippi, 56; French expeditions against the Iroquois, 60-62; French influence among the Indians widely extended, 63, 65; instances of French inhumanity, 65, 66; complaisance towards the savages, 66; French blood mingles largely with Indian, 67, 163; the French in the Ohio valley, 74; obtain an influence over the Iroquois, 74, 75; and over the Indians on the Ohio, 82; occupation of Fort Du Quesne, 87; driven from all their possessions in North America, 109; French settlements in the Illinois valley, 120; French policy towards the Indians, 132 _note_. See _Appendix_ B.

Frontenac, Count, Governor of Canada, aids the enterprises of La Salle, 55; his expedition against the Iroquois, 61, 62; cultivates the friendship of other Indians, 66; burns alive an Iroquois prisoner, _ib._

Frontier of Virginia, 333; of Pennsylvania, 334; the frontiersman described, 333, 334.

Frontiers of the English provinces, 277; how guarded, 277; ravaged by the Indians, 296; sufferings of the settlers, 306; difficulties of communication between the outposts and the settled country, 309; the frontiers desolated, 335 _et seq._; consternation of the settlers, 336; fearful scenes enacted, 337 _et seq._; general distress, 342; the number slain or captivated during four months, 357; the frontier people make loud complaints of neglect, 357; their resentment against the Quakers, _ib._; their intense hatred of the Indians, 358. See _Appendix_ E.

Fur-trade as carried on from Canada, 48, 59, 63; from the English colonies, 63, 68; the _coureurs de bois_, renegades from civilization, 68; fur-trade, mode of operation, 118; equipment and character of the fur-trader, 119, 122; difficulties, hardships, and dangers of the way, 119, 120; the call for energy and courage, 121; character and habits of the existing trapper and hunter in the far west, 121, 122; the white savage compared with the red, 121; fur-trade as conducted by the English; its great faults, 133; bad character of the English traders, 133; French fur-traders inflame the resentment of the Indians, 134, 240.

G.

Gage, General Thomas, present at Braddock's defeat, 89; receives a severe wound, 91; his singular testimony concerning Pontiac, 191; succeeds Amherst as commander-in-chief, 348; sends a body of troops to Philadelphia, to protect it against the Paxton rioters, 376.

Galissonniere, Count, his plan of French colonization, 57.

Gallatin, Albert, quoted, 18, 32, 33.

Gates, General Horatio, present at Braddock's defeat, 89; severely wounded, 91.

Gladwyn, Major, commands at Detroit, 143, 157; the hostile plans of Pontiac disclosed to him, 165; his precautions, 167; scene between him and Pontiac, 170, 171; his letters to General Amherst, 172 _note_, 187 _note_; suffers Pontiac to escape, 171, 172, 174; refuses to abandon the fort, 184; Pontiac in vain endeavors to terrify him, 216; Gladwyn holds a council with the Canadians, 217-220; his speech to them, 217; obtains a supply of provisions, 351; proposes to exterminate the Indians by a free sale of RUM, 352, 353 _note_.

Gladwyn, schooner, on her return to Detroit from Niagara, is attacked by Indians, 235, 236; gallant defence by the crew, 235; saved by a desperate expedient, 236.

Glendenning, Archibald, killed by the Indians, 337; masculine spirit of his wife, 338.

Gnadenhutten, Pa., a Moravian missionary station, destroyed, 367.

Goddard, an English fur-trader, 244.

Godefroy, a Canadian, summons Fort Miami to surrender, 208; goes to Illinois as interpreter to an English embassy, 408; saves Morris's life, 409; stands firmly by his captain, 410-413.

Gordon, Lieutenant, commander at Fort Venango, 289; tortured to death by the Indians, 290; roasted alive during several nights, 303 _note_.

Gorell, Lieutenant J., extracts from his journal, 118; commands at Green Bay, 265; his important duties, _ib._; his prudent conduct, 266; his speech to the Menomonies, 266, 267; embarks with his garrison, 268; arrives at Montreal, 268.

Goshen, N. Y., false alarm there; its singular cause, 329.

Gouin, ----, a Canadian, cautions Gladwyn, 165; endeavors the security of British officers, 179; his account of transactions near Detroit, _Appendix_ C., 201 _note_.

Grant, Mrs. Anne, her erroneous account of the murder of Sir Robert Davers, 196 _note_.

Grant, Captain, in the disastrous affair at Bloody Bridge, 229, 230, 233.

Gray, Captain, falls in the fight at Bloody Bridge, 232.

Gray, a soldier at Presqu' Isle, 286; escapes massacre, 287.

Gray, Thomas, his "Elegy in a Country Church-Yard," repeated by Wolfe, the night before his death, 104.

Green, Thomas, a trader, slain by the Indians, 281 _note_.

Green Bay, a French settlement, 52, 57; taken possession of by the English, 130; its early history, 239; an important post, 265; abandoned by its commander, but its garrison preserved 267, 268.

Greenbrier, Va., attack on, 337.

"Griffin," the first vessel built on the upper lakes, 54; her voyage on Lakes Erie and Huron, _ib._

H.

Heckewelder, John, Moravian missionary, relates a curious story of the superstitious regard of Indians for insane persons, 283.

Hendrick, the Mohawk chief, slain at the battle of Lake George, 94.

Henry, Alexander, pioneer of the English fur-trade in the extreme North-west, 241; his adventures, 241; his interview with an Ojibwa chief, 241-243; attacked by a party of Ottawas, 244; an Ojibwa chief takes a liking to him, 246; and warns him of danger, 247; escapes the massacre at Michillimackinac, 252; his account quoted, 251-255; his extreme danger, 253; his life spared, and the manner thereof, 252 _et seq._; his further adventures, 256-258, 263; painted and attired like an Indian, 264; extract from Henry's Travels, 395, 396; he is delivered from captivity and brought safely to Niagara, 400.

_Hodenosaunee_, the Indian name for the Five Nations, 19.

Holmes, Ensign, commander of Fort Miami, discovers a plot of the Indians against the English, 143; the fort is taken, and he is killed by the Indians, 207.

Hopkins, Mr., of Wyoming, escapes the massacre there, 347, 348.

Howe, Lord, killed at Ticonderoga, 98.

Hughes, John, of Lancaster, Pa., details of his plan to hunt the Indians with dogs, 305 _note_.

_Hurons_ or _Wyandots_, their population, 30; had characteristics in common with the Iroquois, 31; their utter ruin and dispersion, 32; present at Braddock's defeat, 88; their population estimated, 115; their energy, 117; a conquered people, 114.

I.

Iberville, Lemoine d', founds the colony of Louisiana, 56.

_Illinois_ nation of Indians, 37; tribes of which that nation was composed, 501 _note_.

Illinois River, the region described, 452 _et seq._; its early colonization, 456-458; character of the first settlers, 458; the population, its numbers and location, 459; the Indians of that country, 460, 461; the English take possession of Fort Chartres, and of the Illinois country, 471, 491.

Insanity, persons laboring under it, superstitious regard of Indians for, 283.

Indian summer described, 353, 354.

Indians, their general character, 15; all live by the chase, _ib._; their pride and self-consciousness, 15; they cannot endure restraint, _ib._; influence of the sachems, what, _ib._; distinction between the civil and military authority, _ib._; the Indian inflexibly adheres to ancient usages, 17; division into clans, _ib._; the _totems_, or symbols of the clans, _ib._; peculiar character of the clan, _ib._; its privileges, 18; division of the Indian population into three great families, _ib._; their dwellings and works of defence, 25; their mode of life, 27; their legendary lore, 40; and religious belief, 41; the unity of God unknown to them, 42; the Indian character often mistaken, _ib._; the Indian strangely self-contradictory, _ib._; his character summed up, 43-45; treatment of Indians by the French, 64-67; by the English, 63; by William Penn, 69; by his sons, 71; by the Quakers, 70, 71; attitude of the Indian tribes towards the English in 1755, 78; their alarm at the appearance of the French on the waters of the Ohio, 82; the French conciliate them, 83; effect on them of Braddock's defeat, 92; attached to the French interest, 114; estimate of the Indian population in 1760 in the present territory of the United States, 115; striking instance of Indian acuteness, 123 _note_; their feelings at the surrender of Detroit, 129; intense hatred of the English takes possession of the Indians, 131; its manifestations, _ib._; treatment of the Indians by the English, 131, 132 _note_, 141; plot formed for the destruction of the English, 137, 138; their imperfect preparation for the war, 145; defects of their social system, _ib._; without any central authority, _ib._; their chiefs had no power but of advice and persuasion, 146; Indians will not submit to restraint or discipline, _ib._; they are capricious and unstable, _ib._; often desert their leaders, 146; they are formidable in small detached parties only, _ib._; they are fond of war and ready to engage in it, _ib._; they never fight but when sure to win, 147; alert and active, crafty and treacherous, they cause wide-spread havoc, but carefully avoid collision with a foe, _ib._; Indians prone to quarrel, 151; Indian council, 151 _et seq._; war-dance, 176; Indian attack on Detroit, 177 _et seq._; idea of military honor, 184; courage, 185; sad effect of whiskey, 200; Indians fight from ambush, 198; Indian barbarity. See _Barbarity, Indian_. Indians attempt to destroy an armed schooner, 223; their prolonged blockade of Detroit, 224; a curious instance of Indian friendship, 246; Indian ball-play, 250; fearful massacre by Indians at Michillimackinac, 251 _et seq._; cannibalism, 262; revulsion of feeling, 262, 264; Indian faithlessness, 147, 250, 281, 282; Indians fight in ambuscade, 330, 344; cannot stand before border riflemen, 344; great conference of Indians at Niagara, 395 _et seq._; veneration of Indians for the rattlesnake, 395 _note_; to some white people Indian life has charms, 446; Indians of the Illinois, 460; council of Indians meet Sir William Johnson at Johnson Hall, 327; again at Niagara, 395; council at Detroit, 487-490; Indians are pleased when white men adopt their figurative language, 489 _note_.

_Iroquois_, or Five Nations, afterwards Six Nations, 19; the term often applied to the entire family of which they were a part, _ib._; their extended conquests, _ib._ See _Appendix_ A. Causes of their success, 20; tribal organization, _ib._; their manner of conducting public business, 21; divided into eight clans, _ib._; great power of this system, _ib._; descent of the sachemship in the female line, 22; extensive prevalence of this custom, _ib._ _note_; origin of the Iroquois, 23; Indian tradition concerning it, 23, 24; their fantastic legends, 24, 25; rude state of the arts among them, 25; their agriculture, _ib._; their fortifications and strongholds, _ib._; their dwellings, 26; their life of excitement, 27; preparation for war, 28; return from war, _ib._; fiendish cruelty, _ib._; their boundless pride, 29; military strength, _ib._; destroy the Hurons, 31; and several other Indian nations, _ib._; their cruel treatment of captives, 32; their licentiousness, 33; their god of thunder, 41; attack made on them by Champlain, 60; they become the irreconcilable foes of the French colonies, _ib._; their attack on Montreal, 61; their extreme ferocity, _ib._; expedition of Frontenac against them, 61, 62; their rancor abates, 62; irritated against the English and why, 74; influence over them gained by Sir William Johnson, 76. See _Appendix_ A. They assume to dispose of lands in Pennsylvania, 72, 83; treaty of alliance with them, 84; they induce the Delawares to make peace with the English, 111; flock to the British standard, 114; estimate of their numbers, 115; what their approach to civilization, 116; meet Sir William Johnson in council, and are restrained by him from war against the English, 327; the Senecas already at war with them, 137, 142, 290, 296, 327; the Iroquois send a message to the Delawares, exhorting them to bury the hatchet, 328; a war-party of the Iroquois goes out to fight the Delawares, 356; their success, _ib._

J.

Jacobs, mate of schooner Gladwyn, orders the vessel blown up, 235; lost in a storm, 236 _note_.

Jamet, Lieutenant, at Michillimackinac slain by the Indians, 251, 266.

Jenkins, Lieutenant Edward, taken prisoner by the Indians, 206; his letter, 207 _note_.

Jesuit missionaries in Canada, 50 _et seq._; their religious zeal and enterprise, 51; their sufferings, 52; slender results, _ib._; lead the van of French colonization, _ib._; the firm auxiliaries of French power, _ib._

Jogues, Isaac, a Jesuit missionary, a captive among the Iroquois, 51; tortured by them, _ib._; his death, _ib._

Johnson, Sir William, settles on the Mohawk River, 76; trades with the Indians, _ib._; acquires great influence over them, _ib._ See _Appendix_ A. Becomes a major-general and a baronet, 76; repeatedly defeats the French, 77, 93-96, 100; his death, 77; his good and bad qualities, _ib._; his noble figure, 493; his estimate of the Indian population, 115; his annoyance from Indians, 118 _note_; his statement of the French policy toward the Indians and its results, 132 _note_; his letters quoted, 65 _note_, 328 _note_; his influence keeps the Indians around him quiet, 296; convokes a council of the Six Nations and persuades them not to attack the English, 327; arms his tenantry, 329; their numbers, 328 _note_; offers fifty dollars each for the heads of two noted Delaware chiefs, 355; sends messengers to the north-western tribes, 392; meets a conference of Indians at Niagara, 395 _note_; his interview with Pontiac at Oswego, 492 _et seq._; his address, 494; his indecision at the outbreak of the Revolution, 77; his death, _ib._

Johnston, Captain, cut off with nearly all his men, 331, 332 _note_.

Jonois, a Jesuit priest, 205; commended for humanity, 206, 256, 257, 259; visits Detroit, 205, 259.

K.

Kaskaskia, a French settlement, 57, 120.

Kickapoos attack George Croghan, 484, 485.

L.

L'Arbre Croche, a settlement of the Ottawa Indians, 244, 258, 259, 268.

La Butte, interpreter to Major Gladwyn at Detroit, 171; goes with a message to Pontiac, 178; his fidelity suspected, 182; Major Gladwyn confides in him, 187 _note_.

Laclede, Pierre, the founder of St. Louis, 463.

Lake George, called Lac St. Sacrement, 97; battle of, 93-96; the lake described, 97; the scene of active warfare, _ib._

Lallemant, Gabriel, missionary among the Hurons, tortured with fire, 51; his lingering death, _ib._

Lancaster, Pa., jail, Indians lodged there for safety, 362; the jail broken open and the Indians killed, 363, 364; an account of the affair by Franklin, 364 _note_.

Langlade, Charles, a resident at Mackinaw 251; a witness of the massacre and careless about it, 252, 253; kindness of his wife, 254; he surrenders Mr. Henry to his pursuers, 255; saves Henry's life, 256; his heartlessness, 257; he and his father the first white settlers in Wisconsin, 251 _note_.

La Salle, Robert Cavelier de, his great design, 53; his character, 54; builds his first vessel on the upper lakes, _ib._; his voyage on Lakes Erie and Michigan, _ib._; penetrates the region of the Illinois, 55; his difficulties and embarrassments, _ib._; descends the Mississippi, _ib._; reaches its mouth, and takes possession of the whole immense valley for Louis XIV, 56; ruin of his final expedition, _ib._; his death, _ib._; a further account of him, 456, 457.

La Verandrye attempts to reach the Rocky Mountains, 63; penetrates to the Assinniboin River, _ib._

Legends of the Iroquois, their monstrous character, 24, 25, 40; of the Algonquins, 41, 42.

_Lenni Lenape_, see _Delawares_.

Leslie, Lieutenant, at Michillimackinac, 250; taken by the Indians, 251, 268.

Loftus, Major, his abortive attempt to ascend the Mississippi, 469, 470.

Loskiel, Moravian missionary, quoted, 282.

Louisiana colonized, 56.

M.

Macdonald, James, of Detroit, his account of the detention of two British officers, 181 _note_; his account of the death of Capt. Campbell, 222 _note_.

McDougal, Lieutenant, of Detroit, visits the Indian camp and is treacherously seized, 179; the McDougal MSS. quoted, 189; escapes, 222.

McGregory, Major, attempts the fur-trade, but fails, 63.

Meloche, at his house two British officers are confined, 181, 187; further notice of the house, 230.

_Menomonies_, their location, 265; friends of the English in Pontiac's war, 268.

_Miami_ nation of Indians, 37; friendly to the English, 78; retained their ancient character, 117.

Miami fort. See _Fort Miami_.

Michillimackinac, a French settlement and fort, 52, 57; taken possession of by the English, 130; captured by the Indians, 205; the approach to it described, 238; description of the place itself, 239, 249, 263; import of the name, 239; tradition concerning the name, 263 _note_; early history of the place, 239; its population in 1763, _ib._; Indian tribes in the vicinity, 240; they join in the conspiracy of Pontiac, 245; strength of the garrison at the time, 245; warnings of danger, 246; the evening before the massacre, 247; the morning of the massacre, ball-play, 249; the massacre, 251; shocking scenes, 252; followed by an Indian debauch, 256; the Indians leave the place, 264. See _Appendix_ C.

Military honor, Indian idea of it, 146, 184.

Minavavana, the great Ojibwa chief, called also the Grand Sauteur, 241; his interview with Alexander Henry, 241-243; his character and influence, 245; leads the attack on Michillimackinac, 259; his speech to the Ottawas, _ib._; releases Mr. Henry, 261; description of him from Carver's Travels, 264 _note_; comes to Detroit to ask for peace, 487.

Missionary labors among the Indians by the Jesuits, 50 _et seq._, 64; by the English, 64.

_Mohawks_, attack the Penobscot Indians, 19 _note_.

"Mohog all devil!" 19 _note_.

Mongrel population, French and Indian, 68, 163.

Monkton, General, reduces Acadia, 92; commands under Wolfe in the expedition against Quebec, 103; in command at Fort Pitt, 126.

Monongahela River, passage of by Braddock's army, 87, 89; Battle of, 90-92.

Montcalm (Louis Joseph de St. Veran), Marquis of, takes Oswego, 97; captures Fort William Henry, _ib._; repels the attack of General Abercrombie on Ticonderoga, 98, 99; commands the army in opposition to Wolfe, 101; his defeat and death, 109.

Montour, Captain, makes a successful inroad upon the Indians, 356.

Montreal, attack on it by the Iroquois, 61; surrenders to the English forces, 110.

Moravian missions in Pennsylvania, 367; the converts involved in danger from both the French and the English, _ib._; murder of some of them, 368; the mission broken up and the converts removed to Philadelphia, 369; sent thence to New York, 374, 375; insulted by the mob, 369; not allowed to enter New York or to stay in New Jersey, 375; brought back to Philadelphia, 376; remain there a whole year, 385.

Morris, Captain, goes on an embassy to the Illinois country, 407; his interview with Pontiac, 408; holds a council with the Indians, 409; encounters a band of savage warriors, 410; he is a captive among the Indians, 411; expects to be tortured, 412; is released, _ib._; abandons his mission and returns to Detroit, 413; reference to his published journals, _ib._; returns home, meeting with disaster on the way, 415, 416.

N.

_Neutral Nation_, why so named, 30; their destruction by the Iroquois, 31.

New England, population contrasted with that of Canada, 47 _et seq._; their energy and patient industry, 48; did not obtain Indian lands but by purchase, 70 _note_.

New York, Province of, suffers from Indian hostilities, 328.

Niagara, French fort there, 46, 57, 62; attack on it by the English, 77; failure of the attack, 92; another attempt, 99; the fort surrenders, 100; great conference of Indians there, 395 _et seq._

O.

Ohio River, no Indians dwelt on its banks, 120.

Ohio Company, formed, and for what purpose, 80.

Ohio Valley, proposal to secure it for the English, 80; French settlements there, 57; further encroachments, 74, 80 _et seq._; alarm of the Indians of that vicinity, 82; Ohio Indians at war with the English, 111; estimate of their numbers, 115; the Ohio valley described as it was in 1760, 114 _et seq._; its population, 114 _et seq._; routes of travel, 117; modes of travel, 117-120.

_Ojibwa_ nation of Indians, 38; check the career of Iroquois conquest, _ib._; their modes of life, 39; sufferings in winter, _ib._; some of them present at the battle of the Monongahela, 88; join Pontiac in his attack on the English, 177, 186; notice of their village on Mackinaw, 240; a party of them described, 241; interview with Alexander Henry, 241-243; their slaughter of the English garrison at Michillimackinac, 250 _et seq._; hated by the Dahcotahs, 267; the Ojibwas ask for peace, 351; they consult their oracle, 393; the answer received, 394; peace concluded, 399.

_Oneidas_, a tribe united in confederacy with four others, 20. See _Iroquois_.

Onondaga, council-house at, 21 _note_; description of it, 26, 27 _note_, 115.

_Onondagas_, a tribe included in the Confederacy of the Five Nations, 20. See _Iroquois_.

Oswego, an English fort there, 63; taken by the French, 66, 97, 113.

_Ottawas_, 38; present at the battle of the Monongahela, 88; led by Pontiac, _ib._; their village near Detroit, 163; their attack on Detroit, 177, 180; notice of their village near Mackinaw, 240; a party of them visit Mackinaw and threaten English fur-traders, 244; take English prisoners from the Ojibwas, 258; a party of them take possession of Michillimackinac, 258; collision with the Ojibwas, 258 _et seq._; they incite the Delawares to war against the English, 285; the Ottawas refuse to bury the hatchet, 352; they meet Sir William Johnson at Niagara and make peace, 398; at Detroit they meet George Croghan for a like purpose, 488.

Ourry, Captain Lewis, commander at Fort Bedford, 306; his slender force, 306, 307; his correspondence with Col. Bouquet, _ib._

Owens, David, diabolically kills and scalps his own Indian wife and several of her relations, 419, 422.

P.

Paully, Ensign, a captive to the Indians, 202; adopted as one of them, 203; makes his escape, 221.

Paxton, in Pennsylvania, character of its inhabitants, 359; its worthy minister, John Elder, 360; a party of men proceed from this place and murder six friendly Indians, 360 _et seq._; the survivors of the massacre lodged in Lancaster County jail, 362. See _Appendix_ E. The act causes great excitement, 365; the deed justified from Scripture, 366; the rioters march on Philadelphia to kill the Moravian converts, 373; alarm of the citizens, 374, 378; measures for defence, 377; treaty with the rioters, 381; they withdraw, 382; a party of them make prize of Croghan's goods, 476, 477; they escape punishment and set the government at defiance, 478.

Pawnee woman saves the life of Alexander Henry, 252; the Pawnee tribe, 252 _note_.

Penn, William, his treatment of the Indians, 69; pays twice for his lands, 70 _note_; his sons pursue a contrary policy, 70.

Pennsylvania, treatment of the Indians in, 69 _et seq._; the "walking purchase," 71; shameful conduct of the proprietors, 72, 83; Pennsylvania wasted by Indian war, 111; extent of its settlements in 1760, 278; the province refuses aid to its defenders, 310, 316; distress of the inhabitants on its frontier, 313; the frontier described, 334; origin and character of the inhabitants, _ib._; the frontier settlers betake themselves to flight before Indian ravage, 336; general distress, 342; measures of defence opposed by the Quakers in the Assembly, 343; warfare along the Susquehanna, 346 _et seq._; contests of the Assembly with the proprietary governors, 349; vigorous measures at length adopted, 376.

Penobscot Indians attacked by the Mohawks, 19 _note_.

Philadelphia, a place of outfit for the Indian trade, 118; the Moravian converts removed thither, 369; great alarm felt at the approach of the Paxton boys, 373; the people called to arms, 377; extreme excitement, 378; treaty with the rioters, 381. See _Appendix_ E.

Picquet, a Jesuit missionary, 52; engages in military enterprises, 75.

Pittman, Captain, does not ascend the Mississippi, 470, 471.

Pittsburgh (Fort Du Quesne) occupied by the English, 81; by the French, 87; its capture by General Forbes, 98.

Pontiac, his origin, 139 _note_; leads the Ottawas out in the attack on Braddock's force, 88, 139; his interview with Rogers, 127; his haughty behavior, 128; his character, 128, 164, 173; submits to the English, 127, 128; his extensive influence among the Indians, 138; his commanding energy, 139; a fierce, wily savage, 139, 164, 173; his great qualities, 139, 192; his enduring fame, 193; in alliance with the French, 139; sends ambassadors to excite the Indians over all the West, 141; listens to the falsehoods of the Canadians, 141; resolves on war with the English, _ib._; the proposal accepted, 142; he collects a multitude of Indians in a council, 151; his appearance, 152; his speech, 153 _et seq._; allegory told by him, 153-155; his plan for an attack on Detroit, 156, 157; performs a calumet dance within its walls, 157; Pontiac at home, 164; his plan to seize Detroit, 165, 166; the plot revealed, 166. See _Appendix_ C. Pontiac admitted to the fort, 170, 174; finds that his designs are known, 171; his treachery, 172, 173; scene between him and Gladwyn, 171, 172, 173; Gladwyn permits him to escape, 172, 173; Pontiac throws off the mask, 174; the war begins, 175; Pontiac enraged, 176; the war-dance, _ib._; attack on the fort, 177, 178; his duplicity, 179; detains two British officers, 181; threatens to burn Gladwyn alive, 186; visited by a deputation of Canadians, 187-190; his speech to them, 188-190; provides supplies of food for his followers, 190; issues promissory notes for the payment, 191; is desirous of learning war from Europeans, _ib._; General Gage's account of him, 191; Major Rogers's account, 192; account of him by William Smith, 192 _note_; his magnanimity illustrated by anecdotes, 193, 194; number of his followers, 203; tries to terrify Gladwyn into a surrender, 216; sends messengers to the Indians of Mackinaw, 245, 263; his long-cherished hopes of assistance from France come to an end, 352; his message to Gladwyn announcing this result, 352; abandons the siege of Detroit, 353; his interview with Captain Morris on the Maumee River, 408, 409; his hopes crushed, but his spirit whole, 465; goes to the Illinois country, _ib._; is aided by the French settlers there, 466; they deceive him with hopes of aid from France, 466; Neyon, the French commandant, discourages him, 467; rouses the tribes of the Illinois to war, 468; sends messengers, with similar intent, to the Indians in Southern Louisiana, 471; and to New Orleans, 472; they return without success, 474; Pontiac saves the life of Lieutenant Fraser, 481; seizes a cargo of English goods, 483; his followers forsake him, and he finds that all is lost, 483; offers the English envoy, Croghan, the calumet of peace, 486; his speech to the Indian tribes assembled at Detroit, 489; meets Sir William Johnson at Oswego, 493; promises a full compliance with the English demands, 496; still supposed to cherish thoughts of vengeance, 497; visits St. Louis, 498; appears in French uniform, _ib._; his assassination at Cahokia, 499, 500; buried near St. Louis, 500; his death avenged, 501. See _Appendix_ B. and C.

Post, Christian Frederic, a Moravian missionary, visits the Ohio Indians to detach them from the French interest, 112; extracts from his journal, 112 _note_; succeeds in his errand, 113.

Pothier, a Jesuit priest, endeavors to restrain the Wyandots from hostilities, 183.

_Pottawattamies_, kindred of the Ojibwas, 38; located near Detroit, 129, 163; and near the head of Lake Michigan, 204.

Presbyterians of Pennsylvania, their stiffness of character, 335; hated by the Quakers, 366; the Quakers hated by them, 377; mutual recrimination, 384. See _Appendix_ E.

Presqu' Isle, on Lake Erie, fortified by the French, 80, 121; occupied by the English, 126; taken by the Indians, 208; a false report respecting the capture, 286.

Price, Ensign George, commander at Fort Le B[oe]uf, 287; his gallant but unavailing defence, 288, 289; arrives at Fort Pitt, 287, 290.

Prideaux, General, killed at Niagara, 100.

Prophet, among the Delawares: his wide influence, 136; excites the Indians to war, _ib._; exhorts them to bury the hatchet, 480.

Q.

Quakers of Pennsylvania: their treatment of the Indians, 69; anticipated in their policy by the Puritans of New England, 70; their love of the Indians runs to dangerous extremes, 71; persuade the Indians to cease their hostilities, 111; Quaker assemblymen oppose measures of defence, and justify the Indians in their raids on the settlements, 343, 348; their own security due to their remoteness from the scene of danger, 348; the Quakers alarmed at the approach of the Paxton men, 373; their dilemma, 373; they concur in measures for the defence of Philadelphia, 377; and thus abandon their favorite principle.

Quaker principles no security from the tomahawk, 348 _note_.

Quebec, strongly fortified, 100; surrenders to the English, 109.

R.

Rangers, description of this species of force, 124; their services, 124; their reputation, _ib._; a body of them under Rogers sent to take possession of the western posts, 126.

Rattlesnake superstitiously venerated by the Indians, 395 _note_, 456 _note_.

Robertson, Captain, murdered by Indians, 176.

Rogers, Major Robert, commander of the Rangers, 124; described, 124; wanting in correct moral principle, 125; tried for meditated treason, _ib._; his miserable end, _ib._; his published works, 125, 126 _note_. See _Appendix_ B. Sent to take possession of the Western posts, 126; passes up Lakes Ontario and Erie, _ib._; his interview with Pontiac, 127; his statements respecting the detention of two British officers, 181, 182 _note_; his account of Pontiac, 192; Rogers and Pontiac, 193; comes to Detroit with a reinforcement, 227; engaged in the fight at Bloody Bridge, 231, 232, 233.

"Royal Americans," a regiment so denominated, 298; of what material composed, _ib._

Rum: a proposal to exterminate the Indians by the free sale of this article, 353 _note_.

S.

Sacs and Foxes, their location, 265; defeated by the French near Detroit, 189 _note_; a party of Sacs visit Michillimackinac, 249.

Sandusky, fort, captured by the Indians, 203.

Sault Ste. Marie, a military post, 239; abandoned by the English, 265.

Schlosser, Ensign, taken prisoner by Indians, 204, 205.

School children, with their master, murdered and scalped by the Indians, 338, 339.

Schoolcraft, Henry R., quoted, 17, 22, 24, 164, 166.

Scotch-Irish in Pennsylvania, 335; their peculiarities, _ib._

Seneca Indians join in the plot against the English, 137, 142; a party of them take and destroy Venango, 290, 296; destroy a convoy at the Devil's Hole, 331; make peace with the English, 397. See _Iroquois_.

_Shawanoes_, scattered widely after their defeat by the Iroquois, 37; driven again from their homes, 74; carry on hostilities against the English, 111; their number estimated, 115; their villages, 117; Colonel Bouquet compels them to sue for peace, 436.

Shippen, Edward, a magistrate of Lancaster, gives to Governor Bain an account of the massacre in Lancaster jail, 364 _note_. See _Appendix_ E.

Shippensburg, Pa., crowded with fugitives from the frontiers, 316 _note_.

Small-pox, proposal to infect the Indians with it, 304, 305; this disease found to exist among them, 304 _note_.

Smith, James, commands a body of border riflemen, 345; adopts the Indian costume and tactics, _ib._; a further account of him, 345 _note_; heads a predatory expedition of Paxton men, 476; his narration of the affair, 478 _note_.

Smith, Matthew, a leader among the Paxton men, 360; conducts a party of men against the Indians at Conestoga, 361; the massacre, 361; Smith's narration of the affair, 361 _note_; he threatens to fire on his minister's horse if not allowed to pass, 363; leads in the massacre of Indians in Lancaster jail, _ib._; conducts an armed rabble to Philadelphia, with a purpose to kill the Moravian Indians, 372; proceeds to Germantown, and there halts, 379; treaty with the rioters, 381. See _Appendix_ E., pp. 543-547.

Smith, William, of New York, his account of Pontiac, 192 _note_.

Smollett's history of England, quoted in reference to the "Royal Americans," 297 _note_.

Solomons, an English fur-trader, 244.

Spangenburg, a Moravian bishop, attends the great Iroquois council at Onondaga, 21 _note_; his account of it, _ib._

St. Ange de Bellerive, commander of the French fort Chartres, 464; keeps the Indians quiet, _ib._; has a visit from Pontiac, 468; to whom he refuses aid, 468, 482.

St. Aubin, a Canadian, 165; his account of the siege of Detroit, _Appendix_ C.

St. Ignace, mission of, 240.

St. Joseph River, a French fort there, 54, 57; taken possession of by the English, 130; the fort captured by Indians, 204.

St. Louis founded by Laclede, 463; surprising changes there in the memory of the living, 463.

St. Pierre, Legardeur de, French commandant on the waters of the Ohio, 81.

Stedman, conductor of a convoy, escapes from the Indians, 330.

Stewart, Lazarus, a leader of the Paxton men, 362; apprehended on a charge of murder, 366; escapes to Wyoming, _ib._; issues a "declaration," _ib._; the document quoted, 357 _note_; favorable character of him given by Rev. John Elder, 365 _note_.

Superstitious regard of Indians for insane persons illustrated by a curious story, 283; superstitious regard for rattlesnakes, 395 _note_, 456 _note_.

Susquehanna River, its banks a scene of Indian warfare, 345 _et seq._

T.

Thunder, god of, 41.

Ticonderoga, its position, 97; repulse of the English there, 98, 99; taken by General Amherst, 100.

_Totems_, emblems of clans, 17, 18, 21; their influence, 21.

Tracy, a fur-trader, at Mackinaw, 251.

Traders among the Indians, their bad character, 63; many of them killed, 281, 282; treacherous conduct of the Indians towards them, 283.

Treacherous conduct of Indians, 146, 250, 281, 283, 288.

Treatment of captives taken in war, 28, 61, 180 _note_.

Treatment of Indians by the French, 64-67; by the English, 64, 131, 132 _note_, 141; by William Penn, 69; by his sons, 70, 71; by the Quakers, 69, 70; by the New England people, 70.

Treaty of 1763, its probable effect on the Indians had it been made sooner, 147, 148.

Trent, Captain, occupies the site of Pittsburg, 81; obliged to leave it, 82.

Tribute exacted by the Iroquois, what, 19 _note_.

_Tuscaroras_, a later member of the _Iroquois_ confederacy, 20; removal from North Carolina, 33.

U.

Union of the colonies proposed, 83.

Union of the Mississippi and Missouri Rivers, 452.

V.

Venango, on the Alleghany River, 278; destroyed by the Indians and the garrison slaughtered, 290; the remains visible many years after, 291 _note_.

Vincennes, a French settlement, 120, 278.

Virginia troops, their good conduct at the time of Braddock's defeat, 91; Virginia wasted by Indian war, 111; character of the settlers of Western Virginia, 333; extent of settlement, 334; ravages of the Indians, 337, 338; energetic measures taken to protect the settlers, 344.

W.

"Walking Purchase," the, a fraudulent transaction, 71; its consequences, 72.

Walpole, Horace, his low opinion of General Braddock, 86.

Wampum, of what made, 141 _note_; its uses, 142 _note_; what the spurning of it denotes, 113 _note_; used in making a treaty, 401 _note_; black wampum and its use, 473.

_Wapocomoguth_, an Ojibwa chief, visits Detroit with proposals of peace, 351.

War, Indian appetite for it, 146; their mode of preparation for it, 27; wars of the Iroquois with other Indians, 31-33; with the French, 61, 62; war of 1755, 84-110; of the Indians of Ohio against the English, 111; war-parties of Indians, how formed, 145; Indian wars, how conducted, 146, 147; preparation for war, how made, 148-150; the war-feast, 149; prognostics of the war, 159; the war dance, 176; the war instigated by Pontiac begins, 177; end of the war, its distresses, 496.

War of 1755, its beginning, 84; its peculiar character, 85; plan formed for 1755 by the English ministry, 86; plan for 1759, 99.

Washington, George, sent to remonstrate against French encroachment, 80; his interview with the French commandant on the waters of the Ohio, 81; surprises and captures a party of French on the Monongahela, 82; sustains the attack of a superior force of French and Indians, _ib._; his calm behavior at the time of Braddock's defeat, 89.

_Wawatam_, an Ojibwa chief, his singular friendship for Alexander Henry, 246; warns Henry of danger, 247; the warning disregarded, _ib._; procures the release of Henry from those who had him in their power, 260, 261; again preserves the life of Henry, 264.

Webb, General, his dastardly conduct, 113.

Wilderness of the West described, 114; its vastness, its small and scattered Indian population, 115; estimate of the number, _ib._; hunters and trappers, their character and habits, 122, 123.

Wilkins, Major, commands at Niagara, 331; conducts an expedition against the Indians, 332; meets with disaster, _ib._; the failure of the expedition announced at Detroit, 353.

William Henry, Fort, its position, 97; taken by Montcalm, 97; massacre there, 66, 97.

Williams, Colonel Ephraim, slain at the battle of Lake George, 94.

Williamson, an English trader, procures the assassination of Pontiac, 499, 500.

_Winnebagoes_, their location, 265.

Winston, Richard, trader at St. Joseph's, his curious letter, 205 _note_.

Wisconsin, first white settlers in it, 252 _note_.

Wolfe, General James, arrives before Quebec, 100; his character, 101; difficulties of his situation, 101, 102; repeats Gray's "Elegy," 104; occupies the Plains of Abraham, 106; the battle, 107, 108; death of Wolfe in the arms of victory, 109.

Wyandots, or Hurons, where situated, 30; their early prosperity, 31; fiercely attacked and slaughtered by the Iroquois, 31; a fugitive remnant left, 31, 38; their energy of character, 33, 117; their steadiness in fight, 33, 34; their village near Detroit, 129, 163; they join in the conspiracy of Pontiac, 142; some of them do this under coercion, 183; a body of them surprise Cuyler's detachment, 200; a party of them capture Fort Sandusky, 202.

Wyoming Valley, settled from Connecticut, 347, 366; massacre of the settlers, 347.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: Many Indian tribes bear names which in their dialect signify _men_, indicating that the character belongs, _par excellence_, to them. Sometimes the word was used by itself, and sometimes an adjective was joined with it, as _original men, men surpassing all others_.]

[Footnote 2: The dread of female infidelity has been assigned, and with probable truth, as the origin of this custom. The sons of a chief's sister must necessarily be his kindred; though his own reputed son may be, in fact, the offspring of another.]

[Footnote 3: Schoolcraft, _Oneota_, 172.

The extraordinary figures intended to represent tortoises, deer, snakes, and other animals, which are often seen appended to Indian treaties, are the totems of the chiefs, who employ these devices of their respective clans as their sign manual. The device of his clan is also sometimes tattooed on the body of the warrior.

The word _tribe_ might, perhaps, have been employed with as much propriety as that of _clan_, to indicate the totemic division; but as the former is constantly employed to represent the local or political divisions of the Indian race, hopeless confusion would arise from using it in a double capacity.]

[Footnote 4: For an ample view of these divisions, see the _Synopsis_ of Mr. Gallatin, _Trans. Am. Ant. Soc._ II.]

[Footnote 5: It appears from several passages in the writings of Adair, Hawkins, and others, that the totem prevailed among the southern tribes. In a conversation with the late Albert Gallatin, he informed me that he was told by the chiefs of a Choctaw deputation, at Washington, that in their tribe were eight totemic clans, divided into two classes, of four each. It is very remarkable that the same number of clans, and the same division into classes, were to be found among the Five Nations or Iroquois.]

[Footnote 6: A great difficulty in the study of Indian history arises from a redundancy of names employed to designate the same tribe; yet this does not prevent the same name from being often used to designate two or more different tribes. The following are the chief of those which are applied to the Iroquois by different writers, French, English, and German:--

Iroquois, Five, and afterwards Six Nations; Confederates, Hodenosaunee, Aquanuscioni, Aggonnonshioni, Ongwe Honwe, Mengwe, Maquas, Mahaquase, Massawomecs, Palenachendchiesktajeet.

The name of Massawomecs has been applied to several tribes; and that of Mingoes is often restricted to a colony of the Iroquois which established itself near the Ohio.]

[Footnote 7: Francois, a well-known Indian belonging to the remnant of the Penobscots living at Old Town, in Maine, told me, in the summer of 1843, that a tradition was current, among his people, of their being attacked in ancient times by the Mohawks, or, as he called them, Mohogs, a tribe of the Iroquois, who destroyed one of their villages, killed the men and women, and roasted the small children on forked sticks, like apples, before the fire. When he began to tell his story, Francois was engaged in patching an old canoe, in preparation for a moose hunt; but soon growing warm with his recital, he gave over his work, and at the conclusion exclaimed with great wrath and earnestness, "Mohog all devil!"]

[Footnote 8: The tribute exacted from the Delawares consisted of wampum, or beads of shell, an article of inestimable value with the Indians. "Two old men commonly go about, every year or two, to receive this tribute; and I have often had opportunity to observe what anxiety the poor Indians were under, while these two old men remained in that part of the country where I was. An old Mohawk sachem, in a poor blanket and a dirty shirt, may be seen issuing his orders with as arbitrary an authority as a Roman dictator."--Colden, _Hist. Five Nations_, 4.]

[Footnote 9: The following are synonymous names, gathered from various writers:--

Mohawks, Anies, Agniers, Agnierrhonons, Sankhicans, Canungas, Mauguawogs, Ganeagaonoh.

Oneidas, Oneotas, Onoyats, Anoyints, Onneiouts, Oneyyotecaronoh, Onoiochrhonons.

Onondagas, Onnontagues, Onondagaonohs.

Cayugas, Caiyoquos, Goiogoens, Gweugwehonoh.

Senecas, Sinnikes, Chennessies, Genesees, Chenandoanes, Tsonnontouans, Jenontowanos, Nundawaronoh.]

[Footnote 10: "In the year 1745, August Gottlieb Spangenburg, a bishop of the United Brethren, spent several weeks in Onondaga, and frequently attended the great council. The council-house was built of bark. On each side six seats were placed, each containing six persons. No one was admitted besides the members of the council, except a few, who were particularly honored. If one rose to speak, all the rest sat in profound silence, smoking their pipes. The speaker uttered his words in a singing tone, always rising a few notes at the close of each sentence. Whatever was pleasing to the council was confirmed by all with the word Nee, or Yes. And, at the end of each speech, the whole company joined in applauding the speaker by calling Hoho. At noon, two men entered bearing a large kettle filled with meat, upon a pole across their shoulders, which was first presented to the guests. A large wooden ladle, as broad and deep as a common bowl, hung with a hook to the side of the kettle, with which every one might at once help himself to as much as he could eat. When the guests had eaten their fill, they begged the counsellors to do the same. The whole was conducted in a very decent and quiet manner. Indeed, now and then, one or the other would lie flat upon his back to rest himself, and sometimes they would stop, joke, and laugh heartily."--Loskiel, _Hist. Morav. Miss._ 138.]

[Footnote 11: The descent of the sachemship in the female line was a custom universally prevalent among the Five Nations, or Iroquois proper. Since, among Indian tribes generally, the right of furnishing a sachem was vested in some particular totemic clan, it results of course that the descent of the sachemship must follow the descent of the totem; that is, if the totemship descend in the female line, the sachemship must do the same. This custom of descent in the female line prevailed not only among the Iroquois proper, but also among the Wyandots, and probably among the Andastes and the Eries, extinct members of the great Iroquois family. Thus, among any of these tribes, when a Wolf warrior married a Hawk squaw, their children were Hawks, and not Wolves. With the Creeks of the south, according to the observations of Hawkins (_Georgia Hist. Coll. III. 69_), the rule was the same; but among the Algonquins, on the contrary, or at least among the northern branches of this family, the reverse took place, the totemships, and consequently the chieftainships, descending in the male line, after the analogy of civilized nations. For this information concerning the northern Algonquins, I am indebted to Mr. Schoolcraft, whose opportunities of observation among these tribes have surpassed those of any other student of Indian customs and character.]

[Footnote 12: An account of the political institutions of the Iroquois will be found in Mr. Morgan's series of letters, published in the _American Review_ for 1847. Valuable information may also be obtained from _Schoolcraft's Notes on the Iroquois_.

Mr. Morgan is of opinion that these institutions were the result of "a protracted effort of legislation." An examination of the customs prevailing among other Indian tribes makes it probable that the elements of the Iroquois polity existed among them from an indefinite antiquity; and the legislation of which Mr. Morgan speaks could only involve the arrangement and adjustment of already existing materials.

Since the above chapter was written, Mr. Morgan has published an elaborate and very able work on the institutions of the Iroquois. It forms an invaluable addition to this department of knowledge.]

[Footnote 13: Recorded by Heckewelder, Colden, and Schoolcraft. That the Iroquois had long dwelt on the spot where they were first discovered by the whites, is rendered probable by several circumstances. See Mr. Squier's work on the _Aboriginal Monuments of New York_.]

[Footnote 14: This preposterous legend was first briefly related in the pamphlet of Cusick, the Tuscarora, and after him by Mr. Schoolcraft, in his _Notes_. The curious work of Cusick will again be referred to.]

[Footnote 15: For traditions of the Iroquois see Schoolcraft, _Notes_, Chap. IX. Cusick, _History of the Five Nations_, and Clark, _Hist. Onondaga_, I.

Cusick was an old Tuscarora Indian, who, being disabled by an accident from active occupations, essayed to become the historian of his people, and produced a small pamphlet, written in a language almost unintelligible, and filled with a medley of traditions in which a few grains of truth are inextricably mingled with a tangled mass of absurdities. He relates the monstrous legends of his people with an air of implicit faith, and traces the presiding sachems of the confederacy in regular descent from the first Atotarho downwards. His work, which was printed at the Tuscarora village, near Lewiston, in 1828, is illustrated by several rude engravings representing the Stone Giants, the Flying Heads, and other traditional monsters.]

[Footnote 16: Lafitau, _M[oe]urs des Sauvages Ameriquains_, II. 4-10.

Frontenac, in his expedition against the Onondagas, in 1696 (see Official Journal, _Doc. Hist. New York_, I. 332), found one of their villages built in an oblong form, with four bastions. The wall was formed of three rows of palisades, those of the outer row being forty or fifty feet high. The usual figure of the Iroquois villages was circular or oval, and in this instance the bastions were no doubt the suggestion of some European adviser.]

[Footnote 17: Bartram gives the following account of the great council-house at Onondaga, which he visited in 1743:--

"We alighted at the council-house, where the chiefs were already assembled to receive us, which they did with a grave, cheerful complaisance, according to their custom; they shew'd us where to lay our baggage, and repose ourselves during our stay with them; which was in the two end apartments of this large house. The Indians that came with us were placed over against us. This cabin is about eighty feet long and seventeen broad, the common passage six feet wide, and the apartments on each side five feet, raised a foot above the passage by a long sapling, hewed square, and fitted with joists that go from it to the back of the house; on these joists they lay large pieces of bark, and on extraordinary occasions spread mats made of rushes: this favor we had; on these floors they set or lye down, every one as he will; the apartments are divided from each other by boards or bark, six or seven foot long, from the lower floor to the upper, on which they put their lumber; when they have eaten their homony, as they set in each apartment before the fire, they can put the bowl over head, having not above five foot to reach; they set on the floor sometimes at each end, but mostly at one; they have a shed to put their wood into in the winter, or in the summer to set to converse or play, that has a door to the south; all the sides and roof of the cabin are made of bark, bound fast to poles set in the ground, and bent round on the top, or set aflatt, for the roof, as we set our rafters; over each fireplace they leave a hole to let out the smoke, which, in rainy weather, they cover with a piece of bark, and this they can easily reach with a pole to push it on one side or quite over the hole; after this model are most of their cabins built."--Bartram, _Observations_, 40.]

[Footnote 18: "Being at this place the 17 of June, there came fifty prisoners from the south westward. They were of two nations, some whereof have few guns, the other none at all. One nation is about ten days journey from any Christians, and trade onely with one greatt house, nott farr from the sea, and the other trade onely, as they say, with a black people. This day of them was burnt two women, and a man and a child killed with a stone. Att night we heard a great noise as if y^{e} houses had all fallen butt itt was only y^{e} inhabitants driving away y^{e} ghosts of y^{e} murthered.

'The 18^{th} going to Canagorah, that day there were most cruelly burnt four men, four women and one boy. The cruelty lasted aboutt seven hours. When they were almost dead letting them loose to the mercy of y^{e} boys, and taking the hearts of such as were dead to feast on'--Greenhalgh, _Journal_, 1677.]

[Footnote 19: For an account of the habits and customs of the Iroquois, the following works, besides those already cited, may be referred to:--

Charlevoix, _Letters to the Duchess of Lesdiguieres_; Champlain, _Voyages de la Nouv. France_; Clark, _Hist. Onondaga_, I., and several volumes of the Jesuit _Relations_, especially those of 1656-1657 and 1659-1660.]

[Footnote 20: This is Colden's translation of the word Ongwehonwe, one of the names of the Iroquois.]

[Footnote 21: La Hontan estimated the Iroquois at from five thousand to seven thousand fighting men; but his means of information were very imperfect, and the same may be said of several other French writers, who have overrated the force of the confederacy. In 1677, the English sent one Greenhalgh to ascertain their numbers. He visited all their towns and villages, and reported their aggregate force at two thousand one hundred and fifty fighting men. The report of Colonel Coursey, agent from Virginia, at about the same period, closely corresponds with this statement. Greenhalgh's Journal will be found in Chalmers's _Political Annals_, and in the _Documentary History of New York_. Subsequent estimates, up to the period of the Revolution, when their strength had much declined, vary from twelve hundred to two thousand one hundred and twenty. Most of these estimates are given by Clinton, in his _Discourse on the Five Nations_, and several by Jefferson, in his _Notes on Virginia_.]

[Footnote 22: Hurons, Wyandots, Yendots, Ouendaets, Quatogies.

The Dionondadies are also designated by the following names: Tionontatez, Petuneux--Nation of Tobacco.]

[Footnote 23: See Sagard, _Hurons_, 115.]

[Footnote 24: Bancroft, in his chapter on the Indians east of the Mississippi, falls into a mistake when he says that no trade was carried on by any of the tribes. For an account of the traffic between the Hurons and Algonquins, see Mercier, _Relation des Hurons_, 1637, p. 171.]

[Footnote 25: See "Jesuits in North America."]

[Footnote 26: According to Lallemant, the population of the Neutral Nation amounted to at least twelve thousand; but the estimate is probably exaggerated.--_Relation des Hurons_, 1641, p. 50.]

[Footnote 27: The Iroquois traditions on this subject, as related to the writer by a chief of the Cayugas, do not agree with the narratives of the Jesuits. It is not certain that the Eries were of the Iroquois family. There is some reason to believe them Algonquins, and possibly identical with the Shawanoes.]

[Footnote 28: Charlevoix, _Nouvelle France_, I. 443.]

[Footnote 29: Gallatin places the final subjection of the Lenape at about the year 1750--a printer's error for 1650.--_Synopsis_, 48.]

[Footnote 30: _Nouvelle France_, I. 196.]

[Footnote 31: William Henry Harrison, _Discourse on the Aborigines of the Ohio_. See _Ohio Hist. Trans. Part Second_, I. 257.]

[Footnote 32: "Here y^{e} Indyans were very desirous to see us ride our horses, w^{ch} wee did: they made great feasts and dancing, and invited us y^{t} when all y^{e} maides were together, both wee and our Indyans might choose such as lyked us to ly with."--Greenhalgh, _Journal_.]

[Footnote 33: The Lenape, on their part, call the other Algonquin tribes Children, Grandchildren, Nephews, or Younger Brothers; but they confess the superiority of the Wyandots and the Five Nations, by yielding them the title of Uncles. They, in return, call the Lenape Nephews, or more frequently Cousins.]

[Footnote 34: Loskiel, Part I. 130.]

[Footnote 35: The story told by the Lenape themselves, and recorded with the utmost good faith by Loskiel and Heckewelder, that the Five Nations had not conquered them, but, by a cunning artifice, had cheated them into subjection, is wholly unworthy of credit. It is not to be believed that a people so acute and suspicious could be the dupes of so palpable a trick; and it is equally incredible that a high-spirited tribe could be induced, by the most persuasive rhetoric, to assume the name of Women, which in Indian eyes is the last confession of abject abasement.]

[Footnote 36: Heckewelder, _Hist. Ind. Nat._ 53.]

[Footnote 37: The evidence concerning the movements of the Shawanoes is well summed up by Gallatin, _Synopsis_, 65. See also Drake, _Life of Tecumseh_, 10.]

[Footnote 38: Father Rasles, 1723, says that there were eleven. Marest, in 1712, found only three.]

[Footnote 39: Morse, _Report, Appendix_, 141.]

[Footnote 40: See Tanner, Long, and Henry. A comparison of Tanner with the accounts of the Jesuit Le Jeune will show that Algonquin life in Lower Canada, two hundred years ago, was essentially the same with Algonquin life on the Upper Lakes within the last half century.]

[Footnote 41: For Algonquin legends, see Schoolcraft, in _Algic Researches_ and _Oneota_. Le Jeune early discovered these legends among the tribes of his mission. Two centuries ago, among the Algonquins of Lower Canada, a tale was related to him, which, in its principal incidents, is identical with the story of the "Boy who set a Snare for the Sun," recently found by Mr. Schoolcraft among the tribes of the Upper Lakes. Compare _Relation_, 1637, p. 172, and _Oneota_, p. 75. The coincidence affords a curious proof of the antiquity and wide diffusion of some of these tales.

The Dacotah, as well as the Algonquins, believe that the thunder is produced by a bird. A beautiful illustration of this idea will be found in Mrs. Eastman's _Legends of the Sioux_. An Indian propounded to Le Jeune a doctrine of his own. According to his theory, the thunder is produced by the eructations of a monstrous giant, who had unfortunately swallowed a quantity of snakes; and the latter falling to the earth, caused the appearance of lightning. "Voila une philosophie bien nouvelle!" exclaims the astonished Jesuit.]

[Footnote 42: Le Jeune, Schoolcraft, James, Jarvis, Charlevoix, Sagard, Brebeuf, Mercier, Vimont, Lallemant, Lafitau, De Smet, &c.]

[Footnote 43: Raynal. _Hist. Indies_, VII. 87 (Lond. 1783).

Charlevoix, _Voyages, Letter_ X.

The Swedish traveller Kalm gives an interesting account of manners in Canada, about the middle of the eighteenth century. For the feudal tenure as existing in Canada, see Bouchette, I. Chap. XIV (Lond. 1831), and Garneau, _Hist. Canada_, Book III. Chap. III.]

[Footnote 44: Charlevoix, _Nouv. France_, I. 197.]

[Footnote 45: Charlevoix, I. 198.]

[Footnote 46: A. D. 1635. _Relation des Hurons_, 1636, p. 2.]

[Footnote 47: "Vivre en la Nouvelle France c'est a vray dire vivre dans le sein de Dieu." Such are the extravagant words of Le Jeune, in his report of the year 1635.]

[Footnote 48: See Jesuit _Relations_ and _Lettres Edifiantes_; also, Charlevoix, _passim_; Garneau, _Hist. Canada_, Book IV. Chap. II.; and Bancroft, _Hist. U. S._ Chap. XX.]

[Footnote 49: Charlevoix, I. 292.]

[Footnote 50: _Ibid._ 238-276.]

[Footnote 51: For remarks on the futility of Jesuit missionary efforts, see Halkett, _Historical Notes_, Chap. IV.]

[Footnote 52: Picquet was a priest of St. Sulpice. For a sketch of his life, see _Lett. Edif._ XIV.]

[Footnote 53: For an account of Priber, see _Adair_, 240. I have seen mention of this man in contemporary provincial newspapers, where he is sometimes spoken of as a disguised Jesuit. He took up his residence among the Cherokees about the year 1736, and labored to gain them over to the French interest.]

[Footnote 54: Sparks, _Life of La Salle_, 21.]

[Footnote 55: Hennepin, _New Discovery_, 98 (Lond. 1698.)]

[Footnote 56: _Proces Verbal_, in appendix to Sparks's _La Salle_.]

[Footnote 57: Du Pratz, _Hist. Louisiana_, 5. Charlevoix, II. 259.]

[Footnote 58: Smith, _Hist. Canada_, I. 208.]

[Footnote 59: Champlain, _Voyages_, 136 (Paris, 1632) Charlevoix, I, 142.]

[Footnote 60: Vimont, Colden, Charlevoix, _passim_.]

[Footnote 61: Vimont seems to believe the story--_Rel. de la N. F._ 1640, 195.]

[Footnote 62: Charlevoix, I. 549.]

[Footnote 63: A. D. 1654-1658.--_Doc. Hist. N. Y._ I. 47.]

[Footnote 64: Official Papers of the Expedition.--_Doc. Hist. N. Y._ I. 323.]

[Footnote 65: _Doc. Hist. N. Y._ I. 446.]

[Footnote 66: La Hontan, _Voyages_, I. 74. Colden, _Memorial on the Fur-Trade_.]

[Footnote 67: _Doc. Hist. N. Y._ I. 444.]

[Footnote 68: Smith, _Hist. Canada_, I. 214.]

[Footnote 69: _Precis des Faits_, 89.]

[Footnote 70: Smith, _Hist. N. Y. passim_.]

[Footnote 71: _Rev. Military Operations, Mass. Hist. Coll. 1st Series_, VII. 67.]

[Footnote 72: Colden, _Hist. Five Nat._ 161.]

[Footnote 73: _MS. Papers of Cadwallader Colden. MS. Papers of Sir William Johnson._

"We find the Indians, as far back as the very confused manuscript records in my possession, repeatedly upbraiding this province for their negligence, their avarice, and their want of assisting them at a time when it was certainly in their power to destroy the infant colony of Canada, although supported by many nations; and this is likewise confessed by the writings of the managers of these times."--_MS. Letter--Johnson to the Board of Trade, May 24, 1765._]

[Footnote 74: "I apprehend it will clearly appear to you, that the colonies had all along neglected to cultivate a proper understanding with the Indians, and from a mistaken notion have greatly despised them, without considering that it is in their power to lay waste and destroy the frontiers. This opinion arose from our confidence in our scattered numbers, and the parsimony of our people, who, from an error in politics, would not expend five pounds to save twenty."--_MS. Letter--Johnson to the Board of Trade, November 13, 1763._]

[Footnote 75: Adair, _Post's Journals_. Croghan's _Journal_, MSS. of Sir W. Johnson, etc., etc.]

[Footnote 76: La Hontan, I. 177. Potherie, _Hist. Am. Sept._ II. 298 (Paris, 1722).

These facts afford no ground for national reflections, when it is recollected that while Iroquois prisoners were tortured in the wilds of Canada, Elizabeth Gaunt was burned to death at Tyburn for yielding to the dictates of compassion, and giving shelter to a political offender.]

[Footnote 77: Le Jeune, _Rel. de la N. F._ 1636, 193.]

[Footnote 78: "I have exactly followed the Bishop of London's counsel, by buying, and not taking away, the natives' land."--_Penn's Letter to the Ministry, Aug. 14, 1683._ See Chalmer's _Polit. Ann._ 666.]

[Footnote 79: "If any of the salvages pretend right of inheritance to all or any part of the lands granted in our patent, we pray you endeavor to purchase their tytle, that we may avoid the least scruple of intrusion."--_Instructions to Endicot_, 1629. See Hazard, _State Papers_, I. 263.

"The inhabitants of New England had never, except in the territory of the Pequods, taken possession of a foot of land without first obtaining a title from the Indians."--Bancroft, _Hist. U. S._ II. 98.]

[Footnote 80: He paid twice for his lands; once to the Iroquois, who claimed them by right of conquest, and once to their occupants, the Delawares.]

[Footnote 81: 1755-1763. The feelings of the Quakers at this time may be gathered from the following sources: MS. _Account of the Rise and Progress of the Friendly Association for gaining and preserving Peace with the Indians by pacific Measures._ _Address of the Friendly Association to Governor Denny._ See Proud, _Hist. Pa., appendix_. Haz., _Pa. Reg._ VIII. 273, 293, 323. But a much livelier picture of the prevailing excitement will be found in a series of party pamphlets, published at Philadelphia in the year 1764.]

[Footnote 82: _Causes of the Alienation of the Delaware and Shawanoe Indians from the British Interest_, 33, 68, (Lond. 1759). This work is a pamphlet written by Charles Thompson, afterwards secretary of Congress, and designed to explain the causes of the rupture which took place at the outbreak of the French war. The text is supported by copious references to treaties and documents. I have seen a copy in the possession of Francis Fisher, Esq., of Philadelphia, containing marginal notes in the handwriting of James Hamilton, who was twice governor of the province under the proprietary instructions. In these notes, though he cavils at several unimportant points of the relation, he suffers the essential matter to pass unchallenged.]

[Footnote 83: _Witham Marshe's Journal._]

[Footnote 84: Onas was the name given by the Indians to William Penn and his successors.]

[Footnote 85: _Minutes of Indian council held at Philadelphia_, 1742.]

[Footnote 86: Chapman, _Hist. Wyoming_, 19.]

[Footnote 87: _Colonial Records_, III. 340.]

[Footnote 88: Letter of Governor Spotswood, of Virginia, Jan. 25, 1720. See _Colonial Records of Pa._ III. 75.]

[Footnote 89: _Minutes of Indian Council_, 1746.]

[Footnote 90: _Doc. Hist. N. Y._ I. 423.]

[Footnote 91: MS. Letter--_Colden to Lord Halifax_, no date.]

[Footnote 92: Allen, _Am. Biog. Dict._ and authorities there referred to. Campbell, _Annals of Tryon County, appendix_. Sabine, _Am. Loyalists_, 398. _Papers relating to Sir W. Johnson_. See _Doc. Hist. New York_, II. _MS. Papers of Sir W. Johnson_, etc., etc.]

[Footnote 93: Garneau, Book VIII. Chap. III.]

[Footnote 94: Holmes, _Annals_, II. 183. _Memoire contenant Le Precis des Faits, Pieces Justificatives_, Part I.]

[Footnote 95: Smollett, III. 370 (Edinburgh, 1805).]

[Footnote 96: Sparks's _Life and Writings of Washington_, II. 478. _Gist's Journal_.]

[Footnote 97: _Olden Time_, II. 9, 10. This excellent antiquarian publication contains documents relating to this period which are not to be found elsewhere.]

[Footnote 98: "He invited us to sup with them, and treated us with the greatest complaisance. The wine, as they dosed themselves pretty plentifully with it, soon banished the restraint which at first appeared in their conversation, and gave a license to their tongues to reveal their sentiments more freely. They told me that it was their absolute design to take possession of the Ohio, and by G--d they would do it; for that, although they were sensible the English could raise two men for their one, yet they knew their motions were too slow and dilatory to prevent any undertaking of theirs. They pretend to have an undoubted right to the river from a discovery made by one La Salle, sixty years ago; and the rise of this expedition is, to prevent our settling on the river or waters of it, as they heard of some families moving out in order thereto."--Washington, _Journal_.]

[Footnote 99: Sparks, _Life and Writings of Washington_, II. 6.]

[Footnote 100: Sparks, II. 447. The conduct of Washington in this affair is regarded by French writers as a stain on his memory.]

[Footnote 101: For the French account of these operations, see _Memoire contenant le Precis des Faits_. This volume, an official publication of the French court, contains numerous documents, among which are the papers of the unfortunate Braddock, left on the field of battle by his defeated army.]

[Footnote 102: _First Journal_ of C. F. Post.]

[Footnote 103: Letters of Robert Stobo, an English hostage at Fort du Quesne.

"Shamokin Daniel, who came with me, went over to the fort [du Quesne] by himself, and counselled with the governor, who presented him with a laced coat and hat, a blanket, shirts, ribbons, a new gun, powder, lead, &c. When he returned he was quite changed, and said, 'See here, you fools, what the French have given me. I was in Philadelphia, and never received a farthing,' and (directing himself to me) said, 'The English are fools, and so are you.'"--Post, _First Journal_.

Washington, while at Fort Le B[oe]uf, was much annoyed by the conduct of the French, who did their utmost to seduce his Indian escort by bribes and promises.]

[Footnote 104: Trumbull, _Hist. Conn._ II. 355. Holmes, _Annals_, II. 201.]

[Footnote 105: At this council an Iroquois sachem upbraided the English, with great boldness, for their neglect of the Indians, their invasion of their lands, and their dilatory conduct with regard to the French, who, as the speaker averred, had behaved like men and warriors.--_Minutes of Conferences at Albany, 1754._]

[Footnote 106: _Causes of the Alienation of the Delaware and Shawanoe Indians from the British Interest_, 77.]

[Footnote 107: Garneau, II. 551. _Gent. Mag._ XXV. 330.]

[Footnote 108: Smollett, III. 436.

"The French inveighed against the capture of their ships, before any declaration of war, as flagrant acts of piracy; and some neutral powers of Europe seemed to consider them in the same point of view. It was certainly high time to check the insolence of the French by force of arms; and surely this might have been as effectually and expeditiously exerted under the usual sanction of a formal declaration, the omission of which exposed the administration to the censure of our neighbors, and fixed the imputation of fraud and freebooting on the beginning of the war."--Smollett, III. 481. See also Mahon, _Hist. England_, IV. 72.]

[Footnote 109: Instructions of General Braddock. See _Precis des Faits_, 160, 168.]

[Footnote 110: The following is Horace Walpole's testimony, and writers of better authority have expressed themselves, with less liveliness and piquancy, to the same effect:--

"Braddock is a very Iroquois in disposition. He had a sister, who, having gamed away all her little fortune at Bath, hanged herself with a truly English deliberation, leaving only a note upon the table with those lines, 'To die is landing on some silent shore,' &c. When Braddock was told of it, he only said, 'Poor Fanny! I always thought she would play till she would be forced _to tuck herself up_.'"

Here follows a curious anecdote of Braddock's meanness and profligacy, which I omit. The next is more to his credit. "He once had a duel with Colonel Gumley, Lady Bath's brother, who had been his great friend. As they were going to engage, Gumley, who had good humor and wit (Braddock had the latter), said, 'Braddock, you are a poor dog! Here, take my purse. If you kill me, you will be forced to run away, and then you will not have a shilling to support you.' Braddock refused the purse, insisted on the duel, was disarmed, and would not even ask his life. However, with all his brutality, he has lately been governor of Gibraltar, where he made himself adored, and where scarce any governor was endured before."--_Letters to Sir H. Mann_, CCLXV. CCLXVI.

Washington's opinion of Braddock may be gathered from his Writings, II. 77.]

[Footnote 111: MS. _Diary of the Expedition_, in the British Museum.]

[Footnote 112: Sparks's _Life and Writings of Washington_, II. 473. I am indebted to the kindness of President Sparks for copies of several French manuscripts, which throw much light on the incidents of the battle. These manuscripts are alluded to in the Life and Writings of Washington.]

[Footnote 113: _Smith's Narrative._ This interesting account has been several times published. It may be found in Drake's _Tragedies of the Wilderness_.]

[Footnote 114: "Went to Lorette, an Indian village about eight miles from Quebec. Saw the Indians at mass, and heard them sing psalms tolerably well--a dance. Got well acquainted with Athanase, who was commander of the Indians who defeated General Braddock, in 1755--a very sensible fellow."--_MS. Journal of an English Gentleman on a Tour through Canada, in 1765._]

[Footnote 115: "My feelings were heightened by the warm and glowing narration of that day's events, by Dr. Walker, who was an eye-witness. He pointed out the ford where the army crossed the Monongahela (below Turtle Creek, 800 yards). A finer sight could not have been beheld,--the shining barrels of the muskets, the excellent order of the men, the cleanliness of their appearance, the joy depicted on every face at being so near Fort du Quesne--the highest object of their wishes. The music re-echoed through the hills. How brilliant the morning--how melancholy the evening!"--_Letter of Judge Yeates, dated August, 1776._ See Haz., _Pa. Reg._, VI. 104.]

[Footnote 116: Letter--_Captain Orme, his aide-de-camp, to_ ----, July 18.]

[Footnote 117: Sparks, I. 67.]

[Footnote 118: "The Virginia troops showed a good deal of bravery, and were nearly all killed; for I believe, out of three companies that were there, scarcely thirty men are left alive. Captain Peyrouny, and all his officers, down to a corporal, were killed. Captain Polson had nearly as hard a fate, for only one of his was left. In short, the dastardly behavior of those they call regulars exposed all others, that were inclined to do their duty, to almost certain death; and at last, in despite of all the efforts of the officers to the contrary, they ran, as sheep pursued by dogs, and it was impossible to rally them."--_Writings of Washington_, II. 87.

The English themselves bore reluctant testimony to the good conduct of the Virginians.--See Entick, _Hist. Late War_, 147.]

[Footnote 119: Haliburton, _Hist. Nova Scotia_, I. Chap. IV.]

[Footnote 120: Holmes, II. 210. Trumbull, _Hist. Conn._ II. 368. Dwight, _Travels_, III. 361. Hoyt, _Indian Wars_, 279. Entick, _Hist. Late War_, I. 153. _Review of Military Operations in North America._ Johnson's _Letter to the Provincial Governors_. Blodgett's _Prospective View of the Battle near Lake George_.

Blodgett's pamphlet is accompanied by a curious engraving, giving a bird's eye view of the battle, including the surprise of Williams' detachment, and the subsequent attack on the camp of Johnson. In the first half of the engraving, the French army is represented lying in ambuscade in the form of a horseshoe. Hendrick is conspicuous among the English, from being mounted on horseback, while all the others are on foot. In the view of the battle at the lake, the English are represented lying flat on their faces, behind their breastwork, and busily firing at the French and Indians, who are seen skulking among the woods and thickets.

I am again indebted to President Sparks for the opportunity of examining several curious manuscripts relating to the battle of Lake George. Among them is Dieskau's official account of the affair, and a curious paper, also written by the defeated general, and containing the story of his disaster, as related by himself in an imaginary conversation with his old commander, Marshal Saxe, in the Elysian Fields. Several writers have stated that Dieskau died of his wounds. This, however, was not the case. He was carried prisoner to England, where he lived for several years, but returned to France after the peace of 1763.]

[Footnote 121: Holmes, II. 226.]

[Footnote 122: _Annual Register_, 1759, p. 33.]

[Footnote 123: Mante, _Hist. Late War_, 238.]

[Footnote 124: "I have this day signified to Mr. Pitt that he may dispose of my slight carcass as he pleases; and that I am ready for any undertaking within the reach and compass of my skill and cunning. I am in a very bad condition, both with the gravel and rheumatism; but I had much rather die than decline any kind of service that offers: if I followed my own taste, it would lead me into Germany; and if my poor talent was consulted, they should place me to the cavalry, because nature has given me good eyes, and a warmth of temper to follow the first impressions. However, it is not our part to choose, but to obey."--_Letter--Wolfe to William Rickson, Salisbury, December 1, 1758._]

[Footnote 125: Knox, _Journals_, I. 358.]

[Footnote 126: Entick, IV. III.

In his letter to the Ministry, dated Sept. 2, Wolfe writes in these desponding words:--

"By the nature of the river, the most formidable part of this armament is deprived of the power of acting; yet we have almost the whole force of Canada to oppose. In this situation there is such a choice of difficulties, that I own myself at a loss how to determine. The affairs of Great Britain I know require the most vigorous measures, but then the courage of a handful of brave troops should be exerted only when there is some hope of a favorable event. However, you may be assured, that the small part of the campaign which remains shall be employed (as far as I am able) for the honor of his Majesty, and the interest of the nation; in which I am sure of being well seconded by the admiral and by the generals: happy if our efforts here can contribute to the success of his Majesty's arms in any other part of America."]

[Footnote 127: "This anecdote was related by the late celebrated John Robison, Professor of Natural Philosophy in the University of Edinburgh, who, in his youth, was a midshipman in the British navy, and was in the same boat with Wolfe. His son, my kinsman, Sir John Robison, communicated it to me, and it has since been recorded in the Transactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh.

'The paths of glory lead but to the grave'

is one of the lines which Wolfe must have recited as he strikingly exemplified its application."--Grahame, _Hist. U. S._ IV. 50. See also _Playfair's Works_, IV. 126.]

[Footnote 128: Smollett, V. 56, _note_ (Edinburgh, 1805). Mante simply mentions that the English were challenged by the sentinels, and escaped discovery by replying in French.]

[Footnote 129: This incident is mentioned in a manuscript journal of the siege of Quebec, by John Johnson, clerk and quartermaster in the 58th regiment. The journal is written with great care, and abounds in curious details.]

[Footnote 130: Knox, _Journal_, II. 68, note.]

[Footnote 131: Despatch of Admiral Saunders, Sept. 20, 1759.]

[Footnote 132: Despatch of General Townshend, Sept. 20. Gardiner, _Memoirs of the Siege of Quebec_, 28. _Journal of the Siege of Quebec, by a Gentleman in an Eminent Station on the Spot_, 40. _Letter to a Right Honorable Patriot on the Glorious Success of Quebec._ _Annual Register for 1759_, 40.]

[Footnote 133: Knox, II. 78. Knox derived his information from the person who supported Wolfe in his dying moments.]

[Footnote 134: Knox, II. 77.]

[Footnote 135: _Annual Register for 1759_, 43.]

[Footnote 136: Gordon, _Hist. Penn._ 321. _Causes of the Alienation of the Delaware and Shawanese Indians from the British Interest._ _MS. Johnson Papers._]

[Footnote 137: The following are extracts from his journals:--

"We set out from Kushkushkee for Sankonk; my company consisted of twenty-five horsemen and fifteen foot. We arrived at Sankonk in the afternoon. The people of the town were much disturbed at my coming, and received me in a very rough manner. They surrounded me with drawn knives in their hands, in such a manner that I could hardly get along; running up against me with their breasts open, as if they wanted some pretence to kill me. I saw by their countenances they sought my death. Their faces were quite distorted with rage, and they went so far as to say, I should not live long; but some Indians, with whom I was formerly acquainted, coming up and saluting me in a friendly manner, their behavior to me was quickly changed." ... "Some of my party desired me not to stir from the fire, for that the French had offered a great reward for my scalp, and that there were several parties out on that purpose. Accordingly I stuck constantly as close to the fire as if I had been chained there....

"In the afternoon, all the captains gathered together in the middle town; they sent for us, and desired we should give them information of our message. Accordingly we did. We read the message with great satisfaction to them. It was a great pleasure both to them and us. The number of captains and counsellors were sixteen. In the evening, messengers arrived from Fort Duquesne, with a string of wampum from the commander; upon which they all came together in the house where we lodged. The messengers delivered their string, with these words from their father, the French king:--

"'My children, come to me, and hear what I have to say. The English are coming with an army to destroy both you and me. I therefore desire you immediately, my children, to hasten with all the young men; we will drive the English and destroy them. I, as a father, will tell you always what is best.' He laid the string before one of the captains. After a little conversation, the captain stood up, and said, 'I have just heard something of our brethren, the English, which pleaseth me much better. I will not go. Give it to the others; maybe they will go,' The messenger took up again the string, and said, 'He won't go; he has heard of the English.' Then all cried out, 'Yes, yes, we have heard from the English.' He then threw the string to the other fireplace, where the other captains were; but they kicked it from one to another, as if it was a snake. Captain Peter took a stick, and with it flung the string from one end of the room to the other, and said, 'Give it to the French captain, and let him go with his young men; he boasted much of his fighting; now let us see his fighting. We have often ventured our lives for him; and had hardly a loaf of bread when we came to him; and now he thinks we should jump to serve him.' Then we saw the French captain mortified to the uttermost; he looked as pale as death. The Indians discoursed and joked till midnight; and the French captain sent messengers at midnight to Fort Duquesne."

The kicking about of the wampum belt is the usual indication of contempt for the message of which the belt is the token. The uses of wampum will be described hereafter.]

[Footnote 138: _Minutes of Council at Easton, 1758._]

[Footnote 139: _Account of Conferences between Major-General Sir W. Johnson and the Chief Sachems and Warriors of the Six Nations_ (Lond. 1756).]

[Footnote 140: MS. _Johnson Papers._]

[Footnote 141: The estimates given by Croghan, Bouquet, and Hutchins, do not quite accord with that of Johnson. But the discrepancy is no greater than might have been expected from the difficulties of the case.]

[Footnote 142: Bartram, _Observations_, 41.]

[Footnote 143: I am indebted to the kindness of Rev. S. K. Lothrop for a copy of the journal of Mr. Kirkland on his missionary tour among the Iroquois in 1765. The journal contains much information respecting their manners and condition at this period.]

[Footnote 144: MS. _Journal of Lieutenant Gorell_, 1763. Anonymous MS. _Journal of a Tour to Niagara in 1765_. The following is an extract from the latter:--

"July 2d. Dined with Sir Wm. at Johnson Hall. The office of Superintendent very troublesome. Sir Wm. continually plagued with Indians about him--generally from 300 to 900 in number--spoil his garden, and keep his house always dirty....

"10th. Punted and rowed up the Mohawk River against the stream, which, on account of the rapidity of the current, is very hard work for the poor soldiers. Encamped on the banks of the river, about 9 miles from Harkimer's.

"The inconveniences attending a married Subaltern strongly appear in this tour. What with the sickness of their wives, the squealing of their children, and the smallness of their pay, I think the gentlemen discover no common share of philosophy in keeping themselves from running mad. Officers and soldiers, with their wives and children, legitimate and illegitimate, make altogether a pretty compound oglio, which does not tend towards showing military matrimony off to any great advantage....

"Monday, 14th. Went on horseback by the side of Wood Creek, 20 miles, to the Royal Blockhouse, a kind of wooden castle, proof against any Indian attacks. It is now abandoned by the troops, and a sutler lives there, who keeps rum, milk, rackoons, etc., which, though none of the most elegant, is comfortable to strangers passing that way. The Blockhouse is situated on the east end of the Oneida Lake, and is surrounded by the Oneida Indians, one of the Six Nations."]

[Footnote 145: Mitchell, _Contest in America_. Pouchot, _Guerre de l'Amerique_. _Expedition against the Ohio Indians, appendix._ Hutchins, _Topographical Description of Virginia_, etc. Pownall, _Topographical Description of North America_. Evans, _Analysis of a Map of the Middle British Colonies_. Beatty, _Journal of a Tour in America_. Smith, _Narrative_. M'Cullough, _Narrative_. Jemmison, _Narrative_. Post, _Journals_. Washington, _Journals_, 1753-1770. Gist, _Journal_, 1750. Croghan, _Journal_, 1765, etc., etc.]

[Footnote 146: A striking example of Indian acuteness once came under my observation. Travelling in company with a Canadian named Raymond, and an Ogillallah Indian, we came at nightfall to a small stream called Chugwater, a branch of Laramie Creek. As we prepared to encamp, we observed the ashes of a fire, the footprints of men and horses, and other indications that a party had been upon the spot not many days before. Having secured our horses for the night, Raymond and I sat down and lighted our pipes, my companion, who had spent his whole life in the Indian country, hazarding various conjectures as to the numbers and character of our predecessors. Soon after, we were joined by the Indian, who, meantime, had been prowling about the place. Raymond asked what discovery he had made. He answered, that the party were friendly, and that they consisted of eight men, both whites and Indians, several of whom he named, affirming that he knew them well. To an inquiry how he gained his information, he would make no intelligible reply. On the next day, reaching Fort Laramie, a post of the American Fur Company, we found that he was correct in every particular,--a circumstance the more remarkable, as he had been with us for three weeks, and could have had no other means of knowledge than we ourselves.]

[Footnote 147: MS. _Gage Papers_.]

[Footnote 148: Sabine, _American Loyalists_, 576. Sparks, _Writings of Washington_, III. 208, 244, 439; IV, 128, 520, 524.

Although Rogers, especially where his pecuniary interest was concerned, was far from scrupulous, I have no hesitation in following his account of the expedition up the lakes. The incidents of each day are minuted down in a dry, unambitious style, bearing the clear impress of truth. Extracts from the orderly books and other official papers are given, while portions of the narrative, verified by contemporary documents, may stand as earnests for the truth of the whole.

Rogers's published works consist of the _Journals_ of his ranging service and his _Concise Account of North America_, a small volume containing much valuable information. Both appeared in London in 1765. To these may be added a curious drama, called _Ponteach, or the Savages of America_, which appears to have been written, in part, at least, by him. It is very rare, and besides the copy in my possession, I know of but one other, which may be found in the library of the British Museum. For an account of this curious production, see Appendix, B. An engraved full-length portrait of Rogers was published in London in 1776. He is represented as a tall, strong man, dressed in the costume of a ranger, with a powder-horn slung at his side, a gun resting in the hollow of his arm, and a countenance by no means prepossessing. Behind him, at a little distance, stand his Indian followers.

The steep mountain called Rogers' Slide, near the northern end of Lake George, derives its name from the tradition that, during the French war, being pursued by a party of Indians, he slid on snowshoes down its precipitous front, for more than a thousand feet, to the frozen lake below. On beholding the achievement, the Indians, as well they might, believed him under the protection of the Great Spirit, and gave over the chase. The story seems unfounded; yet it was not far from this mountain that the rangers fought one of their most desperate winter battles, against a force of many times their number.]

[Footnote 149: Henry, _Travels and Adventures_, 9.]

[Footnote 150: There can be no reasonable doubt, that the interview with Pontiac, described by Rogers in his _Account of North America_, took place on the occasion indicated in his _Journals_, under date of the 7th of November. The Indians whom he afterwards met are stated to have been Hurons.]

[Footnote 151: Rogers, _Journals_, 214; _Account of North America_, 240, 243.]

[Footnote 152: _MS. Johnson Papers._]

[Footnote 153: Extract from a MS. letter--_Sir W. Johnson to Governor Colden_, Dec. 24, 1763.

"I shall not take upon me to point out the Originall Parsimony &c. to w^{h} the first defection of the Indians can with justice & certainty be attributed, but only observe, as I did in a former letter, that the Indians (whose friendship was never cultivated by the English with that attention, expense, & assiduity with w^{h} y^{e} French obtained their favour) were for many years jealous of our growing power, were repeatedly assured by the French (who were at y^{e} pains of having many proper emissaries among them) that so soon as we became masters of this country, we should immediately treat them with neglect, hem them in with Posts & Forts, encroach upon their Lands, and finally destroy them. All w^{h} after the reduction of Canada, seemed to appear too clearly to the Indians, who thereby lost the great advantages resulting from the possession w^{h} the French formerly had of Posts & Trade in their Country, neither of which they could have ever enjoyed but for the notice they took of the Indians, & the presents they bestowed so bountifully upon them, w^{h} however expensive, they wisely foresaw was infinitely cheaper, and much more effectual than the keeping of a large body of Regular Troops, in their several Countrys, ... a Plan which has endeared their memory to most of the Indian Nations, who would I fear generally go over to them in case they ever got footing again in this Country, & who were repeatedly exhorted, & encouraged by the French (from motives of Interest & dislike w^{h} they will always possess) to fall upon us, by representing that their liberties & Country were in y^{e} utmost danger." In January, 1763, Colonel Bouquet, commanding in Pennsylvania, writes to General Amherst, stating the discontent produced among the Indians by the suppression of presents. The commander-in-chief replies, "As to appropriating a particular sum to be laid out yearly to the warriors in presents, &c., that I can by no means agree to; nor can I think it necessary to give them any presents by way of _Bribes_, for if they do not behave properly they are to be punished." And again, in February, to the same officer, "As you are thoroughly acquainted with my sentiments regarding the treatment of the Indians in general, you will of course order Cap. Ecuyer ... not to give those who are able to provide for their families any encouragement to loiter away their time in idleness about the Fort."]

[Footnote 154: Some of the principal causes of the war are exhibited with spirit and truth in the old tragedy of _Ponteach_, written probably by Major Rogers. The portion of the play referred to is given in Appendix, B.

"The English treat us with much Disrespect, and we have the greatest Reason to believe, by their Behavior, they intend to Cut us off entirely; They have possessed themselves of our Country, it is now in our power to Dispossess them and Recover it, if we will but Embrace the opportunity before they have time to assemble together, and fortify themselves, there is no time to be lost, let us Strike immediately."--_Speech of a Seneca chief to the Wyandots and Ottawas of Detroit, July, 1761._]

[Footnote 155: _Minutes of Conference with the Six Nations at Hartford_, 1763, _MS. Letter--Hamilton to Amherst_, May 10, 1761.]

[Footnote 156: "We are now left in Peace, and have nothing to do but to plant our Corn, Hunt the wild Beasts, smoke our Pipes, and mind Religion. But as these Forts, which are built among us, disturb our Peace, & are a great hurt to Religion, because some of our Warriors are foolish, & some of our Brother Soldiers don't fear God, we therefore desire that these Forts may be pull'd down, & kick'd out of the way."

At a conference at Philadelphia, in August, 1761, an Iroquois sachem said, "We, your Brethren of the several Nations, are penned up like Hoggs. There are Forts all around us, and therefore we are apprehensive that Death is coming upon us."]

[Footnote 157: Croghan, _Journal_. See Hildreth, _Pioneer History_, 68. Also Butler, _Hist. Kentucky_, Appendix.]

[Footnote 158: Examination of Gershom Hicks, a spy. See _Pennsylvania Gazette_, No. 1846.

Many passages from contemporary letters and documents might be cited in support of the above. The following extract from a letter of Lieut. Edward Jenkins, commanding at Fort Ouatanon on the Wabash, to Major Gladwin commanding at Detroit, is a good example. The date is 28 March, 1763. "The Canadians here are eternally telling lies to the Indians.... One La Pointe told the Indians a few days ago that we should all be prisoners in a short time (showing when the corn was about a foot high), that there was a great army to come from the Mississippi, and that they were to have a great number of Indians with them; therefore advised them not to help us. That they would soon take Detroit and these small posts, and then they would take Quebec, Montreal, &c., and go into our country. This, I am informed, they tell them from one end of the year to the other." He adds that the Indians will rather give six beaver-skins for a blanket to a Frenchman than three to an Englishman.]

[Footnote 159: _M'Cullough's Narrative._ See _Incidents of Border Life_, 98. M'Cullough was a prisoner among the Delawares, at the time of the prophet's appearance.]

[Footnote 160: MS. _Minutes of a Council held by Deputies of the Six Nations, with the Wyandots, Ottawas, Ojibwas, and Pottawattamies, at the Wyandot town, near Detroit, July 3, 1761._

Extract from a MS. Letter--_Captain Campbell, commanding at Detroit, to Major Walters, commanding at Niagara._

"Detroit, June 17th. 1761, two o'clock in the morning.

"Sir:

"I had the favor of Yours, with General Amherst's Dispatches.

"I have sent You an Express with a very Important piece of Intelligence I have had the good fortune to Discover. I have been Lately alarmed with Reports of the bad Designs of the Indian Nations against this place and the English in General; I can now Inform You for certain it Comes from the Six Nations; and that they have Sent Belts of Wampum & Deputys to all the Nations, from Nova Scotia to the Illinois, to take up the hatchet against the English, and have employed the Messagues to send Belts of Wampum to the Northern Nations....

"Their project is as follows: the Six Nations--at least the Senecas--are to Assemble at the head of French Creek, within five and twenty Leagues of Presqu' Isle, part of the Six Nations, the Delawares and Shanese, are to Assemble on the Ohio, and all at the same time, about the latter End of this Month, to surprise Niagara & Fort Pitt, and Cut off the Communication Every where; I hope this will Come time Enough to put You on Your Guard and to send to Oswego, and all the Posts on that communication, they Expect to be Joined by the Nations that are Come from the North by Toronto."]

[Footnote 161: Letter, _Geo. Croghan to Sir J. Amherst, Fort Pitt, April 30, 1763_, MS. Amherst replies characteristically, "Whatever idle notions they may entertain in regard to the cessions made by the French Crown can be of very little consequence."

Croghan, Sir William Johnson's deputy, and a man of experience, had for some time been anxious as to the results of the arrogant policy of Amherst. On March 19th he wrote to Colonel Bouquet: "How they (_the Indians_) may behave I can't pretend to say, but I do not approve of Gen^{l.} Amherst's plan of distressing them too much, as in my opinion they will not consider consequences if too much distrest, tho' Sir Jeffrey thinks they will."

Croghan urges the same views, with emphasis, in other letters; but Amherst was deaf to all persuasion.]

[Footnote 162: Drake, _Life of Tecumseh_, 138.

Several tribes, the Miamis, Sacs, and others, have claimed connection with the great chief; but it is certain that he was, by adoption at least, an Ottawa. Henry Conner, formerly government interpreter for the northern tribes, declared, on the faith of Indian tradition, that he was born among the Ottawas of an Ojibwa mother, a circumstance which proved an advantage to him by increasing his influence over both tribes. An Ojibwa Indian told the writer that some portion of his power was to be ascribed to his being a chief of the _Metai_, a magical association among the Indians of the lakes, in which character he exerted an influence on the superstition of his followers.]

[Footnote 163: The venerable Pierre Chouteau, of St. Louis, remembered to have seen Pontiac, a few days before his death, attired in the complete uniform of a French officer, which had been given him by the Marquis of Montcalm not long before the battle on the Plains of Abraham.]

[Footnote 164: MS. Letter--_M. D'Abbadie to M. Neyon_, 1764.]

[Footnote 165: Wampum was an article much in use among many tribes, not only for ornament, but for the graver purposes of councils, treaties, and embassies. In ancient times it consisted of small shells, or fragments of shells, rudely perforated, and strung together; but more recently, it was manufactured by the white men, from the inner portions of certain marine and fresh-water shells. In shape, the grains or beads resembled small pieces of broken pipe-stem, and were of various sizes and colors, black, purple, and white. When used for ornament, they were arranged fancifully in necklaces, collars, and embroidery; but when employed for public purposes, they were disposed in a great variety of patterns and devices, which, to the minds of the Indians, had all the significance of hieroglyphics. An Indian orator, at every clause of his speech, delivered a belt or string of wampum, varying in size, according to the importance of what he had said, and, by its figures and coloring, so arranged as to perpetuate the remembrance of his words. These belts were carefully stored up like written documents, and it was generally the office of some old man to interpret their meaning.

When a wampum belt was sent to summon the tribes to join in war, its color was always red or black, while the prevailing color of a peace-belt was white. Tobacco was sometimes used on such occasions as a substitute for wampum, since in their councils the Indians are in the habit of constantly smoking, and tobacco is therefore taken as the emblem of deliberation. With the tobacco or the belt of wampum, presents are not unfrequently sent to conciliate the good will of the tribe whose alliance is sought. In the summer of the year 1846, when the western bands of the Dahcotah were preparing to go in concert against their enemies the Crows, the chief who was at the head of the design, and of whose village the writer was an inmate, impoverished himself by sending most of his horses as presents to the chiefs of the surrounding villages. On this occasion, tobacco was the token borne by the messengers, as wampum is not in use among the tribes of that region.]

[Footnote 166: MS. _Johnson Papers._]

[Footnote 167: MS. _Speech of a Miami Chief to Ensign Holmes._ MS. Letter--_Holmes to Gladwyn, March 16, 1763._ _Gladwyn to Amherst, March 21, 1763._

Extract from a MS. Letter--_Ensign Holmes commanding at Miamis, to Major Gladwyn_:--

"Fort Miamis, March 30th, 1763.

"Since my Last Letter to You, wherein I Acquainted You of the Bloody Belt being in this Village, I have made all the search I could about it, and have found it out to be True; Whereon I Assembled all the Chiefs of this Nation, & after a long and troublesome Spell with them, I Obtained the Belt, with a Speech, as You will Receive Enclosed; This Affair is very timely Stopt, and I hope the News of a Peace will put a Stop to any further Troubles with these Indians, who are the Principal Ones of Setting Mischief on Foot. I send you the Belt, with this Packet, which I hope You will Forward to the General."]

[Footnote 168: Mante, 485.]

[Footnote 169: _Pontiac_, MS. See Appendix, C.]

[Footnote 170: _Pontiac_, MS.--_M'Dougal_, MSS. M'Dougal states that he derived his information from an Indian. The author of the _Pontiac_ MS. probably writes on the authority of Canadians, some of whom were present at the council.]

[Footnote 171: _Pontiac_, MS.]

[Footnote 172: Carver, _Travels_, 153. _Gent. Mag._ XXXIV 408.]

[Footnote 173: _Memorial of La Motte Cadillac._ See Schoolcraft, _Oneota_, 407.]

[Footnote 174: A high estimate. Compare Rameau, _Colonie du Detroit_, 28.]

[Footnote 175: Croghan, _Journal_. Rogers, _Account of North America_, 168. Various MS. Journals, Letters, and Plans have also been consulted. The most remarkable of these is the _Plan Topographique du Detroit_, made by or for General Collot, in 1796. It is accompanied by a drawing in water-colors of the town as it appeared in that year. A fac-simile of this drawing is in my possession. The regular fortification, which, within the recollection of many now living, covered the ground in the rear of the old town of Detroit, was erected at a date subsequent to the period of this history.]

[Footnote 176: Tradition, communicated to H. R. Schoolcraft, Esq., by Henry Conner, formerly Indian interpreter at Detroit.]

[Footnote 177: _St. Aubin's Account_, MS. See Appendix, C.]

[Footnote 178: _Gouin's Account_, MS.]

[Footnote 179: Letter to the writer from H. R. Schoolcraft, Esq., containing the traditional account from the lips of the interpreter, Henry Conner. See, also, Carver, _Travels_, 155 (Lond. 1778).

Carver's account of the conspiracy and the siege is in several points inexact, which throws a shade of doubt on this story. Tradition, however, as related by the interpreter Conner, sustains him; with the addition that Catharine was the mistress of Gladwyn, and a few other points, including a very unromantic end of the heroine, who is said to have perished, by falling, when drunk, into a kettle of boiling maple-sap. This was many years after (see Appendix). Maxwell agrees in the main with Carver. There is another tradition, that the plot was disclosed by an old squaw. A third, current among the Ottawas, and sent to me in 1858 by Mr. Hosmer, of Toledo, declares that a young squaw told the plot to the commanding officer, but that he would not believe her, as she had a bad name, being a "straggler among the private soldiers." An Indian chief, pursues the same story, afterwards warned the officer. The Pontiac MS. says that Gladwyn was warned by an Ottawa warrior, though a woman was suspected by the Indians of having betrayed the secret. Peltier says that a woman named Catharine was accused of revealing the plot, and severely flogged by Pontiac in consequence. There is another story, that a soldier named Tucker, adopted by the Indians, was warned by his Indian sister. But the most distinct and satisfactory evidence is the following, from a letter written at Detroit on the twelfth of July, 1763, and signed James Macdonald. It is among the _Haldimand Papers_ in the British Museum. There is also an imperfect copy, found among the papers of Colonel John Brodhead, in the library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania: "About six o'clock that afternoon [May 7], six of their warriors returned and brought an old squaw prisoner, alleging that she had given us false information against them. The major declared she had never given us any kind of advice. They then insisted on naming the author of what he had heard with regard to the Indians, which he declined to do, but told them that it was one of themselves, whose name he promised never to reveal; whereupon they went off, and carried the old woman prisoner with them. When they arrived at their camp, Pontiac, their greatest chief, seized on the prisoner, and gave her three strokes with a stick on the head, which laid her flat on the ground, and the whole nation assembled round her, and called repeated times, 'Kill her! kill her!'"

Thus it is clear that the story told by Carver must be taken with many grains of allowance. The greater part of the evidence given above has been gathered since the first edition of this book was published. It has been thought best to retain the original passage, with the necessary qualifications. The story is not without interest, and those may believe it who will.]

[Footnote 180: _Maxwell's Account_, MS. See _Appendix_, C.]

[Footnote 181: _Meloche's Account_, MS.]

[Footnote 182: _Penn. Gaz._ No. 1808.]

[Footnote 183: This incident was related, by the son of Beaufait, to General Cass. See Cass, _Discourse before the Michigan Historical Society_, 30.]

[Footnote 184: Carver, _Travels_, 159 (London, 1778). M'Kenney, _Tour to the Lakes_, 130. Cass, _Discourse_, 32. _Penn. Gaz._ Nos. 1807, 1808. _Pontiac_ MS. _M'Dougal_, MSS. _Gouin's Account_, MS. _Meloche's Account_, MS. _St. Aubin's Account_, MS.

Extract from a MS. Letter--_Major Gladwyn to Sir J. Amherst_:

"Detroit, May 14, 1763.

"Sir:

"On the First Instant, Pontiac, the Chief of the Ottawa Nation, came here with about Fifty of his Men (forty, Pontiac MS.), and told me that in a few days, when the rest of his Nation came in, he Intended to Pay me a Formal Visit. The 7th he came, but I was luckily Informed, the Night before, that he was coming with an Intention to Surprize Us; Upon which I took such Precautions that when they Entered the Fort, (tho' they were, by the best Accounts, about Three Hundred, and Armed with Knives, Tomyhawks, and a great many with Guns cut short, and hid under their Blankets), they were so much surprized to see our Disposition, that they would scarcely sit down to Council: However in about Half an hour, after they saw their Designs were Discovered, they sat Down, and Pontiac made a speech which I Answered calmly, without Intimating my suspicion of their Intentions, and after receiving some Trifling Presents, they went away to their Camp."]

[Footnote 185: _Pontiac_ MS.]

[Footnote 186: MS. Letter--_Gladwyn to Amherst_, May 14. _Pontiac_ MS., &c.]

[Footnote 187: _St. Aubin's Account_, MS.]

[Footnote 188: _Parent's Account_, MS. _Meloche's Account_, MS.]

[Footnote 189: _Gouin's Account_, MS.]

[Footnote 190: _Penn. Gaz._ Nos. 1807, 1808.

Extract from an anonymous letter--Detroit, July 9, 1763.

"You have long ago heard of our pleasant Situation, but the Storm is blown over. Was it not very agreeable to hear every Day, of their cutting, carving, boiling and eating our Companions? To see every Day dead Bodies floating down the River, mangled and disfigured? But Britons, you know, never shrink; we always appeared gay, to spite the Rascals. They boiled and eat Sir Robert Davers; and we are informed by Mr. Pauly, who escaped the other Day from one of the Stations surprised at the breaking out of the War, and commanded by himself, that he had seen an Indian have the Skin of Captain Robertson's Arm for a Tobacco-Pouch!"]

[Footnote 191: _Pontiac_ MS.]

[Footnote 192: _Pontiac_ MS. _Penn. Gaz._ No. 1808. MS. Letter--_Gladwyn to Amherst_, May 14, etc.]

[Footnote 193: _Gouin's Account_, MS.]

[Footnote 194: When a party returned with prisoners, the whole population of the village turned out to receive them, armed with sticks, clubs, or even deadlier weapons. The captive was ordered to run to a given point, usually some conspicuous lodge, or a post driven into the ground, while his tormentors, ranging themselves in two rows, inflicted on him a merciless flagellation, which only ceased when he had reached the goal. Among the Iroquois, prisoners were led through the whole confederacy, undergoing this martyrdom at every village, and seldom escaping without the loss of a hand, a finger, or an eye. Sometimes the sufferer was made to dance and sing, for the better entertainment of the crowd.

The story of General Stark is well known. Being captured, in his youth, by the Indians, and told to run the gauntlet, he instantly knocked down the nearest warrior, snatched a club from his hands, and wielded it with such good will that no one dared approach him, and he reached the goal scot free, while his more timorous companion was nearly beaten to death.]

[Footnote 195: _Meloche's Account_, MS. _Penn. Gaz._ No. 1808. In a letter of James MacDonald, Detroit, July 12, the circumstances of the detention of the officers are related somewhat differently. Singularly enough, this letter of MacDonald is identical with a report of the events of the siege sent by Major Robert Rogers to Sir William Johnson, on the eighth of August. Rogers, who was not an eye-witness, appears to have borrowed the whole of his brother officer's letter without acknowledgment.]

[Footnote 196: Extract from a MS. Letter--_Sir J. Amherst to Major Gladwyn._

"New York, 22nd June, 1763.

"The Precautions you took when the Perfidious Villains came to Pay you a Visit, were Indeed very wisely Concerted; And I Approve Entirely of the Steps you have since taken for the Defence of the Place, which, I hope, will have Enabled You to keep the Savages at Bay untill the Reinforcement, which Major Wilkins Writes me he had sent you, Arrives with you.

"I most sincerely Grieve for the Unfortunate Fate of Sir Robert Davers, Lieut. Robertson, and the Rest of the Poor People, who have fallen into the Hands of the Merciless Villains. I Trust you did not Know of the Murder of those Gentlemen, when Pontiac came with a Pipe of Peace, for if you had, you certainly would have put him, and Every Indian in your Power, to Death. Such Retaliation is the only Way of Treating such Miscreants.

"I cannot but Approve of your having Permitted Captain Campbell and Lieut. MacDougal to go to the Indians, as you had no other Method to Procure Provisions, by which means you may have been Enabled to Preserve the Garrison; for no Other Inducement should have prevailed on you to Allow those Gentlemen to Entrust themselves with the Savages. I am Nevertheless not without my Fears for them, and were it not that you have two Indians in your Hands, in Lieu of those Gentlemen, I should give them over for Lost.

"I shall Add no more at present; Capt. Dalzell will Inform you of the steps taken for Reinforcing you: and you may be assured--the utmost Expedition will be used for Collecting such a Force as may be Sufficient for bringing Ample Vengeance on the Treacherous and Bloody Villains who have so Perfidiously Attacked their Benefactors." MacDonald, and after him, Rogers, says that, after the detention of the two officers, Pontiac summoned the fort to surrender, threatening, in case of refusal, to put all within to the torture. The anonymous author of the _Diary of the Siege_ adds that he sent word to Gladwyn that he kept the officers out of kindness, since, if they returned to the fort, he should be obliged to boil them with the rest of the garrison, the kettle being already on the fire.]

[Footnote 197: _Pontiac_ MS.]

[Footnote 198: MS. Letter--_James McDonald to_ ----, Detroit, July 12.]

[Footnote 199: _Penn. Gaz._ No. 1808.]

[Footnote 200: MS. Letter from an officer at Detroit--no signature--July 31.

Extract from a letter dated Detroit, July 6.

"We have been besieged here two Months, by Six Hundred Indians. We have been upon the Watch Night and Day, from the Commanding Officer to the lowest soldier, from the 8th of May, and have not had our Cloaths off, nor slept all Night since it began; and shall continue so till we have a Reinforcement up. We then hope soon to give a good account of the Savages. Their Camp lies about a Mile and a half from the Fort; and that's the nearest they choose to come now. For the first two or three Days we were attacked by three or four Hundred of them, but we gave them so warm a Reception that now they don't care for coming to see us, tho' they now and then get behind a House or Garden, and fire at us about three or four Hundred yards' distance. The Day before Yesterday, we killed a Chief and three others, and wounded some more; yesterday went up with our Sloop, and battered their Cabins in such a Manner that they are glad to keep farther off."]

[Footnote 201: _Pontiac_ MS.]

[Footnote 202: _Penn. Gaz._ No. 1808.]

[Footnote 203: Extract from a MS. Letter--_Major Gladwyn to Sir J. Amherst._

"Detroit, July 8th, 1763.

"Since the Commencement of this Extraordinary Affair, I have been Informed, that many of the Inhabitants of this Place, seconded by some French Traders from Montreal, have made the Indians Believe that a French Army & Fleet were in the River St. Lawrence, and that Another Army would come from the Illinois; And that when I Published the cessation of Arms, they said it was a mere Invention of Mine, purposely Calculated to Keep the Indians Quiet, as We were Affraid of them; but they were not such Fools as to Believe me; Which, with a thousand other Lies, calculated to Stir up Mischief, have Induced the Indians to take up Arms; And I dare say it will Appear ere long, that One Half of the Settlement merit a Gibbet, and the Other Half ought to be Decimated; Nevertheless, there is some Honest Men among them, to whom I am Infinitely Obliged; I mean, Sir, Monsieur Navarre, the two Babys, & my Interpreters, St. Martin & La Bute."]

[Footnote 204: The annals of these remote and gloomy regions are involved in such obscurity, that it is hard to discover the precise character of the events to which Pontiac here refers. The only allusion to them, which the writer has met with, is the following, inscribed on a tattered scrap of soiled paper, found among the M'Dougal manuscripts:--

"Five miles below the mouth of Wolf River is the Great Death Ground. This took its name from the circumstance, that some years before the Old French War, a great battle was fought between the French troops, assisted by the Menomonies and Ottaways on the one side, and the Sac and Fox Indians on the other. The Sacs and Foxes were nearly all cut off; and this proved the cause of their eventual expulsion from that country."

The M'Dougal manuscripts, above referred to, belonged to a son of the Lieutenant M'Dougal who was the fellow-prisoner of Major Campbell. On the death of the younger M'Dougal, the papers, which were very voluminous, and contained various notes concerning the Indian war, and the captivity of his father, came into the possession of a family at the town of St. Clair, in Michigan, who permitted such of them as related to the subjects in question to be copied by the writer.]

[Footnote 205: _Peltier's Account_, MS.]

[Footnote 206: _Gouin's Account_, MS.]

[Footnote 207: Tradition related by M. Baby. The following is from the _Diary of the Siege_: "Mr. St. Martin said ... that one Sibbold that came here last winter with his Wife from the Illinois had told at Mr. Cuellierry's (Quilleriez) that they might expect a French Army in this Spring, and that Report took rise from him. That the Day Capt. Campbell & Lt. McDougal was detained by the Indians, _Mr. Cuellierry accepted of their Offer of being made Commandant_, if this Place was taken, to which he spoke to Mr. Cuellierry about and ask'd him if he knew what he was doing, to which Mr. Cuellierry told him, I am almost distracted, they are like so many Dogs about me, to which Mr. St. Martin made him no Answer."]

[Footnote 208: Rogers, _Account of North America_, 244. The anonymous _Diary of the Siege_ says that they bore the figure of a "coon."]

[Footnote 209: MS. Letter--_Gage to Lord Halifax, April 16, 1764._

Extract from a MS. Letter--_William Smith, Jr._, to ----.

"New York, 22d Nov. 1763.

"'Tis an old saying that the Devil is easier raised than laid. Sir Jeffrey has found it so, with these Indian Demons. They have cut his little Army to Pieces, & almost if not entirely obstructed the Communication to the Detroite, where the Enemy are grown very numerous; and from whence I fancy you'll soon hear, if any survive to relate them, very tragical Accounts. The Besiegers are led on by an enterprising Fellow called Pondiac. He is a Genius, for he possesses great Bravery, Art, & Oratory, & has had the Address to get himself not only at the Head of his Conquerors, but elected Generalissimo of all the confederate Forces now acting against us--Perhaps he may deserve to be called the Mithridates of the West."]

[Footnote 210: Rogers, _North America_, 240.]

[Footnote 211: _Gouin's Account_, MS.]

[Footnote 212: Rogers, _North America_, 244.]

[Footnote 213: Tradition related by M. Francois Baby.]

[Footnote 214: Tradition related by M. Francois Baby, of Windsor, U. C., the son of Pontiac's friend, who lives opposite Detroit, upon nearly the same site formerly occupied by his father's house. Though Pontiac at this time assumed the attitude of a protector of the Canadians, he had previously, according to the anonymous _Diary of the Siege_, bullied them exceedingly, compelling them to plough land for him, and do other work. Once he forced them to carry him in a sedan chair from house to house, to look for provisions.]

[Footnote 215: _Penn. Gaz._ No. 1807. MS. Letter--_Wilkins to Amherst_, June 18.

This incident may have suggested the story told by Mrs. Grant, in her _Memoirs of an American Lady_. A young British officer, of noble birth, had been living for some time among the Indians, and having encountered many strange adventures, he was now returning in a canoe with a party of his late associates,--none of them, it appears, were aware that hostilities existed,--and approached the schooner just before the attack commenced, expecting a friendly reception. Sir Robert D----, the young officer, was in Indian costume, and, wishing to surprise his friends, he made no answer when hailed from the vessel, whereupon he was instantly fired at and killed.--The story is without confirmation, in any contemporary document, and, indeed, is impossible in itself. Sir Robert Davers was killed, as before mentioned, near Lake St. Clair; but neither in his character, nor in the mode of his death, did he at all resemble the romantic adventurer whose fate is commemorated by Mrs. Grant.]

[Footnote 216: _Pontiac_ MS.]

[Footnote 217: _Pontiac_ MS.]

[Footnote 218: Another witness, Gouin, affirms that the Indian freed himself from the dying grasp of the soldier, and swam ashore.]

[Footnote 219: _Penn. Gaz._ No. 1807. _St. Aubin's Account_, MS. _Peltier's Account_, MS.]

[Footnote 220: "Being abandoned by my men, I was Forced to Retreat in the best manner I could. I was left with 6 men on the Beech, Endeavoring to get off a Boat, which not being able to Effect, was Obliged to Run up to my Neck, in the Lake, to get to a Boat that had pushed off, without my Knowledge.--When I was in the Lake I saw Five Boats manned, and the Indians having manned two Boats, pursued and Brought back Three of the Five, keeping a continual Fire from off the Shore, and from the two Boats that followed us, about a Mile on the Lake; the Wind springing up fair, I and the other Remaining Boat Hoisted sail and escaped."--_Cuyler's Report_, MS.]

[Footnote 221: _Cuyler's Report_, MS.

Extract from a MS. Letter--_Major Wilkins to Sir J. Amherst._

"Niagara, 6th June, 1763.

"Just as I was sending off my Letter of Yesterday, Lieutenant Cuyler, of the Queen's Rangers, Arrived from his Intended Voyage to the Detroit. He has been very Unfortunate, Having been Defeated by Indians within 30 miles of the Detroit River; I observed that he was Wounded and Weak, and Desired him to take the Surgeon's Assistance and some Rest, and Recollect the Particulars of the Affair, and let me have them in Writing, as perhaps I should find it Necessary to Transmit them to Your Excellency, which I have now Done.

"It is probable Your Excellency will have heard of what has Happened by way of Fort Pitt, as Ensign Christie, Commanding at Presqu' Isle, writes me he has sent an Express to Acquaint the Commanding Officer at that Place, of Sanduskie's being Destroyed, and of Lieut. Cuyler's Defeat.

"Some Indians of the Six Nations are now with me. They seem very Civil; The Interpreter has just told them I was writing to Your Excellency for Rum, and they are very glad."]

[Footnote 222: "The Indians, fearing that the other barges might escape as the first had done, changed their plan of going to the camp. They landed their prisoners, tied them, and conducted them by land to the Ottawas village, and then crossed them to Pondiac's camp, where they were all butchered. As soon as the canoes reached the shore, the barbarians landed their prisoners, one after the other, on the beach. They made them strip themselves, and then sent arrows into different parts of their bodies. These unfortunate men wished sometimes to throw themselves on the ground to avoid the arrows; but they were beaten with sticks and forced to stand up until they fell dead; after which those who had not fired fell upon their bodies, cut them in pieces, cooked, and ate them. On others they exercised different modes of torment by cutting their flesh with flints, and piercing them with lances. They would then cut their feet and hands off, and leave them weltering in their blood till they were dead. Others were fastened to stakes, and children employed in burning them with a slow fire. No kind of torment was left untried by these Indians. Some of the bodies were left on shore; others were thrown into the river. Even the women assisted their husbands in torturing their victims. They slitted them with their knives, and mangled them in various ways. There were, however, a few whose lives were saved, being adopted to serve as slaves."--_Pontiac_ MS.

"The remaining barges proceeded up the river, and crossed to the house of Mr. Meloche, where Pontiac and his Ottawas were encamped. The barges were landed, and, the women having arranged themselves in two rows, with clubs and sticks, the prisoners were taken out, one by one, and told to run the gauntlet to Pontiac's lodge. Of sixty-six persons who were brought to the shore, sixty-four ran the gauntlet, and were all killed. One of the remaining two, who had had his thigh broken in the firing from the shore, and who was tied to his seat and compelled to row, had become by this time so much exhausted that he could not help himself. He was thrown out of the boat and killed with clubs. The other, when directed to run for the lodge, suddenly fell upon his knees in the water, and having dipped his hand in the water, he made the sign of the cross on his forehead and breast, and darted out in the stream. An expert swimmer from the Indians followed him, and, having overtaken him, seized him by the hair, and crying out, 'You seem to love water; you shall have enough of it,' he stabbed the poor fellow, who sunk to rise no more."--_Gouin's Account_, MS.]

[Footnote 223: _Pontiac_ MS.]

[Footnote 224: MS. Official Document--_Report of the Loss of the Posts in the Indian Country_, enclosed in a letter from Major Gladwyn to Sir Jeffrey Amherst, July 8, 1763.]

[Footnote 225: _Pontiac_ MS.]

[Footnote 226: _Loss of the Posts in the Indian Country_, MS. Compare _Diary of the Siege_, 25.

The following is from a curious letter of one Richard Winston, a trader at St. Joseph's, to his fellow-traders at Detroit, dated 19 June, 1763:--

"Gentlemen, I address myself to you all, not knowing who is alive or who is dead. I have only to inform you that by the blessing of God and the help of M. Louison Chevalie, I escaped being killed when the unfortunate garrison was massacred, Mr. Hambough and me being hid in the house of the said Chevalie for 4 days and nights. Mr. Hambough is brought by the Savages to the Illinois, likewise Mr. Chim. Unfortunate me remains here Captive with the Savages. I must say that I met with no bad usage; however, I would that I was (with) some Christian or other. I am quite naked, & Mr. Castacrow, who is indebted to Mr. Cole, would not give me one inch to save me from death."]

[Footnote 227: _Pontiac_ MS.]

[Footnote 228:

"Ouatanon, June 1st, 1763.

"Sir:

"I have heard of your situation, which gives me great Pain; indeed, we are not in much better, for this morning the Indians sent for me, to speak to me, and Immediately bound me, when I got to their Cabbin, and I soon found some of my Soldiers in the same Condition: They told me Detroit, Miamis, and all them Posts were cut off, and that it was a Folly to make any Resistance, therefore desired me to make the few Soldiers, that were in the Fort, surrender, otherwise they would put us all to Death, in case one man was killed. They were to have fell on us and killed us all, last night, but Mr. Maisongville and Lorain gave them wampum not to kill us, & when they told the Interpreter that we were all to be killed, & he knowing the condition of the Fort, beg'd of them to make us prisoners. They have put us into French houses, & both Indians and French use us very well: All these Nations say they are very sorry, but that they were obliged to do it by the Other Nations. The Belt did not Arrive here 'till last night about Eight o'Clock. Mr. Lorain can inform you of all. Just now Received the News of St. Joseph's being taken, Eleven men killed and three taken Prisoners with the Officer: I have nothing more to say, but that I sincerely wish you a speedy succour, and that we may be able to Revenge ourselves on those that Deserve it.

"I Remain, with my Sincerest wishes for your safety,

"Your most humble servant, EDW^{D} JENKINS.

"N. B. We expect to set off in a day or two for the Illinois."

This expectation was not fulfilled, and Jenkins remained at Ouatanon. A letter from him is before me, written from thence to Gladwyn on the 29th July, in which he complains that the Canadians were secretly advising the Indians to murder all the English in the West.]

[Footnote 229: _Loss of the Posts_, MS. Compare _Diary of the Siege_, 22, 26.

It appears by a deposition taken at Detroit on the 11th June, that Godefroy, mentioned above, left Detroit with four other Canadians three or four days after the siege began. Their professed object was to bring a French officer from the Illinois to induce Pontiac to abandon his hostile designs. At the mouth of the Maumee they met John Welsh, an English trader, with two canoes, bound for Detroit. They seized him, and divided his furs among themselves and a party of Indians who were with them. They then proceeded to Fort Miami, and aided the Indians to capture it. Welsh was afterwards carried to Detroit, where the Ottawas murdered him.]

[Footnote 230: _Evidence of Benjamin Gray, soldier in the 1st Battalion of the 60th Regiment, before a Court of Inquiry held at Fort Pitt, 12th Sept. 1763. Evidence of David Smart, soldier in the 60th Regiment, before a Court of Inquiry held at Fort Pitt, 24th Dec., 1763, to take evidence relative to the loss of Presqu' Isle which did not appear when the last court sat._]

[Footnote 231: _Loss of the Posts_, MS. _Pontiac_ MS. _Report of Ensign Christie_, MS. _Testimony of Edward Smyth_, MS. This last evidence was taken by order of Colonel Bouquet, commanding the battalion of the Royal American Regiment to which Christie belonged. Christie's surrender had been thought censurable both by General Amherst and by Bouquet. According to Christie's statements, it was unavoidable; but according to those of Smyth, and also of the two soldiers, Gray and Smart, the situation, though extremely critical, seems not to have been desperate. Smyth's testimony bears date 30 March, 1765, nearly two years after the event. Some allowance is therefore to be made for lapses of memory. He places the beginning of the attack on the twenty-first of June, instead of the fifteenth,--an evident mistake. The _Diary of the Siege of Detroit_ says that Christie did not make his escape, but was brought in and surrendered by six Huron chiefs on the ninth of July. In a letter of Bouquet dated June 18th, 1760, is enclosed a small plan of Presqu' Isle.]

[Footnote 232: _Pontiac_ MS.]

[Footnote 233: MS. Letter--_Gladwyn to Amherst_, July 8.]

[Footnote 234: _Pontiac_ MS.]

[Footnote 235: This name is always applied, among the Canadians of the North-west, to the conductor of a trading party, the commander in a trading fort, or, indeed, to any person in a position of authority.

Extract from a Letter--_Detroit, July 9, 1763 (Penn. Gaz. No. 1808)_.

"Judge of the Conduct of the Canadians here, by the Behaviour of these few Sacres Bougres, I have mentioned; I can assure you, with much Certainty, that there are but very few in the Settlement who are not engaged with the Indians in their damn'd Design; in short, Monsieur is at the Bottom of it; we have not only convincing Proofs and Circumstances, but undeniable Proofs of it. There are four or five sensible, honest Frenchmen in the Place, who have been of a great deal of Service to us, in bringing us Intelligence and Provisions, even at the Risque of their own Lives; I hope they will be rewarded for their good Services; I hope also to see the others exalted on High, to reap the Fruits of their Labours, as soon as our Army arrives; the Discoveries we have made of their horrid villianies, are almost incredible. But to return to the Terms of Capitulation: Pondiac proposes that we should immediately give up the Garrison, lay down our Arms, as the French, their Fathers, were obliged to do, leave the Cannon, Magazines, Merchants' Goods, and the two Vessels, and be escorted in Battoes, by the Indians, to Niagara. The Major returned Answer, that the General had not sent him there to deliver up the Fort to Indians, or anybody else; and that he would defend it whilst he had a single man to fight alongside of him. Upon this, Hostilities recommenced, since which Time, being two months, the whole Garrison, Officers, Soldiers, Merchants, and Servants, have been upon the Ramparts every Night, not one having slept in a House, except the Sick and Wounded in the Hospital.

"Our Fort is extremely large, considering our Numbers, the Stockade being above 1000 Paces in Circumference; judge what a Figure we make on the Works."

The writer of the above letter is much too sweeping and indiscriminate in his denunciation of the French.]

[Footnote 236: Croghan, _Journal_. See Butler, _Hist. Kentucky_, 463.]

[Footnote 237: _Pontiac_ MS.]

[Footnote 238: _Gouin's Account_, MS. _St. Aubin's Account_, MS. _Diary of the Siege._

James MacDonald writes from Detroit on the 12th of July. "Half an hour afterward the savages carried (the body of) the man they had lost before Capt. Campbell, stripped him naked, and directly murthered him in a cruel manner, which indeed gives me pain beyond expression, and I am sure cannot miss but to affect sensibly all his acquaintances. Although he is now out of the question, I must own I never had, nor never shall have, a Friend or Acquaintance that I valued more than he. My present comfort is, that if Charity, benevolence, innocence, and integrity are a sufficient dispensation for all mankind, that entitles him to happiness in the world to come."]

[Footnote 239: _Penn. Gaz._ No. 1808.]

[Footnote 240: _Pontiac_ MS.]

[Footnote 241: Whatever may have been the case with the Pottawattamies, there were indications from the first that the Wyandots were lukewarm or even reluctant in taking part with Pontiac. As early as May 22, some of them complained that he had forced them into the war. _Diary of the Siege._ _Johnson_ MSS.]

[Footnote 242: Extract from a MS. Letter--_Sir J. Amherst to Sir W. Johnson._

"New York, 16th June, 1763.

"Sir:

"I am to thank you for your Letter of the 6th Instant, which I have this moment Received, with some Advices from Niagara, concerning the Motions of the Indians that Way, they having attacked a Detachment under the Command of Lieut. Cuyler of Hopkins's Rangers, who were on their Route towards the Detroit, and Obliged him to Return to Niagara, with (I am sorry to say) too few of his Men.

"Upon this Intelligence, I have thought it Necessary to Dispatch Captain Dalyell, my Aid de Camp, with Orders to Carry with him all such Reinforcements as can possibly be collected (having, at the same time, a due Attention to the Safety of the Principal Forts), to Niagara, and to proceed to the Detroit, if Necessary, and Judged Proper."]

[Footnote 243: _Penn. Gaz._ No. 1811.]

[Footnote 244: _Pontiac_ MS.]

[Footnote 245: MS. Letter--_Major Rogers to ----_, Aug. 5.]

[Footnote 246: _Pontiac_ MS.]

[Footnote 247: Extract from a MS. Letter--_Major Gladwyn to Sir J. Amherst._

"Detroit, Aug. 8th, 1763.

"On the 31st, Captain Dalyell Requested, as a particular favor, that I would give him the Command of a Party, in order to Attempt the Surprizal of Pontiac's Camp, under cover of the Night, to which I answered that I was of opinion he was too much on his Guard to Effect it; he then said he thought I had it in my power to give him a Stroke, and that if I did not Attempt it now, he would Run off, and I should never have another Opportunity; this induced me to give in to the Scheme, contrary to my Judgement."]

[Footnote 248: _Penn. Gaz._ No. 1811.]

[Footnote 249: _Detail of the Action of the 31st of July._ See _Gent. Mag._ XXXIII. 486.]

[Footnote 250: _Penn. Gaz._ No. 1811.]

[Footnote 251: Many particulars of the fight at the house of Campau were related to me, on the spot, by John R. Williams, Esq., of Detroit, a connection of the Campau family.]

[Footnote 252: MS. Letters--_MacDonald to Dr. Campbell_, Aug. 8. _Gage to Lord Halifax_, Oct. 12. _Amherst to Lord Egremont_, Sept. 3. _Meloche's Account_, MS. _Gouin's Account_, MS. _St. Aubin's Account_, MS. _Peltier's Account_, MS. _Maxwell's Account_, MS., etc. In the _Diary of the Siege_ is the following, under date of August 1st: "Young Mr. Campo (Campau) brought in the Body of poor Capt. Dalyel (Dalzell) about three o'clock to-day, which was mangled in such a horrid Manner that it was shocking to human nature; the Indians wip'd his Heart about the Faces of our Prisoners."]

[Footnote 253: MS. Letter--_Gladwyn to Amherst_, Sept. 9. Carver, 164. _Relation of the Gallant Defence of the Schooner near Detroit_, published by order of General Amherst, in the New York papers. _Penn. Gaz._ No. 1816. MS. Letter--_Amherst to Lord Egremont_, Oct. 13. _St. Aubin's Account_, MS. _Peltier's Account_, MS. _Relation of some Transactions at the Detroit in Sept. and Oct. 1763_, MS.

The Commander-in-chief ordered a medal to be struck and presented to each of the men. Jacobs, the mate of the schooner, appears to have been as rash as he was brave; for Captain Carver says, that several years after, when in command of the same vessel, he was lost, with all his crew, in a storm on Lake Erie, in consequence of having obstinately refused to take in ballast enough.

As this affair savors somewhat of the marvellous, the following evidence is given touching the most remarkable features of the story. The document was copied from the archives of London.

Extract from "_A Relation of the Gallant Defence made by the Crew of the Schooner on Lake Erie, when Attacked by a Large Body of Indians; as Published by Order of Sir Jeffrey Amherst in the New York Papers._"

"The Schooner Sailed from Niagara, loaded with Provisions, some time in August last: Her Crew consisted of the Master and Eleven Men, with Six Mohawk Indians, who were Intended for a particular Service. She entered the Detroit River, on the 3^{d} September; And on the 4^{th} in the Morning, the Mohawks seemed very Desirous of being put on Shore, which the Master, very Inconsiderately, agreed to. The Wind proved contrary all that Day; and in the Evening, the Vessell being at Anchor, about Nine o'clock, the Boatswain discovered a Number of Canoes coming down the River, with about Three Hundred and Fifty Indians; Upon which the Bow Gun was Immediately Fired; but before the other Guns could be brought to Bear, the Enemy got under the Bow and Stern, in Spite of the Swivels & Small Arms, and Attempted to Board the Vessell; Whereupon the Men Abandoned their Small Arms, and took to their Spears, with which they were provided; And, with Amazing Resolution and Bravery, knocked the Savages in the Head; Killed many; and saved the Vessell.... It is certain Seven of the Savages were Killed on the Spot, and Eight had Died of those that were Wounded, when the Accounts came away. The Master and One Man were Killed, and four Wounded, on Board the Schooner, and the other Six brought her Safe to the Detroit."

It is somewhat singular that no mention is here made of the command to blow up the vessel. The most explicit authorities on this point are Carver, who obtained his account at Detroit, three years after the war, and a letter published in the _Pennsylvania Gazette_, No. 1816. This letter is dated at Detroit, five days after the attack. The circumstance is also mentioned in several traditional accounts of the Canadians.]

[Footnote 254: This description is drawn from traditional accounts aided by a personal examination of the spot, where the stumps of the pickets and the foundations of the houses may still be traced.]

[Footnote 255: MS. _Journal of Lieutenant Gorell_, commanding at Green Bay, 1761-63.]

[Footnote 256: Carver, _Travels_, 29.]

[Footnote 257: Many of these particulars are derived from memoranda furnished by Henry R. Schoolcraft, Esq.]

[Footnote 258: Henry, _Travels_, 45.]

[Footnote 259: This appears from the letters of Captain Etherington. Henry states the number at ninety. It is not unlikely that he meant to include all the inhabitants of the fort, both soldiers and Canadians, in his enumeration.]

[Footnote 260: The above is Henry's date. Etherington says, the second.]

[Footnote 261: MS. Letter--_Etherington to Gladwyn, June 12._ See Appendix, C.]

[Footnote 262: CHARLES LANGLADE, who is praised by Etherington, though spoken of in equivocal terms by Henry, was the son of a Frenchman of good family and an Ottawa squaw. He was born at Mackinaw in 1724, and served with great reputation as a partisan officer in the old French war. He and his father, Augustin Langlade, were the first permanent settlers within the present State of Wisconsin. He is said to have saved Etherington and Leslie from the torture. See the _Recollections of Augustin Grignon_, his grandson, in _Collections of the Hist. Soc. of Wisconsin_, III. 197.]

[Footnote 263: This name is commonly written _Pawnee_. The tribe who bore it lived west of the Mississippi. They were at war with many surrounding nations, and, among the rest, with the Sacs and Foxes, who often brought their prisoners to the French settlements for sale. It thus happened that Pawnee slaves were to be found in the principal families of Detroit and Michillimackinac.]

[Footnote 264: MS. Letter--_Etherington to Gladwyn, June 28_.]

[Footnote 265: Henry, _Travels_, 102. The authenticity of this very interesting book has never been questioned. Henry was living at Montreal as late as the year 1809. In 1797 he, with others, claimed, in virtue of Indian grants, a large tract of land west of the River Cuyahoga, in the present State of Ohio. A letter from him is extant, dated in April of that year, in which he offers this land to the Connecticut Land Company, at one-sixth of a dollar an acre.]

[Footnote 266: Tradition, preserved by Henry Conner. See also Schoolcraft, _Algic Researches_, II. 159.

"Their tradition concerning the name of this little island is curious. They say that Michapous, the chief of spirits, sojourned long in that vicinity. They believed that a mountain on the border of the lake was the place of his abode, and they called it by his name. It was here, say they, that he first instructed man to fabricate nets for taking fish, and where he has collected the greatest quantity of these finny inhabitants of the waters. On the island he left spirits, named Imakinakos; and from these aerial possessors it has received the appellation of Michillimakinac.

"When the savages, in those quarters, make a feast of fish, they invoke the spirits of the island, thank them for their bounty, and entreat them to continue their protection to their families. They demand of them to preserve their nets and canoes from the swelling and destructive billows, when the lakes are agitated by storms. All who assist in the ceremony lengthen their voices together, which is an act of gratitude. In the observance of this duty of their religion, they were formerly very punctual and scrupulous; but the French rallied them so much upon the subject, that they became ashamed to practise it openly."--Heriot, _Travels in Canada_, 185.]

[Footnote 267: The following description of Minavavana, or the Grand Sauteur, who was the leader of the Ojibwas at the massacre of Michillimackinac, is drawn from Carver's _Travels_:--

"The first I accosted were Chipeways, inhabiting near the Ottowaw lakes; who received me with great cordiality, and shook me by the hand, in token of friendship. At some little distance behind these stood a chief remarkably tall and well made, but of so stern an aspect that the most undaunted person could not behold him without feeling some degree of terror. He seemed to have passed the meridian of life, and by the mode in which he was painted and tatowed, I discovered that he was of high rank. However, I approached him in a courteous manner, and expected to have met with the same reception I had done from the others; but, to my great surprise, he withheld his hand, and looking fiercely at me, said, in the Chipeway tongue, '_Cawin nishishin saganosh_,' that is, 'The English are no good.' As he had his tomahawk in his hand, I expected that this laconick sentence would have been followed by a blow; to prevent which I drew a pistol from my belt, and, holding it in a careless position, passed close by him, to let him see I was not afraid of him.... Since I came to England, I have been informed, that the Grand Sautor, having rendered himself more and more disgustful to the English by his inveterate enmity towards them, was at length stabbed in his tent, as he encamped near Michillimackinac, by a trader."--Carver, 96.]

[Footnote 268: Carver, _Travels_, 47.]

[Footnote 269: Gorell, _Journal_, MS. The original manuscript is preserved in the library of the Maryland Historical Society, to which it was presented by Robert Gilmor, Esq.]

[Footnote 270: Gorell, _Journal_, MS.]

[Footnote 271: There was a cluster of log houses even around Fort Ligonier, and a trader named Byerly had a station at Bushy Run.]

[Footnote 272: The authorities for the foregoing topographical sketch are drawn from the Pennsylvania _Historical Collections_, and the _Olden Time_, an excellent antiquarian work, published at Pittsburg; together with various maps, plans, and contemporary papers.]

[Footnote 273: Gordon, _Hist. Pa._ 622. MS. Letter--_Ecuyer to Bouquet_, 29 May, 1763.]

[Footnote 274: MS. Letter--_Bouquet to Amherst_, June 5.

Extract from a letter--_Fort Pitt, May 31_ (_Penn. Gaz._ No. 1798).

"We have most melancholy Accounts here--The Indians have broke out in several Places, and murdered Colonel Clapham and his Family; also two of our Soldiers at the Saw-mill, near the Fort, and two Scalps are taken from each man. An Indian has brought a War-Belt to Tuscarora, and says Detroit is invested; and that St. Dusky is cut off, and Ensign Pawley made Prisoner--Levy's Goods are stopt at Tuscarora by the Indians--Last Night Eleven men were attacked at Beaver Creek, eight or nine of whom, it is said, were killed--And Twenty-five of Macrae's and Alison's Horses, loaded with Skins, are all taken."

Extract from a MS. Letter--_Ecuyer to Bouquet_.

"Fort Pitt, 29th May, 1763.

"Just as I had finished my Letter, Three men came in from Clapham's, with the Melancholy News, that Yesterday, at three O'clock in the Afternoon, the Indians Murdered Clapham, and Every Body in his House: These three men were out at work, & Escaped through the Woods. I Immediately Armed them, and sent them to Assist our People at Bushy Run. The Indians have told Byerly (at Bushy Run) to Leave his Place in Four Days, or he and his Family would all be murdered: I am Uneasy for the little Posts--As for this, I will answer for it."

The above is a contemporary translation. The original, which is before me, is in French, like all Ecuyer's letters to Bouquet.]

[Footnote 275: _Copy of intelligence brought to Fort Pitt by Mr. Calhoun_, MS.]

[Footnote 276: M'Cullough gives the following account of the murder of another of the traders, named Green:--

"About sunrise, _Mussoughwhese_ (an Indian, my adopted brother's nephew, known by the name of Ben Dickson, among the white people), came to our house; he had a pistol and a large scalping-knife, concealed under his blanket, belted round his body. He informed _Kettoohhalend_ (for that was my adopted brother's name), that he came to kill Tom Green; but _Kettoohhalend_ endeavoured to persuade him off it. They walked out together, and Green followed them, endeavouring, as I suppose, to discover the cause of the alarm the night before; in a short time they returned to the house, and immediately went out again. Green asked me to bring him his horse, as we heard the bell a short distance off; he then went after the Indians again, and I went for the horse. As I was returning, I observed them coming out of a house about two hundred yards from ours; _Kettoohhalend_ was foremost, Green in the middle; I took but slight notice of them, until I heard the report of a pistol; I cast my eyes towards them, and observed the smoke, and saw Green standing on the side of the path, with his hands across his breast; I thought it had been him that shot; he stood a few minutes, then fell on his face across the path. I instantly got off the horse, and held him by the bridle,--_Kettoohhalend_ sunk his pipe tomahawk into his skull; _Mussoughwhese_ stabbed him under the armpit with his scalping-knife; he had shot him between the shoulders with his pistol. The squaws gathered about him and stripped him naked, trailed him down the bank, and plunged him into the creek; there was a freshet in the creek at the time, which carried him off. _Mussoughwhese_ then came to me (where I was holding the horse, as I had not moved from the spot where I was when Green was shot), with the bloody knife in his hand; he told me that he was coming to kill me next; he reached out his hand and took hold of the bridle, telling me that that was his horse; I was glad to parley with him on the terms, and delivered the horse to him. All the Indians in the town immediately collected together, and started off to the Salt Licks, where the rest of the traders were, and murdered the whole of them, and divided their goods amongst them, and likewise their horses."]

[Footnote 277: _Gent. Mag._ XXXIII. 413. The loss is here stated at the greatly exaggerated amount of L500,000.]

[Footnote 278: Loskiel, 99.]

[Footnote 279: Heckewelder, _Hist. Ind. Nat._ 250.]

[Footnote 280: _Pennsylvania Gazette_, No. 1799. I shall frequently refer to the columns of this journal, which are filled with letters, and extracts from letters, written at different parts of the frontier, and containing very minute and authentic details of the events which daily occurred.]

[Footnote 281: Extract from a Letter--_Fort Pitt_, June 16, 1763 (_Penn. Gaz._ No. 1801).

"We have Alarms from, and Skirmishes with, the Indians every Day; but they have done us little Harm as yet. Yesterday I was out with a Party of Men, when we were fired upon, and one of the Serjeants was killed; but we beat off the Indians, and brought the Man in with his Scalp on. Last Night the Bullock Guard was fired upon, when one Cow was killed. We are obliged to be on Duty Night and Day. The Indians have cut off above 100 of our Traders in the Woods, besides all our little Posts. We have Plenty of Provisions; and the Fort is in such a good Posture of Defence, that, with God's Assistance, we can defend it against 1000 Indians."]

[Footnote 282: MS. Letter--_Ecuyer to Bouquet_, June 5. _Ibid._ June 26.]

[Footnote 283: MS. Letter--_Ecuyer to Bouquet_, June 16 (Translation).]

[Footnote 284: MS. _Report of Alexander M'Kee, deputy agent for Indian affairs at Fort Pitt._]

[Footnote 285: MS. Letter--_Ecuyer to Bouquet_, June 26.]

[Footnote 286: Extract from a Letter--_Fort Pitt_, June 26 (_Penn. Gaz._ No. 1802).

"This Morning, Ensign Price, of the Royal Americans, with Part of his Garrison, arrived here, being separated from the rest in the night.--The Enemy attacked his Post, and set it on Fire, and while they watched the Door of the House, he got out on the other side, and the Indians continued firing a long Time afterwards, imagining that the Garrison was in it, and that they were consumed with the House.--He touched at Venango, found the Fort burnt to the Ground, and saw one of our Expresses lying killed on the Road.

"Four o'clock in the Afternoon. Just now came in one of the Soldiers from Presque Isle, who says, Mr. Christie fought two Days; that the Enemy Fifty times set Fire to the Blockhouse, but that they as often put it out: That they then undermined the House, and was ready to blow it up, when they offered Mr. Christie Terms, who accepted them, viz., That he, and his Garrison, was to be conducted to this Place.--The Soldier also says, he suspected they intended to put them all to Death; and that on hearing a Woman scream out, he supposed they were murdering her; upon which he and another Soldier came immediately off, but knows nothing of the rest: That the Vessel from Niagara was in Sight, but believes she had no Provisions, as the Indian told them they had cut off Little Niagara, and destroyed 800 Barrels: And that he thinks, by what he saw, Venango had capitulated."

The soldier here spoken of was no doubt Gray, who was mentioned above, though his story is somewhat differently given in the letter of Captain Ecuyer, just cited.]

[Footnote 287: _Record of Court of Inquiry, Evidence of Corporal Fisher._ The statement is supported by all the rest of the men examined.]

[Footnote 288: On the 27th of June, Price wrote to Colonel Bouquet from Fort Pitt, announcing his escape; and again on the 28th, giving an account of the affair. Both letters are before me; but the most satisfactory evidence is furnished by the record of the court of inquiry held at Fort Pitt on the 12th of September, to ascertain the circumstances of the loss of Presqu' Isle and Le B[oe]uf. This embraces the testimony of most of the survivors; namely, Ensign George Price, Corporals Jacob Fisher and John Nash, and privates John Dogood, John Nigley, John Dortinger, and Uriah Trunk. All the men bear witness to the resolution of their officer. One of them declared that it was with the utmost difficulty that they could persuade him to leave the blockhouse with them.]

[Footnote 289: MS. _Johnson Papers._ Not many years since, some traces of Fort Venango were yet visible. The following description of them is from the _Historical Collections of Pennsylvania_:--

"Its ruins plainly indicate its destruction by fire. Burnt stone, melted glass and iron, leave no doubt of this. All through the groundworks are to be found great quantities of mouldering bones. Amongst the ruins, knives, gun-barrels, locks, and musket-balls have been frequently found, and still continue to be found. About the centre of the area are seen the ruins of the magazine, in which, with what truth I cannot vouch, is said to be a well. The same tradition also adds, 'And in that well there is a cannon,' but no examination has been made for it."]

[Footnote 290: Extract from a Letter--_Fort Bedford, June 30, 1763_ (_Penn. Gaz._ No. 1802).

"This Morning a Party of the Enemy attacked fifteen Persons, who were mowing in Mr. Croghan's Field, within a Mile of the Garrison; and News is brought in of two Men being killed.--Eight o'clock. Two Men are brought in, alive, tomahawked and scalped more than Half the Head over--Our Parade just now presents a Scene of bloody and savage Cruelty; three Men, two of which are in the Bloom of Life, the other an old man, lying scalped (two of them still alive) thereon: Any thing feigned in the most fabulous Romance, cannot parallel the horrid Sight now before me; the Gashes the poor People bear are most terrifying.--Ten o'clock. They are just expired--One of them, after being tomahawked and scalped, ran a little way, and got on a Loft in Mr. Croghan's House, where he lay till found by a Party of the Garrison."]

[Footnote 291: This is a common Indian metaphor. To destroy an enemy is, in their phrase, to eat him.]

[Footnote 292: MS. _Report of Conference with the Indians at Fort Pitt_, July 26, 1763.]

[Footnote 293: Extract from a MS. Letter--_Colonel Bouquet to Sir J. Amherst_:--

"Fort Pitt, 11th Aug. 1763.

"Sir:

"We Arrived here Yesterday, without further Opposition than Scattered Shots along the Road.

"The Delawares, Shawnese, Wiandots, & Mingoes had closely Beset, and Attacked this Fort from the 27th July, to the First Instant, when they Quitted it to March against us.

"The Boldness of those Savages is hardly Credible; they had taken Post under the Banks of Both Rivers, Close to the Fort, where Digging Holes, they kept an Incessant Fire, and threw Fire Arrows: They are good Marksmen, and though our People were under Cover, they Killed one, & Wounded seven.--Captain Ecuyer is Wounded in the Leg by an Arrow.--I Would not Do Justice to that Officer, should I omit to Inform Your Excellency, that, without Engineer, or any other Artificers than a few Ship Wrights, he has Raised a Parapet of Logs round the Fort, above the Old One, which having not been Finished, was too Low, and Enfiladed; he has Fraised the Whole; Palisadoed the Inside of the Aria, Constructed a Fire Engine; and in short, has taken all Precautions, which Art and Judgment could suggest for the Preservation of this Post, open before on the three sides, which had suffered by the Floods."]

[Footnote 294: _Penn. Gaz._ No. 1805-1809.]

[Footnote 295: "The next object of the immediate attention of Parliament in this session was the raising of a new regiment of foot in North America, for which purpose the sum of L81,178 16_s._ was voted. This regiment, which was to consist of four battalions of 1000 men each, was intended to be raised chiefly out of the Germans and Swiss, who, for many years past, had annually transported themselves in great numbers to British plantations in America, where waste lands had been assigned them upon the frontiers of the provinces; but, very injudiciously, no care had been taken to intermix them with the English inhabitants of the place, so that very few of them, even of those who have been born there, have yet learned to speak or understand the English tongue. However, as they were all zealous Protestants, and in general strong, hardy men, accustomed to the climate, it was judged that a regiment of good and faithful soldiers might be raised out of them, particularly proper to oppose the French; but to this end it was necessary to appoint some officers, especially subalterns, who understood military discipline and could speak the German language; and as a sufficient number of such could not be found among the English officers, it was necessary to bring over and grant commissions to several German and Swiss officers and engineers. But as this step, by the Act of Settlement, could not be taken without the authority of Parliament, an act was now passed for enabling his Majesty to grant commissions to a certain number of foreign Protestants, who had served abroad as officers or engineers, to act and rank as officers or engineers in America only."--Smollett, _England_, III. 475.

The Royal American Regiment is now the 60th Rifles. Its ranks, at the time of the Pontiac war, were filled by provincials of English as well as of German descent.]

[Footnote 296: There is a sketch of Bouquet's life prefixed to the French translation of the _Account of Bouquet's Expedition_. See also the reprint in the first volume of Clarke's "Ohio Valley Historical Series."]

[Footnote 297: An extract from this letter, which is dated May 30, is given on page 280.]

[Footnote 298: The italics and capitals are Sir Jeffrey's.]

[Footnote 299: On the 29th of July following, the fragments of five more regiments arrived from Havana, numbering in all 982 men and officers fit for duty.--_Official Returns._]

[Footnote 300: _i.e._, Cuyler's detachment.]

[Footnote 301: Amherst wrote again on the 16th of July: "My former orders for putting such of the Indians as are or have been in arms against us, and that fall in our power, to death, remain in full force; as the barbarities they have committed on the late commanding officer at Venango" (Gordon, whom they roasted alive during several nights) "and his unfortunate garrison fully prove that no punishment we can inflict is adequate to the crimes of those inhuman villains."]

[Footnote 302: The following is a characteristic example. He is writing to Johnson, 27 Aug. 1763: "I shall only say that it Behoves the Whole Race of Indians to Beware (for I Fear the best of them have in some Measure been privy to, and Concerned in the Late Mischief) of Carrying Matters much farther against the English, or Daring to form Conspiracys; as the Consequence will most Certainly occasion Measures to be taken, that, in the End, will put a most Effectual Stop to their Very Being."

The following is his view of the Indians, in a letter to Bouquet, 7 Aug. 1763:--

"I wish there was not an Indian Settlement within a thousand miles of our Country, for they are only fit to live with the Inhabitants of the woods: (i.e., _wild beasts_), being more allied to the _Brute_ than the _human_ Creation."]

[Footnote 303: This correspondence is among the manuscripts of the British Museum, _Bouquet and Haldimand Papers_, No. 21, 634. The first postscript by Amherst is on a single leaf of foolscap, written at the top of the page and addressed on the back,--

"On His Majesty's Service. To Colonel BOUQUET, etc."

------------------------- "JEFF. AMHERST." -------------------------

The postscript seems to belong to a letter written on the first leaf of the foolscap sheet, which is lost or destroyed. The other postscript by Amherst has neither indorsement nor address, but that of Bouquet is appended to a letter dated Carlisle, 13 July, 1763, and addressed to "His Excellency, Sir Jeffrey Amherst." It appears from a letter of Capt. Ecuyer that the small-pox had lately broken out at Fort Pitt, which would have favored the execution of the plan. We hear nothing more of it; but, in the following spring, Gershom Hicks, who had been among the Indians, reported at Fort Pitt that the small-pox had been raging for some time among them, and that sixty or eighty Mingoes and Delawares, besides some Shawanoes, had died of it.

The suggestion of using dogs against the Indians did not originate with Bouquet. Just before he wrote, he received a letter from one John Hughes, dated Lancaster, July 11, in which an elaborate plan is laid down for conquering the Indians with the help of canine allies.

The following is the substance of the proposal, which is set forth under eight distinct heads: 1st, Each soldier to have a dog, which he is to lead on the march by a strap three feet long. 2d, All the dogs to be held fast by the straps, except one or two on each flank and as many in advance, to discover the enemy in ambush. 3d, When you are fired upon, let loose all the dogs, which will rush at the concealed Indians, and force them in self-defence to expose themselves and fire at their assailants, with so little chance of hitting them, that, in the words of the letter, "if 1000 Indians fired on 300 dogs, there would be at least 200 dogs left, besides all the soldiers' fires, which must put the Indians to flight very soon." 4th, If you come to a swamp, thicket, or the like, "only turn loose 3 or 4 dogs extraordinary, and you are immediately convinced what you have to fear." 5th, "No Indian can well conceal himself in a swamp or thicket as a spy, for y^{r}. dogs will discover him, and may soon be learnt to destroy him too." 6th, "The leading the dogs makes them more fierce, and keeps them from being tired in running after wild beasts or fighting one another." 7th, Expatiates on the advantages of having the leading-straps short. 8th, "The greater the number of dogs, the more fierce they will be by a great deal, and the more terrible to the Indians; and if, when you get to Bedford, a few scouting parties were sent out with dogs, and one or two Indians killed and the dogs put at them to tear them to pieces, you would soon see the good effects of it; and I could almost venture my life that 500 men with 500 dogs would be much more dreadful to 2000 Indians than an army of some thousand of brave men in the regular way.

"J^{N} HUGHES.

"COLONEL BOUQUET."

Probably there is no man who ever had occasion to fight Indians in the woods who would object to a dog as an ally.]

[Footnote 304: This is the letter in which he accepts Amherst's proposal to infect the Indians. His just indignation at the atrocities which had caused so much misery is his best apology.]

[Footnote 305: The blockhouse at Presqu' Isle had been built under the direction of Bouquet. Being of wood, it was not fire-proof; and he urged upon Amherst that it should be rebuilt of brick with a slate roof, thus making it absolutely proof against Indians.]

[Footnote 306: Bouquet had the strongest reasons for wishing that Fort Ligonier should hold out. As the event showed, its capture would probably have entailed the defeat and destruction of his entire command.]

[Footnote 307: _Penn. Gaz._ No. 1804.]

[Footnote 308: Robison, _Narrative_. Robison was one of the party, and his brother was mortally wounded at the first fire.]

[Footnote 309: Extract from a Letter--_Carlisle_, July 13 (_Penn. Gaz._ No. 1804)--

"Last Night Colonel Armstrong returned. He left the Party, who pursued further, and found several dead, whom they buried in the best manner they could, and are now all returned in.--From what appears, the Indians are travelling from one Place to another, along the Valley, burning the Farms, and destroying all the People they meet with.--This Day gives an Account of six more being killed in the Valley, so that since last Sunday Morning to this Day, Twelve o'clock, we have a pretty authentic Account of the Number slain, being Twenty-five, and four or five wounded.--The Colonel, Mr. Wilson, and Mr. Alricks, are now on the Parade, endeavouring to raise another Party, to go out and succour the Sheriff and his Party, consisting of Fifty Men, which marched Yesterday, and hope they will be able to send off immediately Twenty good Men.--The People here, I assure you, want nothing but a good Leader, and a little Encouragement, to make a very good Defence."]

[Footnote 310: Extract from a Letter--_Carlisle_, July 5 (_Haz. Pa. Reg._ IV. 390):--

"Nothing could exceed the terror which prevailed from house to house, from town to town. The road was near covered with women and children, flying to Lancaster and Philadelphia. The Rev. ----, Pastor of the Episcopal Church, went at the head of his congregation, to protect and encourage them on the way. A few retired to the Breast works for safety. The alarm once given could not be appeased. We have done all that men can do to prevent disorder. All our hopes are turned upon Bouquet."]

[Footnote 311: Extract from a Letter--_Carlisle_, July 12 (_Penn. Gaz._ No. 1804):--

"I embrace this first Leisure, since Yesterday Morning, to transmit you a brief Account of our present State of Affairs here, which indeed is very distressing; every Day, almost, affording some fresh Object to awaken the Compassion, alarm the Fears, or kindle into Resentment and Vengeance every sensible Breast, while flying Families, obliged to abandon House and Possession, to save their Lives by an hasty Escape; mourning Widows, bewailing their Husbands surprised and massacred by savage Rage; tender Parents, lamenting the Fruits of their own Bodies, cropt in the very Bloom of Life by a barbarous Hand; with Relations and Acquaintances, pouring out Sorrow for murdered Neighbours and Friends, present a varied Scene of mingled Distress.

"To-day a British Vengeance begins to rise in the Breasts of our Men.--One of them that fell from among the 12, as he was just expiring, said to one of his Fellows, Here, take my Gun, and kill the first Indian you see, and all shall be well."]

[Footnote 312: _Account of Bouquet's Expedition; Introduction_, vi.]

[Footnote 313: "I cannot send a Highlander out of my sight without running the risk of losing the man, which exposes me to surprise from the skulking villains I have to deal with."--MS. Letter--_Bouquet to Amherst_, 26 July, 1763.]

[Footnote 314: "Our Accounts from the westward are as follows, viz.:--

"On the 25th of July there were in Shippensburg 1384 of our poor distressed Back Inhabitants, viz. Men, 301; Women, 345; Children, 738; Many of whom were obliged to lie in Barns, Stables, Cellars, and under old leaky Sheds, the Dwelling-houses being all crowded."--_Penn. Gaz._ No. 1806.]

[Footnote 315: "The government of Pennsylvania having repeatedly refused to garrison Fort Lyttleton (a provincial fort), even with the kind of troops they have raised, I have stationed some inhabitants of the neighborhood in it, with some provisions and ammunition, to prevent the savages burning it."--MS. Letter--_Bouquet to Amherst_, 26 July, 1763.]

[Footnote 316: MS. Letter--_Ourry to Bouquet_, 20 June, 1763.]

[Footnote 317: Extract from a _Letter of Bouquet to Amherst, Bedford_, July 26th, 1763:

"The troops & Convoy arrived here yesterday.... Three men have been massacred near Shippensburg since we left, but we have not perceived yet any of the Villains.... Having observed in our march that the Highlanders lose themselves in the woods as soon as they go out of the road, and cannot on that account be employed as Flankers, I have commissioned a person here to procure me about thirty woodsmen to march with us.... This is very irregular, but the circumstances render it so absolutely necessary that I hope you will approve it."]

[Footnote 318: MS. Letters--_Bouquet to Amherst_, Aug. 5, 6. _Penn. Gaz._ 1809-1810. _Gent. Mag._ XXXIII. 487. _London Mag._ for 1763, 545. _Account of Bouquet's Expedition. Annual Register_ for 1763, 28. Mante, 493.

The accounts of this action, published in the journals of the day, excited much attention, from the wild and novel character of this species of warfare. A well-written description of the battle, together with a journal of Bouquet's expedition of the succeeding year, was published in a thin quarto, with illustrations from the pencil of West. The writer was Dr. William Smith, of Philadelphia, and not, as has usually been thought, the geographer Thomas Hutchins. See the reprint, _Clarke's Historical Series_, Vol. I. A French translation of the narrative was published at Amsterdam in 1769.

Extract from a Letter--_Fort Pitt_, August 12 (_Penn. Gaz._ No. 1810):--

"We formed a Circle round our Convoy and Wounded; upon which the Savages collected themselves, and continued whooping and popping at us all the Evening. Next Morning, having mustered all their Force, they began the War-whoop, attacking us in Front, when the Colonel feigned a Retreat, which encouraged the Indians to an eager Pursuit, while the Light Infantry and Grenadiers rushed out on their Right and Left Flanks, attacking them where they little expected it; by which Means a great Number of them were killed; and among the rest, Keelyuskung, a Delaware Chief, who the Night before, and that Morning, had been Blackguarding us in English: We lost one Man in the Rear, on our March the Day after.

"In other Letters from Fort Pitt, it is mentioned that, to a Man, they were resolved to defend the Garrison (if the Troops had not arrived), as long as any Ammunition, and Provision to support them, were left; and that then they would have fought their Way through, or died in the Attempt, rather than have been made Prisoners by such perfidious, cruel, and Blood-thirsty Hell-hounds."

See Appendix, D.]

[Footnote 319: Extract from a Letter--_Fort Pitt_, August 12 (_Penn. Gaz._ No. 1810):

"As you will probably have the Accounts of these Engagements from the Gentlemen that were in them, I shall say no more than this, that it is the general Opinion, the Troops behaved with the utmost Intrepidity, and the Indians were never known to behave so fiercely. You may be sure the Sight of the Troops was very agreeable to our poor Garrison, being penned up in the Fort from the 27th of May to the 9th Instant, and the Barrack Rooms crammed with Men, Women, and Children, tho' providentially no other Disorder ensued than the Small-pox.--From the 16th of June to the 28th of July, we were pestered with the Enemy; sometimes with their Flags, demanding Conferences; at other Times threatening, then soothing, and offering their Cordial Advice, for us to evacuate the Place; for that they, the Delawares, tho' our dear Friends and Brothers, could no longer protect us from the Fury of Legions of other Nations, that were coming from the Lakes, &c., to destroy us. But, finding that neither had any Effect on us, they mustered their whole force, in Number about 400, and began a most furious Fire from all Quarters on the Fort, which they continued for four Days, and great Part of the Nights, viz., from the 28th of July to the last.--Our Commander was wounded by an Arrow in the Leg, and no other Person, of any Note, hurt, tho' the Balls were whistling very thick about our Ears. Nine Rank and File wounded, and one Hulings having his Leg broke, was the whole of our Loss during this hot Firing; tho' we have Reason to think that we killed several of our loving Brethren, notwithstanding their Alertness in skulking behind the Banks of the Rivers, &c.--These Gentry, seeing they could not take the Fort, sheered off and we heard no more of them till the Account of the above Engagements came to hand, when we were convinced that our good Brothers did us this second Act of Friendship.--What they intend next, God knows, but am afraid they will disperse in small Parties, among the Inhabitants, if not well defended."]

[Footnote 320: Extract from a MS. Letter--_Sir J. Amherst to Colonel Bouquet_:--

"New York, 31st August, 1763.

"The Disposition you made for the Reception of the Indians, the Second Day, was indeed very wisely Concerted, and as happily Executed; I am pleased with Every part of your Conduct on the Occasion, which being so well seconded by the Officers and Soldiers under your Command, Enabled you not only to Protect your Large Convoy, but to rout a Body of Savages that would have been very formidable against any Troops but such as you had with you."]

[Footnote 321: MS. _Minutes of Conference with the Six Nations and others, at Johnson Hall_, Sept. 1763. _Letters of Sir William Johnson._]

[Footnote 322: MS. _Harrisburg Papers_.]

[Footnote 323: Extract from a MS. Letter--_Sir W. Johnson to Sir J. Amherst_:--

"Johnson Hall, July 8th, 1763.

"I Cannot Conclude without Representing to Your Excellency the great Panic and uneasiness into which the Inhabitants of these parts are cast, which I have endeavored to Remove by every Method in my power, to prevent their Abandoning their Settlements from their apprehensions of the Indians: As they in General Confide much in my Residence, they are hitherto Prevented from taking that hasty Measure, but should I be Obliged to retire (which I hope will not be the case), not only my Own Tenants, who are upwards of 120 Families, but all the Rest would Immediately follow the Example, which I am Determined against doing 'till the last Extremity, as I know it would prove of general bad Consequence."]

[Footnote 324: _Penn. Gaz._ No. 1809.]

[Footnote 325: MS. Letter--_Amherst to Egremont_, October 13. Two anonymous letters from officers at Fort Niagara, September 16 and 17. _Life of Mary Jemison_, Appendix. MS. _Johnson Papers_.

One of the actors in the tragedy, a Seneca warrior, named Blacksnake, was living a few years since at a very advanced age. He described the scene with great animation to a friend of the writer; and, as he related how the English were forced over the precipice, his small eyes glittered like those of the serpent whose name he bore.

Extract from a Letter--_Niagara_, September 16 (_Penn. Gaz._ No. 1815):

"On the first hearing of the Firing by the Convoy, Capt. Johnston, and three Subalterns, marched with about 80 Men, mostly of Gage's Light Infantry, who were in a little Camp adjacent; they had scarce Time to form when the Indians appeared at the above Pass; our People fired briskly upon them, but was instantly surrounded, and the Captain who commanded mortally wounded the first Fire; the 3 Subalterns also were soon after killed, on which a general Confusion ensued. The Indians rushed in on all Sides and cut about 60 or 70 Men in Pieces, including the Convoy: Ten of our Men are all we can yet learn have made their Escape; they came here through the Woods Yesterday. From many Circumstances, it is believed the Senecas have a chief Hand in this Affair."

Extract from a Letter--_Niagara_, September 17 (_Penn. Gaz._ No. 1815):

"Wednesday the 14th Inst. a large Body of Indians, some say 300, others 4 or 500, came down upon the Carrying-Place, attacked the Waggon Escort, which consisted of a Serjeant and 24 Men. This small Body immediately became a Sacrifice, only two Waggoners escaped. Two Companies of Light Infantry (the General's and La Hunt's), that were encamped at the Lower Landing, hearing the Fire, instantly rushed out to their Relief, headed by Lieuts. George Campbell, and Frazier, Lieutenant Rosco, of the Artillery, and Lieutenant Deaton, of the Provincials; this Party had not marched above a Mile and Half when they were attacked, surrounded, and almost every Man cut to Pieces; the Officers were all killed, it is reported, on the Enemy's first Fire; the Savages rushed down upon them in three Columns."]

[Footnote 326: MS. _Diary of an officer in Wilkins's Expedition against the Indians at Detroit_.]

[Footnote 327: "I have often seen them get up early in the morning at this season, walk hastily out, and look anxiously to the woods, and snuff the autumnal winds with the highest rapture; then return into the house, and cast a quick and attentive look at the rifle, which was always suspended to a joist by a couple of buck's horns, or little forks. His hunting dog, understanding the intentions of his master, would wag his tail, and, by every blandishment in his power, express his readiness to accompany him to the woods."--Doddridge, _Notes on Western Va. and Pa._, 124.

For a view of the state of the frontier, see also Kercheval, _Hist. of the Valley of Virginia_; and Smyth, _Travels in America_.]

[Footnote 328: For an account of the population of Pennsylvania, see Rupp's two histories of York and Lancaster, and of Lebanon and Berks Counties. See also the _History of Cumberland County_, and the _Penn. Hist. Coll._]

[Footnote 329: "There are many Letters in Town, in which the Distresses of the Frontier Inhabitants are set forth in a most moving and striking Manner; but as these Letters are pretty much the same, and it would be endless to insert the whole, the following is the Substance of some of them, as near as we can recollect, viz.:--

"That the Indians had set Fire to Houses, Barns, Corn, Hay, and, in short, to every Thing that was combustible, so that the whole Country seemed to be in one general Blaze--That the Miseries and Distresses of the poor People were really shocking to Humanity, and beyond the Power of Language to describe--That Carlisle was become the Barrier, not a single Individual being beyond it--That every Stable and Hovel in the Town was crowded with miserable Refugees, who were reduced to a State of Beggary and Despair; their Houses, Cattle and Harvest destroyed; and from a plentiful, independent People, they were become real Objects of Charity and Commiseration--That it was most dismal to see the Streets filled with People, in whose Countenances might be discovered a Mixture of Grief, Madness and Despair; and to hear, now and then, the Sighs and Groans of Men, the disconsolate Lamentations of Women, and the Screams of Children, who had lost their nearest and dearest Relatives: And that on both Sides of the Susquehannah, for some Miles, the Woods were filled with poor Families, and their Cattle, who make Fires, and live like the Savages."--_Penn. Gaz._ No. 1805.

Extract from a MS. Letter, signature erased--_Staunton_, July 26:--

"Since the reduction of the Regiment, I have lived in the country, which enables me to enform yr Ho^{nr} of some particulars, I think it is a duty incumbent on me to do. I can assert that in eight years' service, I never knew such a general consternation as the late irruption of Indians has occasioned. Should they make a second attempt, I am assured the country will be laid desolate, which I attribute to the following reasons. The sudden, great, and unexpected slaughter of the people; their being destitute of arms and ammunition; the country Lieut. being at a distance and not exerting himself, his orders are neglected; the most of the militia officers being unfit persons, or unwilling, not to say afraid to meet an Enemy; too busy with their harvest to run a risk in the field. The Inhabitants left without protection, without a person to stead them, have nothing to do but fly, as the Indians are saving and caressing all the negroes they take; should it produce an insurrection, it may be attended with the most serious consequences."]

[Footnote 330: "_To Col. Francis Lee, or, in his Absence, to the next Commanding Officer in Loudoun County._" (_Penn. Gaz._ No. 1805).

"I examined the Express that brought this Letter from Winchester to Loudoun County, and he informed me that he was employed as an Express from Fort Cumberland to Winchester, which Place he left the 4^{th} Instant, and that passing from the Fort to Winchester, he saw lying on the Road a Woman, who had been just scalped, and was then in the Agonies of Death, with her Brains hanging over her Skull; his Companions made a Proposal to knock her on the Head, to put an End to her Agony, but this Express apprehending the Indians were near at Hand, and not thinking it safe to lose any Time, rode off, and left the poor Woman in the Situation they found her."

The circumstances referred to in the text are mentioned in several pamphlets of the day, on the authority of James Smith, a prominent leader of the rangers.]

[Footnote 331: Her absence was soon perceived, on which one of the Indians remarked that he would bring the cow back to her calf, and, seizing the child, forced it to scream violently. This proving ineffectual, he dashed out its brains against a tree. This was related by one of the captives who was taken to the Indian villages and afterwards redeemed.]

[Footnote 332: Doddridge, _Notes_, 221. MS. _Narrative_, written by Colonel Stuart from the relation of Glendenning's wife.]

[Footnote 333: Gordon, _Hist. Penn._ Appendix. Bard, _Narrative_.

"Several small parties went on to different parts of the settlements: it happened that three of them, whom I was well acquainted with, came from the neighborhood of where I was taken from--they were young fellows, perhaps none of them more than twenty years of age,--they came to a school-house, where they murdered and scalped the master, and all the scholars, except one, who survived after he was scalped, a boy about ten years old, and a full cousin of mine. I saw the Indians when they returned home with the scalps; some of the old Indians were very much displeased at them for killing so many children, especially _Neeppaugh-whese_, or Night Walker, an old chief, or half king,--he ascribed it to cowardice, which was the greatest affront he could offer them."--M'Cullough, _Narrative_.

Extract from an anonymous Letter--_Philadelphia_, August 30, 1764:

"The Lad found alive in the School, and said to be since dead, is, I am informed, yet alive, and in a likely Way to recover."]

[Footnote 334: Extract from a MS. Letter--_Thomas Cresap to Governor Sharpe_:--

"Old Town, July 15th, 1763.

"May it please y^{r} Excellency:

"I take this opportunity in the height of confusion to acquaint you with our unhappy and most wretched situation at this time, being in hourly expectation of being massacred by our barbarous and inhuman enemy the Indians, we having been three days successively attacked by them, viz. the 13th, 14th, and this instant.... I have enclosed a list of the desolate men and women, and children who have fled to my house, which is enclosed by a small stockade for safety, by which you see what a number of poor souls, destitute of every necessary of life, are here penned up, and likely to be butchered without immediate relief and assistance, and can expect none, unless from the province to which they belong. I shall submit to your wiser judgment the best and most effectual method for such relief, and shall conclude with hoping we shall have it in time."

Extract from a Letter--_Frederick Town_, July 19, 1763 (_Penn. Gaz._ No. 1807):--

"Every Day, for some Time past, has offered the melancholy Scene of poor distressed Families driving downwards, through this Town, with their Effects, who have deserted their Plantations, for Fear of falling into the cruel Hands of our Savage Enemies, now daily seen in the Woods. And never was Panic more general or forcible than that of the Back Inhabitants, whose Terrors, at this Time, exceed what followed on the Defeat of General Braddock, when the Frontiers lay open to the Incursions of both French and Indians."]

[Footnote 335: Extract from a Letter--_Winchester, Virginia_, June 22d (_Penn. Gaz._ No. 1801):--

"Last Night I reached this Place. I have been at Fort Cumberland several Days, but the Indians having killed nine People, and burnt several Houses near Fort Bedford, made me think it prudent to remove from those Parts, from which, I suppose, near 500 Families have run away within this week.--I assure you it was a most melancholy Sight, to see such Numbers of poor People, who had abandoned their Settlements in such Consternation and Hurry, that they had hardly any thing with them but their Children. And what is still worse, I dare say there is not Money enough amongst the whole Families to maintain a fifth Part of them till the Fall; and none of the poor Creatures can get a Hovel to shelter them from the Weather, but lie about scattered in the Woods."]

[Footnote 336: _Votes of Assembly_, V. 259.]

[Footnote 337: Extract from a MS. Letter--_John Elder to Governor Penn_:--

"Paxton, 4th August, 1763.

"Sir:

"The service your Hon^{r} was pleased to appoint me to, I have performed to the best of my power; tho' not with success equal to my desires. However, both companies will, I imagine, be complete in a few days: there are now upwards of 30 men in each, exclusive of officers, who are now and have been employed since their enlistment in such service as is thought most safe and encouraging to the Frontier inhabitants, who are here and everywhere else in the back countries quite sunk and dispirited, so that it's to be feared that on any attack of the enemy, a considerable part of the country will be evacuated, as all seem inclinable to seek safety rather in flight than in opposing the Savage Foe."]

[Footnote 338: Sparks, _Writings of Washington_, II. 340.]

[Footnote 339: _Petition of the Inhabitants of the Great Cove._ Smith, _Narrative_. This is a highly interesting account of the writer's captivity among the Indians, and his adventures during several succeeding years. In the war of the Revolution, he acted the part of a zealous patriot. He lived until the year 1812, about which time, the western Indians having broken out into hostility, he gave his country the benefit of his ample experience, by publishing a treatise on the Indian mode of warfare. In Kentucky, where he spent the latter part of his life, he was much respected, and several times elected to the legislature. This narrative may be found in Drake's _Tragedies of the Wilderness_, and in several other similar collections.]

[Footnote 340: _Penn. Gaz._ No. 1811.]

[Footnote 341: _Penn. Gaz._ Nos. 1816-1818. MS. Letter--_Graydon to Bird_, October 12.]

[Footnote 342: Extract from a MS. Letter--_Paxton_, October 23:--

"The woman was roasted, and had two hinges in her hands, supposed to be put in red hot, and several of the men had awls thrust into their eyes, and spears, arrows, pitchforks, etc., sticking in their bodies."]

[Footnote 343: MS. _Elder Papers_. Chapman, _Hist. Wyoming_, 70. Miner, _Hist. Wyoming_, 56.]

[Footnote 344: It has already been stated that the Quakers were confined to the eastern parts of the province. That their security was owing to their local situation, rather than to the kind feeling of the Indians towards them, is shown by the fact, that, of the very few of their number who lived in exposed positions, several were killed. One of them in particular, John Fincher, seeing his house about to be attacked, went out to meet the warriors, declared that he was a Quaker, and begged for mercy. The Indians laughed, and struck him dead with a tomahawk.]

[Footnote 345: MS. _Gage Papers_.

Extract from a MS. Letter--_William Smith, Jr._, to ----:

"New York, 22d Nov. 1763.

"Is not Mr. Amherst the happiest of men to get out of this Trouble so seasonably? At last he was obliged to submit, to give the despised Indians so great a mark of his Consideration, as to confess he could not defend us, and to make a requisition of 1400 Provincials by the Spring--600 more he demands from New Jersey. Our People refused all but a few for immediate Defence, conceiving that all the Northern Colonies ought to contribute equally, and upon an apprehension that he has called for too insufficient an aid....

"Is not Gage to be pitied? The war will be a tedious one, nor can it be glorious, even tho' attended with Success. Instead of decisive Battles, woodland skirmishes--instead of Colours and Cannon, our Trophies will be stinking scalps.--Heaven preserve you, my Friend, from a War conducted by a spirit of Murder rather than of brave and generous offence."]

[Footnote 346: MS. Letter--_Gage to Johnson_, Dec. 25, 1763. _Penn. Gaz._ No. 1827.]

[Footnote 347: MS. _Lettre de M. Neyon de la Valliere, a tous les nations de la Belle Riviere et du Lac_, etc.]

[Footnote 348: The following is Pontiac's message to Gladwyn, written for him by a Canadian: "Mon Frere,--La Parole que mon Pere m'a envoyee, pour faire la paix, je l'ai acceptee, tous nos jeunes gens ont enterre leurs Casse-tetes. Je pense que tu oublieras les mauvaises choses qui sont passees il y a longtemps; de meme j'oublierai ce que tu peux m'avoir fait pour ne penser que de bonnes, moi, les Saulteurs (_Ojibwas_), les Hurons, nous devons t'aller parler quand tu nous demanderas. Fais moi la reponse. Je t'envoyes ce conseil (_Q. collier?_) afin que tu le voyes. Si tu es bien comme moi, tu me feras reponse. Je te souhaite le bonjour.

(Signe) "PONDIAC."

Gladwyn's answer is also in French. He says that he will communicate the message to the General; and doubts not that if he, Pontiac, is true to his words, all will be well.

The following is from the letter in which Gladwyn announces the overtures of peace to Amherst (Detroit, Nov. 1): "Yesterday M. Dequindre, a volunteer, arrived with despatches from the Commandant of the Illinois, copies of which I enclose you.... The Indians are pressing for peace.... I don't imagine there will be any danger of their breaking out again, provided some examples are made of our good subjects, the French, who set them on.... They have lost between 80 and 90 of their best warriors; but if y^{r} Excellency still intends to punish them further for their barbarities, _it may easily be done without any expense to the Crown, by permitting a free sale of rum, which will destroy them more effectually than fire and sword_."]

[Footnote 349: Extract from a MS. Letter--_Sir W. Johnson to_ ----:

"For God's Sake exert yourselves like Men whose Honour & every thing dear to them is now at stake; the General has great Expectations from the success of your Party, & indeed so have all People here, & I hope they will not be mistaken,--in Order to Encourage your party I will, out of my own Pocket, pay to any of the Party 50 Dollars for the Head Men of the Delawares there, viz., Onuperaquedra, and 50 Dollars more for the Head of Long Coat, alias ----, in which case they must either bring them alive or their whole Heads; the Money shall be paid to the Man who takes or brings me them, or their Heads,--this I would have you tell to the Head men of the Party, as it will make them more eager."]

[Footnote 350: MS. _Johnson Papers_.]

[Footnote 351: Extract from a MS. Letter--_George Croghan to the Board of Trade_:

"They can with great ease enter our colonies, and cut off our frontier settlements, and thereby lay waste a large tract of country, which indeed they have effected in the space of four months, in Virginia, Maryland, Pennsylvania, and the Jerseys, on whose frontiers they have killed and captivated not less than two thousand of his Majesty's subjects, and drove some thousands to beggary and the greatest distress, besides burning to the ground nine forts or blockhouses in the country, and killing a number of his Majesty's troops and traders."]

[Footnote 352: Extract from the _Declaration of Lazarus Stewart_:--

"Did we not brave the summer's heat and the winter's cold, and the savage tomahawk, while the Inhabitants of Philadelphia, Philadelphia county, Bucks, and Chester, 'ate, drank, and were merry'?

"If a white man kill an Indian, it is a murder far exceeding any crime upon record; he must not be tried in the county where he lives, or where the offence was committed, but in Philadelphia, that he may be tried, convicted, sentenced and hung without delay. If an Indian kill a white man, it was the act of an ignorant Heathen, perhaps in liquor; alas, poor innocent! he is sent to the _friendly Indians_ that he may be made a _Christian_."]

[Footnote 353: And when the Lord thy God shall deliver them before thee, thou shalt smite them, and utterly destroy them; thou shalt make no covenant with them, nor show mercy unto them."--_Deuteronomy_, vii. 2.]

[Footnote 354: So promising a theme has not escaped the notice of novelists, and it has been adopted by Dr. Bird in his spirited story of _Nick of the Woods_.]

[Footnote 355: See Appendix, E.]

[Footnote 356: For an account of the Conestoga Indians, see _Penn. Hist. Coll._ 390. It is extremely probable, as shown by Mr. Shea, that they were the remnant of the formidable people called Andastes, who spoke a dialect of the Iroquois, but were deadly enemies of the Iroquois proper, or Five Nations, by whom they were nearly destroyed about the year 1672.]

[Footnote 357: On one occasion, a body of Indians approached Paxton on Sunday, and sent forward one of their number, whom the English supposed to be a friend, to reconnoitre. The spy reported that every man in the church, including the preacher, had a rifle at his side; upon which the enemy withdrew, and satisfied themselves with burning a few houses in the neighborhood. The papers of Mr. Elder were submitted to the writer's examination by his son, an aged and esteemed citizen of Harrisburg.]

[Footnote 358: The above account of the massacre is chiefly drawn from the narrative of Matthew Smith himself. This singular paper was published by Mr. Redmond Conyngham, of Lancaster, in the _Lancaster Intelligencer_ for 1843. Mr. Conyngham states that he procured it from the son of Smith, for whose information it had been written. The account is partially confirmed by incidental allusions, in a letter written by another of the Paxton men, and also published by Mr. Conyngham. This gentleman employed himself with most unwearied diligence in collecting a voluminous mass of documents, comprising, perhaps, every thing that could contribute to extenuate the conduct of the Paxton men; and to these papers, as published from time to time in the above-mentioned newspaper, reference will often be made.]

[Footnote 359: _Haz. Pa. Reg._ IX. 114.]

[Footnote 360: Papers published by Mr. Conyngham in the _Lancaster Intelligencer_.]

[Footnote 361: This anecdote was told to the writer by the son of Mr. Elder, and is also related by Mr. Conyngham.]

[Footnote 362: _Deposition of Felix Donolly_, keeper of Lancaster jail. _Declaration of Lazarus Stewart_, published by Mr. Conyngham. Rupp, _Hist. of York and Lancaster Counties_, 358. Heckewelder, _Narrative of Moravian Missions_, 79. See Appendix, E.

Soon after the massacre, Franklin published an account of it at Philadelphia, which, being intended to strengthen the hands of government by exciting a popular sentiment against the rioters, is more rhetorical than accurate. The following is his account of the consummation of the act:--

"When the poor wretches saw they had no protection nigh, nor could possibly escape, they divided into their little families, the children clinging to the parents; they fell on their knees, protested their innocence, declared their love to the English, and that, in their whole lives, they had never done them injury; and in this posture they all received the hatchet!"

This is a pure embellishment of the fancy. The only persons present were the jailer and the rioters themselves, who unite in testifying that the Indians died with the stoicism which their race usually exhibit under such circumstances; and indeed, so sudden was the act, that there was no time for enacting the scene described by Franklin.]

[Footnote 363: Extract from a MS. Letter--_Edward Shippen to Governor Penn_:--

"Lancaster, 27th Dec., 1763, P. M.

"Honoured Sir:--

"I am to acquaint your Honour that between two and three of the Clock this afternoon, upwards of a hundred armed men from the Westward rode very fast into Town, turned their Horses into Mr. Slough's (an Innkeeper's) yard, and proceeded with the greatest precipitation to the Work-House, stove open the door and killed all the Indians, and then took to their Horses and rode off: all their business was done, & they were returning to their Horses before I could get halfway down to the Work-House. The Sheriff and Coroner however, and several others, got down as soon as the rioters, but could not prevail with them to stop their hands. Some people say they heard them declare they would proceed to the Province Island, & destroy the Indians there."]

[Footnote 364: Extract from a MS. Letter--_John Hay, the sheriff, to Governor Penn_:--

"They in a body left the town without offering any insults to the Inhabitants, & without putting it in the power of any one to take or molest any of them without danger of life to the person attempting it; of which both myself and the Coroner, by our opposition, were in great danger."]

[Footnote 365: Extract from a Letter--_Rev. Mr. Elder to Colonel Burd_:--

"Paxton, 1764.

"Lazarus Stewart is still threatened by the Philadelphia party; he and his friends talk of leaving--if they do, the province will lose some of their truest friends, and that by the faults of others, not their own; for if any cruelty was practised on the Indians at Conestogue or at Lancaster, it was not by his, or their hands. There is a great reason to believe that much injustice has been done to all concerned. In the contrariness of accounts, we must infer that much rests for support on the imagination or interest of the witness. The characters of Stewart and his friends were well established. Ruffians nor brutal they were not; humane, liberal and moral, nay, religious. It is evidently not the wish of the party to give Stewart a fair hearing. All he desires, is to be put on trial, at Lancaster, near the scenes of the horrible butcheries, committed by the Indians at Tulpehocken, &c., when he can have the testimony of the Scouts or Rangers, men whose services can never be sufficiently rewarded."]

[Footnote 366: Papers published by Mr. Conyngham.

Extract from the _Declaration of Lazarus Stewart_:--

"What I have done was done for the security of hundreds of settlers on the frontiers. The blood of a thousand of my fellow-creatures called for vengeance. As a Ranger, I sought the post of danger, and now you ask my life. Let me be tried where prejudice has not prejudged my case. Let my brave Rangers, who have stemmed the blast nobly, and never flinched; let them have an equitable trial; they were my friends in the hour of danger--to desert them now were cowardice! What remains is to leave our cause with our God, and our guns."]

[Footnote 367: Loskiel, _Hist. Moravian Missions_, Part II. 211.]

[Footnote 368: MS. Letter--_Bernard Grube to Governor Hamilton_, Oct. 13.]

[Footnote 369: _Votes of Assembly_, V. 284.]

[Footnote 370: Loskiel, _Hist. Moravian Missions_, Part II. 214. Heckewelder, _Narrative of Missions_, 75.]

[Footnote 371: Loskiel, Part II. 216.]

[Footnote 372: _Remonstrance_ of the Frontier People to the Governor and Assembly. See _Votes of Assembly_, V. 313.

The "Declaration," which accompanied the "Remonstrance," contains the following passage: "To protect and maintain these Indians at the public expense, while our suffering brethren on the frontiers are almost destitute of the necessaries of life, and are neglected by the public, is sufficient to make us mad with rage, and tempt us to do what nothing but the most violent necessity can vindicate."

See Appendix, E.]

[Footnote 373: MS _Elder Papers_

The following verses are extracted from a poem, published at Philadelphia, by a partisan of the Paxton men, entitled,

"THE CLOVEN FOOT DISCOVERED

"Go on, good Christians, never spare To give your Indians Clothes to wear, Send 'em good Beef, and Pork, and Bread, Guns, Powder, Flints, and Store of Lead, To Shoot your Neighbours through the Head, Devoutly then, make Affirmation, You're Friends to George and British Nation, Encourage ev'ry friendly Savage, To murder, burn, destroy, and ravage, Fathers and Mothers here maintain, Whose Sons add Numbers to the slain, Of Scotch and Irish let them kill As many Thousands as they will, That you may lord it o'er the Land, And have the whole and sole command."]

[Footnote 374: This incident occurred during the French war, and is thus described by a Quaker eye-witness: "Some of the dead bodies were brought to Philadelphia in a wagon, in the time of the General Meeting of Friends there in December, with intent to animate the people to unite in preparations for war on the Indians. They were carried along the streets--many people following--cursing the Indians, and also the Quakers, because they would not join in war for their destruction. The sight of the dead bodies, and the outcry of the people, were very afflicting and shocking"--Watson, _Annals of Phil_ 449 (Phil 1830).]

[Footnote 375: See Gordon, _Hist. Penn._ Chaps. XII.-XVIII.]

[Footnote 376: Loskiel, Part II. 218.]

[Footnote 377: MS. Letter--_Penn to Gage_, Dec. 31.]

[Footnote 378: _Votes of Assembly_, V. 293.]

[Footnote 379: Extract from a MS. Letter--_Governor Penn to Governor Colden_:--

"Philadelphia, 5th January, 1764.

"Satisfied of the advantages arising from this measure, I have sent them thro' Jersey and your Government to Sir W. Johnson, & desire you will favour them with your protection and countenance, & give them the proper passes for their journey to Sir William's Seat.

"I have recommended it, in the most pressing terms, to the Assembly, to form a Bill that shall enable me to apprehend these seditious and barbarous Murderers, & to quell the like insurrections for the future."]

[Footnote 380: Loskiel, Part II. 220. Heckewelder, _Narrative_, 81.]

[Footnote 381: Extract from a MS. Letter--_Thomas Apty to Governor Penn_:--

"Sir:--

"Agreeable to your Honour's orders, I passed on through the Province of New Jersey, in order to take the Indians under my care into New York; but no sooner was I ready to move from Amboy with the Indians under my care, than I was greatly surpriz'd & embarrass'd with express orders from the Governor of New York sent to Amboy, strictly forbidding the bringing of these poor Indians into his Province, & charging all his ferrymen not to let them pass."]

[Footnote 382: _Letters to Governor Penn from General Gage, Governor Franklin of New Jersey, and Governor Colden of New York._ See _Votes of Assembly_, V. 300-302. The plan was afterwards revived, at the height of the alarm caused by the march of the rioters on Philadelphia; and Penn wrote to Johnson, on the seventh of February, begging an asylum for the Indians. Johnson acquiesced, and wrote to Lieutenant-Governor Colden in favor of the measure, which, however, was never carried into effect. Johnson's letters express much sympathy with the sufferers.]

[Footnote 383: For indications of the state of feeling among the Presbyterians, see the numerous partisan pamphlets of the day. See also Appendix, E.]

[Footnote 384: Gordon, _Hist. Penn._ 406. _Penn. Gaz._ No. 1833.]

[Footnote 385: _Haz. Pa. Reg._ XII. 10.]

[Footnote 386: Loskiel, Part II. 223.]

[Footnote 387: _Historical Account of the Late Disturbances_, 4.]

[Footnote 388: _Haz. Pa. Reg._ XII. 11. _Memoirs of a Life passed chiefly in Pennsylvania_, 39. Heckewelder, _Narrative_, 85. Loskiel, Part II., 223. Sparks, _Writings of Franklin_, VII. 293.

The best remaining account of these riots will be found under the first authority cited above. It consists of a long letter, written in a very animated strain, by a Quaker to his friend, containing a detailed account of what passed in the city from the first alarm of the rioters to the conclusion of the affair. The writer, though a Quaker, is free from the prejudices of his sect, nor does he hesitate to notice the inconsistency of his brethren appearing in arms. See Appendix, E.

The scene before the barracks, and the narrow escape of the German butchers, was made the subject of several poems and farces, written by members of the Presbyterian faction, to turn their opponents into ridicule; for which, indeed, the subject offered tempting facilities.]

[Footnote 389: _Haz. Pa. Reg._ XII. 11.]

[Footnote 390: _Haz. Pa. Reg._ XII. 12.]

[Footnote 391: This statement is made in "The Quaker Unmasked," and other Presbyterian pamphlets of the day; and the Quakers, in their elaborate replies to these publications, do not attempt to deny the fact.]

[Footnote 392: Sparks, _Writings of Franklin_, VII. 293.]

[Footnote 393: Barton, _Memoirs of Rittenhouse_, 148. Rupp, _Hist. York and Lancaster Counties_, 362.]

[Footnote 394: David Rittenhouse, in one of his letters, speaks with great horror of the enormities committed by the Paxton Boys, and enumerates various particulars of their conduct. See Barton, _Mem. of Rittenhouse_, 148.]

[Footnote 395: "Whether the Paxton men were 'more sinned against than sinning,' was a question which was agitated with so much ardor and acrimony, that even the schoolboys became warmly engaged in the contest. For my own part, though of the religious sect which had been long warring with the Quakers, I was entirely on the side of humanity and public duty, (or in this do I beg the question?) and perfectly recollect my indignation at the sentiments of one of the ushers who was on the opposite side. His name was Davis, and he was really a kind, good-natured man; yet from the dominion of his religious or political prejudices, he had been led to apologize for, if not to approve of an outrage, which was a disgrace to a civilized people. He had been among the riflemen on their coming into the city, and, talking with them upon the subject of the Lancaster massacre, and particularly of the killing of Will Sock, the most distinguished of the victims, related with an air of approbation, this rodomontade of the real or pretended murderer. 'I,' said he, 'am the man who killed Will Sock--this is the arm that stabbed him to the heart, and I glory in it.'"--_Memoirs of a Life chiefly passed in Pennsylvania_, 40.]

[Footnote 396: "Persons who were intimate now scarcely speak; or, if they happen to meet and converse, presently get to quarrelling. In short, harmony and love seem to be banished from amongst us."

The above is an extract from the letter so often referred to. A fragment of the "Paxtoniad," one of the poems of the day, is given in the Appendix. Few of the party pamphlets are worth quoting, but the titles of some of them will give an idea of their character: The Quaker Unmasked--A Looking-Glass for Presbyterians--A Battle of Squirt--Plain Truth--Plain Truth found to be Plain Falsehood--The Author of Plain Truth Stripped Stark Naked--Clothes for a Stark Naked Author--The Squabble, a Pastoral Eclogue--etc., etc.

The pamphlet called Plain Truth drew down the especial indignation of the Quakers, and the following extract from one of their replies to it may serve as a fair specimen of the temper of the combatants: "But how came you to give your piece the Title of Plain Truth; if you had called it downright Lies, it would have agreed better with the Contents; the Title therefore is a deception, and the contents manifestly false: in short, I have carefully examined it, and find in it no less than 17 Positive Lies, and 10 false Insinuations contained in 15 pages, Monstrous, and from what has been said must conclude that when you wrote it, Truth was banished entirely from you, and that you wrote it with a truly Pious Lying P----n Spirit, which appears in almost every Line!"

The peaceful society of Friends found among its ranks more than one such champion as the ingenious writer of the above. Two collections of these pamphlets have been examined, one preserved in the City Library of Philadelphia, and the other in that of the New York Historical Society.]

[Footnote 397: See Appendix, E.]

[Footnote 398: Loskiel, Part II. 231.]

[Footnote 399: MS. _Johnson Papers_.]

[Footnote 400: "The three companies of Royal Americans were reduced when I met them at Lancaster to 55 men, having lost 38 by desertion in my short absence. I look upon Sir Jeffrey Amherst's Orders forbidding me to continue to discharge as usual the men whose time of service was expired, and keeping us for seven years in the Woods,--as the occasion of this unprecedented desertion. The encouragement given everywhere in this Country to deserters, screened almost by every person, must in time ruin the Army, unless the Laws against Harbourers are better enforced by the American (_provincial_) government."--_Bouquet to Gage_, 20 June, 1764.]

[Footnote 401: In the correspondence of General Wolfe, recently published in _Tait's Magazine_, this distinguished officer speaks in high terms of Bradstreet's military character. His remarks, however, have reference solely to the capture of Fort Frontenac; and he seems to have derived his impressions from the public prints, as he had no personal knowledge of Bradstreet. The view expressed above is derived from the letters of Bradstreet himself, from the correspondence of General Gage and Sir William Johnson, and from a MS. paper containing numerous details of his conduct during the campaign of 1764, and drawn up by the officers who served under him.

This paper is in the possession of Mrs. W. L. Stone.]

[Footnote 402: Henry, _Travels and Adventures_, 171.

The method of invoking the spirits, described above, is a favorite species of imposture among the medicine men of most Algonquin tribes, and had been observed and described a century and a half before the period of this history. Champlain, the founder of Canada, witnessed one of these ceremonies; and the Jesuit Le Jeune gives an account of a sorcerer, who, having invoked a spirit in this manner, treacherously killed him with a hatchet; the mysterious visitant having assumed a visible and tangible form, which exposed him to the incidents of mortality. During these invocations, the lodge or tabernacle was always observed to shake violently to and fro, in a manner so remarkable as exceedingly to perplex the observers. The variety of discordant sounds, uttered by the medicine man, need not surprise us more than those accurate imitations of the cries of various animals, to which Indian hunters are accustomed to train their strong and flexible voices.]

[Footnote 403: MS. _Johnson Papers_.

The following extract from Henry's _Travels_ will exhibit the feelings with which the Indians came to the conference at Niagara, besides illustrating a curious feature of their superstitions. Many tribes, including some widely differing in language and habits, regard the rattlesnake with superstitious veneration; looking upon him either as a manitou, or spirit, or as a creature endowed with mystic powers and attributes, giving him an influence over the fortunes of mankind. Henry accompanied his Indian companions to Niagara; and, on the way, he chanced to discover one of these snakes near their encampment:--

"The reptile was coiled, and its head raised considerably above its body. Had I advanced another step before my discovery, I must have trodden upon it.

"I no sooner saw the snake, than I hastened to the canoe, in order to procure my gun; but the Indians, observing what I was doing, inquired the occasion, and, being informed, begged me to desist. At the same time, they followed me to the spot, with their pipes and tobacco-pouches in their hands. On returning, I found the snake still coiled.

"The Indians, on their part, surrounded it, all addressing it by turns, and calling it their _grandfather_, but yet keeping at some distance. During this part of the ceremony, they filled their pipes; and now each blew the smoke toward the snake, who, as it appeared to me, really received it with pleasure. In a word, after remaining coiled, and receiving incense, for the space of half an hour, it stretched itself along the ground, in visible good humor. Its length was between four and five feet. Having remained outstretched for some time, at last it moved slowly away, the Indians following it, and still addressing it by the title of grandfather, beseeching it to take care of their families during their absence, and to be pleased to open the heart of Sir William Johnson, so that he might _show them charity_, and fill their canoe with rum.

"One of the chiefs added a petition, that the snake would take no notice of the insult which had been offered him by the Englishman, who would even have put him to death, but for the interference of the Indians, to whom it was hoped he would impute no part of the offence. They further requested, that he would remain, and not return among the English; that is, go eastward.

"After the rattlesnake was gone, I learned that this was the first time that an individual of the species had been seen so far to the northward and westward of the River Des Francais; a circumstance, moreover, from which my companions were disposed to infer, that this _manito_ had come, or been sent, on purpose to meet them; that his errand had been no other than to stop them on their way; and that consequently it would be most advisable to return to the point of departure. I was so fortunate, however, as to prevail with them to embark; and at six o'clock in the evening we again encamped.

"Early the next morning we proceeded. We had a serene sky and very little wind, and the Indians therefore determined on steering across the lake, to an island which just appeared in the horizon; saving, by this course, a distance of thirty miles, which would be lost in keeping the shore. At nine o'clock A. M. we had a light breeze, to enjoy the benefit of which we hoisted sail. Soon after, the wind increased, and the Indians, beginning to be alarmed, frequently called on the rattlesnake to come to their assistance. By degrees the waves grew high; and at eleven o'clock it blew a hurricane, and we expected every moment to be swallowed up. From prayers, the Indians proceeded now to sacrifices, both alike offered to the god-rattlesnake, or _manito-kinibic_. One of the chiefs took a dog, and after tying its fore legs together, threw it overboard, at the same time calling on the snake to preserve us from being drowned, and desiring him to satisfy his hunger with the carcass of the dog. The snake was unpropitious, and the wind increased. Another chief sacrificed another dog, with the addition of some tobacco. In the prayer which accompanied these gifts, he besought the snake, as before, not to avenge upon the Indians the insult which he had received from myself, in the conception of a design to put him to death. He assured the snake that I was absolutely an Englishman, and of kin neither to him nor to them.

"At the conclusion of this speech, an Indian, who sat near me, observed, that if we were drowned it would be for my fault alone, and that I ought myself to be sacrificed, to appease the angry manito; nor was I without apprehensions, that, in case of extremity, this would be my fate; but, happily for me, the storm at length abated, and we reached the island safely."--Henry, _Travels_, 175.]

[Footnote 404: _Articles of Peace concluded with the Senecas, at Fort Niagara_, July 18, 1764, MS.]

[Footnote 405: MS. _Johnson Papers._ MS. _Minutes of Conference with the chiefs and warriors of the Ottawas and Menomonies at Fort Niagara_, July 20, 1764. The extracts given above are copied verbatim from the original record.]

[Footnote 406: Henry, _Travels_, 183.]

[Footnote 407: Every article in a treaty must be confirmed by a belt of wampum; otherwise it is void. Mante, the historian of the French war, asserts that they brought four belts. But this is contradicted in contemporary letters, including several of General Gage and Sir William Johnson. Mante accompanied Bradstreet's expedition with the rank of major; and he is a zealous advocate of his commander, whom he seeks to defend, at the expense both of Colonel Bouquet and General Gage.]

[Footnote 408: _Preliminary Treaty between Colonel Bradstreet and the Deputies of the Delawares and Shawanoes, concluded at L'Ance aux Feuilles, on Lake Erie_, August 12, 1764, MS.]

[Footnote 409: MS. Letter--_Gage to Bradstreet_, Sept. 2:--

Bradstreet's instructions directed him to _offer peace_ to such tribes as should make their submission. "_To offer peace_," writes Gage, "I think can never be construed a power to _conclude and dictate the articles of peace_, and you certainly know that no such power could with propriety be lodged in any person but in Sir William Johnson, his majesty's sole agent and superintendent for Indian affairs."]

[Footnote 410: Extract from a MS. Letter--_Gage to Bradstreet_, Sept. 2:--

"I again repeat that I annul and disavow the peace you have made."

The following extracts will express the opinions of Gage with respect to this affair.

MS. Letter--_Gage to Bradstreet_, Oct. 15:--

"They have negotiated with you on Lake Erie, and cut our throats upon the frontiers. With your letters of peace I received others, giving accounts of murders, and these acts continue to this time. Had you only consulted Colonel Bouquet, before you agreed upon any thing with them (a deference he was certainly entitled to, instead of an order to stop his march), you would have been acquainted with the treachery of those people, and not have suffered yourself to be thus deceived, and you would have saved both Colonel Bouquet and myself from the dilemma you brought us into. You concluded a peace with people who were daily murdering us."

MS. Letter--_Gage to Johnson_, Sept. 4:--

"You will have received my letter of the 2d inst., enclosing you the unaccountable treaty betwixt Colonel Bradstreet and the Shawanese, Delawares, &c. On consideration of the treaty, it does not appear to me that the ten Indians therein mentioned were sent on an errand of peace. If they had, would they not have been at Niagara? or would the insolent and audacious message have been sent there in the lieu of offers of peace? Would not they have been better provided with belts on such an occasion? They give only one string of wampum. You will know this better, but it appears strange to me. They certainly came to watch the motions of the troops."]

[Footnote 411: MS. Letter--_Bouquet to Gage_, Sept. 3.]

[Footnote 412: MS. _Minutes of Conference between Colonel Bradstreet and the Indians of Detroit_, Sept. 7, 1764. See, also, Mante, 517.]

[Footnote 413: MS. Letter--_Johnson to the Board of Trade_, Oct. 30.]

[Footnote 414: MS. _Remarks on the Conduct of Colonel Bradstreet_--found among the _Johnson Papers_.

See, also, an extract of a letter from Sandusky, published in several newspapers of the day.]

[Footnote 415: MS. _Report of Captain Howard_.]

[Footnote 416: "About the end of next month," said the deputies to the Miamis, "we shall send you the war-hatchet." "Doubtless," remarks Morris, "their design was to amuse General Bradstreet with fair language, to cut off his army at Sandusky when least expected, and then to send the hatchet to the nations."]

[Footnote 417: MS. Letter--_Morris to Bradstreet_, 18 Sept. 1764.

The journal sent by Morris to Bradstreet is in the State Paper Office of London. This journal, and the record of an examination of Morris's Indian and Canadian attendants, made in Bradstreet's presence at Sandusky, were the authorities on which the account in the first edition of this work was based. Morris afterwards rewrote his journal, with many additions. Returning to England after the war, he lost his property by speculations, and resolved, for the sake of his children, to solicit a pension, on the score of his embassy to the Illinois. With this view it was that the journal was rewritten; but failing to find a suitable person to lay it before the King, he resolved to print it, together with several original poems and a translation of the fourth and fourteenth satires of Juvenal. The book appeared in 1791, under the title of _Miscellanies in Prose and Verse_. It is very scarce. I am indebted to the kindness of Mr. S. G. Drake for the opportunity of examining it.

The two journals and the evidence before Bradstreet's court of inquiry agree in essentials, but differ in some details. In this edition, I have followed chiefly the printed journal, borrowing some additional facts from the evidence taken before Bradstreet.]

[Footnote 418: "8th. His going away, leaving at Sandusky Two Jersey Soldiers, who were sent out by his Orders to Catch Fish for his Table & Five Principal Inds. who were Hunting, notwithstanding several spoke to him abt. it & begged to allow a Boat to stay an hour or two for them; his Answer was, they might stay there & be damned, not a Boat should stay one Minute for them."--_Remarks on the Conduct_, etc., MS.

Another article of these charges is as follows: "His harsh treatment at Setting off to the Inds. and their officers & leaving some of them behind at every encampment from his flighty and unsettled disposition, telling them sometimes he intended encamping, on which some of the briskest Inds. went to kill some Game, on their return found the Army moved on, so were obliged to march along shore without any necessarys, and with difficulty got to Detroit half starved. At other times on being asked by the Ind^{n} officers (when the Boats were crowded) how they and y^{e} Inds. should get along, His answer always verry ill natured, such as swim and be damned, or let them stay and be damned, &c.; all which was understood by many & gave great uneasiness."]

[Footnote 419: Mante, 535.]

[Footnote 420: MS. Letter--_Johnson to the Board of Trade_, December 26.]

[Footnote 421: The provincial officers, to whom the command of the Indian allies was assigned, drew up a paper containing complaints against Bradstreet, and particulars of his misconduct during the expedition. This curious document, from which a few extracts have been given, was found among the private papers of Sir William Johnson.

A curious discovery, in probable connection with Bradstreet's expedition, has lately been made public. At McMahon's Beach, on Lake Erie, eight or ten miles west of Cleveland, a considerable number of bayonets, bullets, musket-barrels, and fragments of boats, have from time to time been washed by storms from the sands, or dug up on the adjacent shore, as well as an English silver-hilted sword, several silver spoons, and a few old French and English coins. A mound full of bones and skulls, apparently of Europeans hastily buried, has also been found at the same place. The probability is strong that these are the remains of Bradstreet's disaster. See a paper by Dr. J. P. Kirtland, in Whittlesey's _History of Cleveland_, 105.]

[Footnote 422: The following is an extract from the proclamation:--

"I do hereby declare and promise, that there shall be paid out of the moneys lately granted for his Majesty's use, to all and every person and persons not in the pay of this province, the following several and respective premiums and bounties for the prisoners and scalps of the enemy Indians that shall be taken or killed within the bounds of this province, as limited by the royal charter, or in pursuit from within the said bounds; that is to say, for every male Indian enemy above ten years old, who shall be taken prisoner, and delivered at any forts garrisoned by the troops in the pay of this province, or at any of the county towns, to the keeper of the common jails there, the sum of one hundred and fifty Spanish dollars, or pieces of eight. For every female Indian enemy, taken prisoner and brought in as aforesaid, and for every male Indian enemy of ten years old or under, taken prisoner and delivered as aforesaid, the sum of one hundred and thirty pieces of eight. For the scalp of every male Indian enemy above the age of ten years, produced as evidence of their being killed, the sum of one hundred and thirty-four pieces of eight. And for the scalp of every female Indian enemy above the age of ten years, produced as evidence of their being killed, the sum of fifty pieces of eight."

The action of such measures has recently been illustrated in the instance of New Mexico before its conquest by the Americans. The inhabitants of that country, too timorous to defend themselves against the Apaches and other tribes, who descended upon them in frequent forays from the neighboring mountains, took into pay a band of foreigners, chiefly American trappers, for whom the Apache lances had no such terrors, and, to stimulate their exertions, proclaimed a bounty on scalps. The success of the measure was judged admirable, until it was found that the unscrupulous confederates were in the habit of shooting down any Indian, whether friend or enemy, who came within range of their rifles, and that the government had been paying rewards for the scalps of its own allies and dependants.]

[Footnote 423: Gordon, _Hist. Penn._ 625. Robison, _Narrative_.

Extract from a MS. Letter--_Sir W. Johnson to Governor Penn_:--

"Burnetsfield, June 18th, 1764.

"David Owens was a Corporal in Capt. McClean's Compy., and lay once in Garrison at my House. He deserted several times, as I am informed, & went to live among the Delaware & Shawanese, with whose language he was acquainted. His Father having been long a trader amongst them.

"The circumstances relating to his leaving the Indians have been told me by several Indians. That he went out a hunting with his Indian Wife and several of her relations, most of whom, with his Wife, he killed and scalped as they slept. As he was always much attached to Indians, I fancy he began to fear he was unsafe amongst them, & killed them rather to make his peace with the English, than from any dislike either to them or their principles."]

[Footnote 424: MS. Letter--_Bouquet to Amherst_, 15 Sept. 1763.]

[Footnote 425: "If the present situation of the poor families who have abandoned their settlements, and the danger that the whole province is threatened with, can have no effect in opening the hearts of your Assembly to exert themselves _like men_, I am sure no arguments I could urge will be regarded."--_Amherst to Governor Hamilton_, 7 July, 1763.

"The situation of this country is deplorable, and the infatuation of their government in taking the most dilatory and ineffectual measures for their protection, highly blamable. They have not paid the least regard to the plan I proposed to them on my arrival here, and will lose this and York counties if the savages push their attacks."--_Bouquet to Amherst_, 13 July, 1763.]

[Footnote 426: MS. Letter--_Robertson to Amherst_, 19 July, 1763.]

[Footnote 427: "They have at my recommendation agreed to send to Great Britain for 50 Couples of Blood Hounds to be employed with Rangers on horse back against Indian scalping-parties, which will I hope deter more effectually the Savages from that sort of war than our troops can possibly do."--_Bouquet to Amherst_, 7 June, 1764.]

[Footnote 428: MS. Letter--_Bouquet to Amherst_, 27 Aug. 1763.]

[Footnote 429: MS. Letter--_Bouquet to Amherst_, 24 Oct. 1763. In this letter, Bouquet enlarges, after a fashion which must have been singularly unpalatable to his commander, on the danger of employing regulars alone in forest warfare: "Without a certain number of woodsmen, I cannot think it advisable to employ regulars in the Woods against Savages, as they cannot procure any intelligence and are open to continual surprises, nor can they pursue to any distance their enemy when they have routed them; and should they have the misfortune to be defeated, the whole would be destroyed if above one day's march from a Fort. That is my opinion in wh. I hope to be deceived."]

[Footnote 430: MS. Letter--_Bouquet to Gage_, 10 Aug. 1764.]

[Footnote 431: MS. Letter--_Bouquet to Gage_, 27 Aug. 1764. He wrote to Governor Penn, as follows:--

"Fort Loudon, 27 Aug. 1764.

"Sir:

"I have the honor to transmit to you a letter from Colonel Bradstreet, who acquaints me that he has granted peace to all the Indians living between Lake Erie and the Ohio; but as no satisfaction is insisted on, I hope the General will not confirm it, and that I shall not be a witness to a transaction which would fix an indelible stain upon the Nation.

"I therefore take no notice of that pretended peace, & proceed forthwith on the expedition, fully determined to treat as enemies any Delawares or Shawanese I shall find in my way, till I receive contrary orders from the General."]

[Footnote 432: MS. Letter--_Bouquet to Bradstreet_, 5 Sept. 1764.]

[Footnote 433: See p. 402, _note_.]

[Footnote 434: Captain Grant, who had commanded during the spring at Fort Pitt, had sent bad accounts of the disposition of the neighboring Indians; but added, "At this Post we defy all the Savages in the Woods. I wish they would dare appear before us.... Repairing Batteaux, ploughing, gardening, making Fences, and fetching home fire Wood goes on constantly every day, from sun rise to the setting of the same."--_Grant to Bouquet_, 2 April, 1764. A small boy, captured with his mother the summer before, escaped to the fort about this time, and reported that the Indians meant to plant their corn and provide for their families, after which they would come to the fort and burn it. The youthful informant also declared that none of them had more than a pound of powder left. Soon after, a man named Hicks appeared, professing to have escaped from the Indians, though he was strongly suspected of being a renegade and a spy, and was therefore cross-questioned severely. He confirmed what the boy had said as to the want of ammunition among the Indians, and added that they had sent for a supply to the French at the Illinois, but that the reception they received from the commandant had not satisfied them. General Gage sent the following not very judicial instructions with regard to Hicks: "He is a great villain. I am glad he is secured. I must desire you will have him tried by a General Court-Martial for a _Spy_. Let the proceedings of the Court prove him a _Spy_ as strong as they can, and if he does turn out a _spy_, he must be hanged."--_Gage to Bouquet_, 14 May, 1764. The court, however, could find no proof.]

[Footnote 435: _Account of Bouquet's Expedition_, 5.]

[Footnote 436: This speech is taken from the official journals of Colonel Bouquet, a copy of which is preserved in the archives of Pennsylvania, at Harrisburg, engrossed, if the writer's memory does not fail him, in one of the volumes of the _Provincial Records_. The published narrative, which has often been cited, is chiefly founded upon the authority of these documents; and the writer has used his materials with great skill and faithfulness, though occasionally it has been found advisable to have recourse to the original journals, to supply some omission or obscurity in the printed compilation.]

[Footnote 437: The sachem is the civil chief, who directs the counsels of the tribe, and governs in time of peace. His office, on certain conditions, is hereditary; while the war-chief, or military leader, acquires his authority solely by personal merit, and seldom transmits it to his offspring. Sometimes the civil and military functions are discharged by the same person, as in the instance of Pontiac himself.

The speech of Bouquet, as given above, is taken, with some omission and condensation, from the journals mentioned in the preceding note.]

[Footnote 438: The following is from a letter of Bouquet dated _Camp near Tuscarawas, 96 miles west of Fort Pitt_, 21st Oct. 1764: "They came accordingly on the 15^{th} and met me here, to where I had moved the camp. Time does not permit me to send you all the messages which have passed since, and the conferences I have had with them, as we are going to march. I shall for the present inform you that they have behaved with the utmost submission, and have agreed to deliver into my hands all their prisoners, who appear to be very numerous, on the 1^{st} of November; and, as I will not leave any thing undone, they have not only consented that I should march to their towns, but have given me four of their men to conduct the Army. This is the only point hitherto settled with them. Their excessive fear having nearly made them run away once more, that circumstance and the Treaty of Colonel Bradstreet, of which they produce the original, added to the total want of government among them, render the execution of my orders very intricate."]

[Footnote 439: An Indian council, on solemn occasions, is always opened with preliminary forms, sufficiently wearisome and tedious, but made indispensable by immemorial custom; for this people are as much bound by their conventional usages as the most artificial children of civilization. The forms are varied to some extent, according to the imagination and taste of the speaker; but in all essential respects they are closely similar, throughout the tribes of Algonquin and Iroquois lineage. They run somewhat as follows, each sentence being pronounced with great solemnity, and confirmed by the delivery of a wampum belt: Brothers, with this belt I open your ears that you may hear--I remove grief and sorrow from your hearts--I draw from your feet the thorns which have pierced them as you journeyed thither--I clean the seats of the council-house, that you may sit at ease--I wash your head and body, that your spirits may be refreshed--I condole with you on the loss of the friends who have died since we last met--I wipe out any blood which may have been spilt between us. This ceremony, which, by the delivery of so many belts of wampum, entailed no small expense, was never used except on the most important occasions; and at the councils with Colonel Bouquet the angry warriors seem wholly to have dispensed with it.

An Indian orator is provided with a stock of metaphors, which he always makes use of for the expression of certain ideas. Thus, to make war is to raise the hatchet; to make peace is to take hold of the chain of friendship; to deliberate is to kindle the council-fire; to cover the bones of the dead is to make reparation and gain forgiveness for the act of killing them. A state of war and disaster is typified by a black cloud; a state of peace, by bright sunshine, or by an open path between the two nations.

The orator seldom speaks without careful premeditation of what he is about to say; and his memory is refreshed by the belts of wampum, which he delivers after every clause in his harangue, as a pledge of the sincerity and truth of his words. These belts are carefully preserved by the bearers, as a substitute for written records; a use for which they are the better adapted, as they are often worked with hieroglyphics expressing the meaning they are designed to preserve. Thus, at a treaty of peace, the principal belt often bears the figures of an Indian and a white man holding a chain between them.

For the nature and uses of wampum, see note, _ante_, p. 141, _note_.

Though a good memory is an essential qualification of an Indian orator, it would be unjust not to observe that striking outbursts of spontaneous eloquence have sometimes proceeded from their lips.]

[Footnote 440: The Shawanoe speaker, in expressing his intention of disarming his enemy by laying aside his own designs of war, makes use of an unusual metaphor. To _bury the hatchet_ is the figure in common use on such occasions, but he adopts a form of speech which he regards as more significant and emphatic,--that of throwing it up to the Great Spirit. Unwilling to confess that he yields through fear of the enemy, he professes to wish for peace merely for the sake of his women and children.

At the great council at Lancaster, in 1762, a chief of the Oneidas, anxious to express, in the strongest terms, the firmness of the peace which had been concluded, had recourse to the following singular figure: "In the country of the Oneidas there is a great pine-tree, so huge and old that half its branches are dead with time. I tear it up by the roots, and, looking down into the hole, I see a dark stream of water, flowing with a strong current, deep under ground. Into this stream I fling the hatchet, and the current sweeps it away, no man knows whither. Then I plant the tree again where it stood before, and thus this war will be ended for ever."]

[Footnote 441: A party of the Virginia volunteers had been allowed by Bouquet to go to the remoter Shawanoe towns, in the hope of rescuing captive relatives. They returned to Fort Pitt at midwinter, bringing nine prisoners, all children or old women. The whole party was frost-bitten, and had endured the extremity of suffering on the way. They must have perished but for a Shawanoe chief, named Benewisica, to whose care Bouquet had confided them, and who remained with them both going and returning, hunting for them to keep them from famishing.--_Capt. Murray to Bouquet_, 31 Jan. 1765.

Besides the authorities before mentioned in relation to these transactions, the correspondence of Bouquet with the commander-in-chief, throughout the expedition, together with letters from some of the officers who accompanied him, have been examined. For General Gage's summary of the results of the campaign, see Appendix, F.]

[Footnote 442: _Penn. Hist. Coll._ 267. _Haz. Pa. Reg._ IV. 390. M'Culloch, _Narrative_. M'Culloch was one of the prisoners surrendered to Bouquet. His narrative first appeared in a pamphlet form, and has since been republished in the _Incidents of Border Warfare_, and other similar collections. The autobiography of Mary Jemison, a woman captured by the Senecas during the French war, and twice married among them, contains an instance of attachment to Indian life similar to those mentioned above. After the conclusion of hostilities, learning that she was to be given up to the whites in accordance with a treaty, she escaped into the woods with her half-breed children, and remained hidden, in great dismay and agitation, until the search was over. She lived to an advanced age, but never lost her attachment to the Indian life.]

[Footnote 443: _Ordinances of the Borough of Carlisle, Appendix._ _Penn. Hist. Coll._ 267.]

[Footnote 444: The author of _The Expedition against the Ohio Indians_ speaks of the Indians "shedding torrents of tears." This is either a flourish of rhetoric, or is meant to apply solely to the squaws. A warrior, who, under the circumstances, should have displayed such emotion, would have been disgraced for ever.]

[Footnote 445: The outcries of the squaws, on such occasions, would put to shame an Irish death-howl. The writer was once attached to a large band of Indians, who, being on the march, arrived, a little after nightfall, at a spot where, not long before, a party of their young men had been killed by the enemy. The women instantly raised a most astounding clamor, some two hundred voices joining in a discord as wild and dismal as the shrieking of the damned in the _Inferno_; while some of the chief mourners gashed their bodies and limbs with knives, uttering meanwhile most piteous lamentations. A few days later, returning to the same encampment after darkness had closed in, a strange and startling effect was produced by the prolonged wailings of several women, who were pacing the neighboring hills, lamenting the death of a child, killed by the bite of a rattlesnake.]

[Footnote 446: This and what precedes is meant to apply only to tribes east of the Mississippi. Some of the western and south-western tribes treat prisoners merely as slaves, and habitually violate female captives.]

[Footnote 447: The captives among the Shawanoes of the Scioto had most of them been recently taken; and only a small part had gone through the ceremony of adoption. Hence it was that the warriors, in their desperation, formed the design of putting them to death, fearing that, in the attack which they meditated, the captives would naturally take part with their countrymen.]

[Footnote 448: _Account of Bouquet's Expedition_, 29.]

[Footnote 449: Colden, after describing the Indian wars of 1699, 1700, concludes in the following words:--

"I shall finish this Part by observing that notwithstanding the French Commissioners took all the Pains possible to carry Home the French that were Prisoners with the Five Nations, and they had full Liberty from the Indians, few of them could be persuaded to return. It may be thought that this was occasioned from the Hardships they had endured in their own Country, under a tyrannical Government and a barren Soil. But this certainly was not the Reason, for the English had as much Difficulty to persuade the People that had been taken Prisoners by the French Indians to leave the Indian Manner of living, though no People enjoy more Liberty, and live in greater Plenty than the common Inhabitants of New York do. No Arguments, no Intreaties, nor Tears of their Friends and Relations, could persuade many of them to leave their new Indian Friends and Acquaintance. Several of them that were by the Caressings of their Relations persuaded to come Home, in a little Time grew tired of our Manner of living, and ran away to the Indians, and ended their Days with them. On the other Hand, Indian Children have been carefully educated among the English, clothed and taught; yet, I think, there is not one Instance that any of these, after they had Liberty to go among their own People, and were come to Age, would remain with the English, but returned to their own Nations, and became as fond of the Indian Manner of Life as those that knew nothing of a civilized Manner of living. What I now tell of Christian Prisoners among Indians relates not only to what happened at the Conclusion of this War, but has been found true on many other Occasions."--Colden, 203.]

[Footnote 450: See Appendix, F.]

[Footnote 451: MS. Letter--_Bouquet to Gage_, 4 March, 1765.]

[Footnote 452: _Ibid._, 17 April, 1765.]

[Footnote 453: MS. _Johnson Papers_.]

[Footnote 454: The superstitious veneration which the Indians entertain for the rattlesnake has been before alluded to. The Cherokees christened him by a name which, being interpreted, signifies _the bright old inhabitant_, a title of affectionate admiration of which his less partial acquaintance would hardly judge him worthy.

"Between the heads of the northern branch of the Lower Cheerake River, and the heads of that of Tuckaschchee, winding round in a long course by the late Fort Loudon, and afterwards into the Mississippi, there is, both in the nature and circumstances, a great phenomenon. Between two high mountains, nearly covered with old mossy rocks, lofty cedars and pines, in the valleys of which the beams of the sun reflect a powerful heat, there are, as the natives affirm, some bright old inhabitants, or rattlesnakes, of a more enormous size than is mentioned in history. They are so large and unwieldy, that they take a circle almost as wide as their length, to crawl round in their shortest orbit; but bountiful nature compensates the heavy motion of their bodies; for, as they say, no living creature moves within the reach of their sight, but they can draw it to them; which is agreeable to what we observe through the whole system of animated beings. Nature endues them with proper capacities to sustain life: as they cannot support themselves by their speed or cunning, to spring from an ambuscade, it is needful they should have the bewitching craft of their eyes and forked tongues."--Adair, 237.]

[Footnote 455: For an account of Jesuit labors in the Illinois, see the letters of Father Marest, in _Lett. Edif._ IV.]

[Footnote 456: The principal authorities for the above account of the Illinois colony are Hutchins, _Topographical Description_, 37. Volney, _View of the United States_, 370. Pitman, _Present State of the European Settlements on the Mississippi_, _passim_. Law, _Address before the Historical Society of Vincennes_, 14. Brown, _Hist. Illinois_, 208. _Journal of Captain Harry Gordon_, in Appendix to Pownall's _Topographical Description_. Nicollet, _Report on the Hydrographical Basin of the Mississippi_, 75.]

[Footnote 457: Lieutenant Alexander Fraser visited the Illinois in 1765, as we shall see hereafter. He met extreme ill-treatment, and naturally takes a prejudiced view of the people. The following is from his MS. account of the country:--

"The Illinois Indians are about 650 able to bear arms. Nothing can equal their passion for drunkenness, but that of the French inhabitants, who are for the greatest part drunk every day, while they can get drink to buy in the Colony. They import more of this Article from New Orleans than they do of any other, and they never fail to meet a speedy and good market for it. They have a great many Negroes, who are obliged to labour very hard to support their Masters in their extravagant debaucheries; any one who has had any dealings with them must plainly see that they are for the most part transported Convicts, or people who have fled for some crimes; those who have not done it themselves are the offspring of such as those I just mentioned, inheriting their Forefathers' vices. They are cruel and treacherous to each other, and consequently so to Strangers; they are dishonest in every kind of business and lay themselves out to overreach Strangers, which they often do by a low cunning, peculiar to themselves; and their artful flatteries, with extravagant Entertainments (in which they affect the greatest hospitality) generally favor their schemes."

Of the traders, he says, "They are in general most unconscious (_unconscionable_) Rascals, whose interest it was to debauch from us such Indians as they found well disposed towards us, and to foment and increace the animosity of such as they found otherwise. To this we should alone impute our late war with the Indians."

He sets down the number of white inhabitants at about seven hundred able to bear arms, though he says that it is impossible to form a just estimate, as they are continually going and coming to and from the Indian nations.]

[Footnote 458: Nicollet, _Historical Sketch of St. Louis_. See _Report on the Hydrographical Basin of the Upper Mississippi River_, 75.]

[Footnote 459: Laclede, the founder of St. Louis, died before he had brought his grand fur-trading enterprise to a conclusion; but his young assistant lived to realize schemes still more bold and comprehensive; and to every trader, trapper, and voyageur, from the frontier of the United States to the Rocky Mountains, and from the British Possessions to the borders of New Mexico, the name of Pierre Chouteau is familiar as his own. I visited this venerable man in the spring of 1846, at his country seat, in a rural spot surrounded by woods, within a few miles of St. Louis. The building, in the picturesque architecture peculiar to the French dwellings of the Mississippi Valley, with its broad eaves and light verandas, and the surrounding negro houses filled with gay and contented inmates, was in singular harmony with the character of the patriarchal owner, who prided himself on his fidelity to the old French usages. Though in extreme old age, he still retained the vivacity of his nation. His memory, especially of the events of his youth, was clear and vivid; and he delighted to look back to the farthest extremity of the long vista of his life, and recall the acts and incidents of his earliest years. Of Pontiac, whom he had often seen, he had a clear recollection; and I am indebted to this interesting interview for several particulars regarding the chief and his coadjutors.]

[Footnote 460: MS. Letter--_St. Ange to D'Abbadie_, Sept. 9.]

[Footnote 461: By the following extract from an official paper, signed by Captain Grant, and forwarded from Detroit, it appears that Pontiac still retained, or professed to retain, his original designs against the garrison of Detroit. The paper has no date, but was apparently written in the autumn of 1764. By a note appended to it, we are told that the Baptiste Campau referred to was one of those who had acted as Pontiac's secretaries during the summer of 1763:--

"On Tuesday last Mr. Jadeau told me, in the presence of Col. Gladwin & Lieut. Hay of the 6th Regiment, that one Lesperance, a Frenchman, on his way to the Illinois, he saw a letter with the Ottawas, at the Miamee River, he is sure wrote by one Baptist Campau (a deserter from the settlement of Detroit), & signed by Pontiac, from the Illinois, setting forth that there were five hundred English coming to the Illinois, & that they, the Ottawas, must have patience; that he, Pontiac, was not to return until he had defeated the English, and then he would come with an army from the Illinois to take Detroit, which he desired they might publish to all the nations about. That powder & ball was in as great plenty as water. That the French Commissary La Cleff had sold above forty thousand weight of powder to the inhabitants, that the English if they came there might not have it.

"There was another letter on the subject sent to an inhabitant of Detroit, but he can't tell in whose hands it is."]

[Footnote 462: MS. _Gage Papers_. MS. _Johnson Papers_. Croghan, _Journal_. Hildreth, _Pioneer History_, 68. _Examination of Gershom Hicks_, see _Penn. Gaz._ No. 1846.

Johnson's letters to the Board of Trade, in the early part of 1765, contain constant references to the sinister conduct of the Illinois French. The commander-in-chief is still more bitter in his invectives, and seems to think that French officers of the crown were concerned in these practices, as well as the traders. If we may judge, however, from the correspondence of St. Ange and his subordinates, they may be acquitted of the charge of any active interference in the matter.

"Sept. 14. I had a private meeting with the Grand Sauteur, when he told me he was well disposed for peace last fall, but was then sent for to the Illinois, where he met with Pondiac; and that then their fathers, the French, told them, if they would be strong, and keep the English out of the possession of that country but this summer, that the King of France would send over an army next spring, to assist his children, the Indians."--Croghan, _Journal_, 1765.

The _Diary of the Siege of Detroit_, under date May 17, 1765, says that Pontiac's nephew came that day from the Illinois, with news that Pontiac had caused six Englishmen and several disaffected Indians to be burned; and that he had seven large war-belts to raise the western tribes for another attack on Detroit, to be made in June of that year, without French assistance.]

[Footnote 463: _Diary of the Siege of Detroit_, under date June 9, 1764.]

[Footnote 464: Nicollet, _Report on the Basin of the Upper Mississippi_, 81. M. Nicollet's account is given on the authority of documents and oral narratives derived from Chouteau, Menard, and other patriarchs of the Illinois.]

[Footnote 465: MS. Letter--_St. Ange to D'Abbadie_, Sept. 9.]

[Footnote 466: D'Abbadie's correspondence with St. Ange goes far to exonerate him; and there is a letter addressed to him from General Gage, in which the latter thanks him very cordially for the efforts he had made in behalf of Major Loftus, aiding him to procure boats and guides, and make other preparations for ascending the river.

The correspondence alluded to forms part of a collection of papers preserved in the archives of the Department of the Marine and Colonies at Paris. These papers include the reports of various councils with the Indian tribes of the Illinois, and the whole official correspondence of the French officers in that region during the years 1763-5. They form the principal authorities for this part of the narrative, and throw great light on the character of the Indian war, from its commencement to its close.]

[Footnote 467: _London Mag._ XXXIII. 380. MS. _Detail de ce qui s'est passe a La Louisiane a l'occasion de la prise de possession des Illinois._]

[Footnote 468: MS. _Correspondence of Pittman with M. D'Abbadie_, among the Paris Documents.]

[Footnote 469: MS. Letter--_Campbell to Gage_, Feb. 24, 1766.]

[Footnote 470: By the correspondence between the French officers of Upper and Lower Louisiana, it appears that Pontiac's messengers, in several instances, had arrived in the vicinity of New Orleans, whither they had come, partly to beg for aid from the French, and partly to urge the Indians of the adjacent country to bar the mouth of the Mississippi against the English.]

[Footnote 471: Pittman, _European Settlements on the Mississippi_, 10. The author of this book is the officer mentioned in the text as having made an unsuccessful attempt to reach the Illinois.]

[Footnote 472: At all friendly meetings with Indians, it was customary for the latter, when the other party had sustained any signal loss, to commence by a formal speech of condolence, offering, at the same time, a black belt of wampum, in token of mourning. This practice may be particularly observed in the records of early councils with the Iroquois.]

[Footnote 473: MS. _Report of Conference with the Shawanoe and Miami delegates from Pontiac, held at New Orleans_, March, 1765. Paris Documents.]

[Footnote 474: MS. _Gage Papers._]

[Footnote 475: "The country people appear greatly incensed at the attempt they imagine has been made of opening a clandestine trade with the Savages under cover of presents; and, if it is not indiscreet in me, I would beg leave to ask whether Croghan had such extensive orders."--_Bouquet to Amherst_, 10 April, 1765, MS.]

[Footnote 476: Before me is a curious letter from Grant, in which he expatiates on his troubles in language which is far from giving a flattering impression of the literary accomplishments of officers of the 42d Highlanders, at that time.]

[Footnote 477: The account of the seizure of the Indian goods is derived chiefly from the narrative of the ringleader, Smith, published in Drake's _Tragedies of the Wilderness_, and elsewhere. The correspondence of Gage and Johnson is filled with allusions to this affair, and the subsequent proceedings of the freebooters. Gage spares no invectives against what he calls the licentious conduct of the frontier people. In the narrative is inserted a ballad, or lyrical effusion, written by some partisan of the frontier faction, and evidently regarded by Smith as a signal triumph of the poetic art. He is careful to inform the reader that the author received his education in the great city of Dublin. The following melodious stanzas embody the chief action of the piece:--

"Astonished at the wild design, Frontier inhabitants combin'd With brave souls to stop their career; Although some men apostatiz'd, Who first the grand attempt advis'd, The bold frontiers they bravely stood, To act for their king and their country's good, In joint league, and strangers to fear.

"On March the fifth, in sixty-five, The Indian presents did arrive, In long pomp and cavalcade, Near Sidelong Hill, where in disguise Some patriots did their train surprise, And quick as lightning tumbled their loads, And kindled them bonfires in the woods, And mostly burnt their whole brigade."

The following is an extract from Johnson's letter to the Board of Trade, dated July 10, 1765:--

"I have great cause to think that Mr. Croghan will succeed in his enterprise, unless circumvented by the artifices of the French, or through the late licentious conduct of our own people. Although His Excellency General Gage has written to the Ministry on that subject, yet I think I should not be silent thereupon, as it may be productive of very serious consequences.

"The frontier inhabitants of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, after having attacked and destroyed the goods which were going to Fort Pitt (as in my last), did form themselves into parties, threatening to destroy all Indians they met, or all white people who dealt with them. They likewise marched to Fort Augusta, and from thence over the West branch of the Susquehanna, beyond the Bounds of the last purchase made by the Proprietaries, where they declare they will form a settlement, in defiance of Whites or Indians. They afterwards attacked a small party of His Majesty's troops upon the Road, but were happily obliged to retire with the loss of one or two men. However, from their conduct and threats since, there is reason to think they will not stop here. Neither is their licentiousness confined to the Provinces I have mentioned, the people of Carolina having cut off a party, coming down under a pass from Col. Lewis, of the particulars of which your Lordships have been doubtless informed.

"Your Lordships may easily conceive what effects this will have upon the Indians, who begin to be all acquainted therewith. I wish it may not have already gone too great a length to receive a timely check, or prevent the Indians' Resentment, who see themselves attacked, threatened, and their property invaded, by a set of ignorant, misled Rioters, who defy Government itself, and this at a time when we have just treated with some, and are in treaty with other Nations."]

[Footnote 478: See _ante_, Vol. I. p. 136.]

[Footnote 479: MS. _Journal of the Transactions of George Croghan, Esq., deputy agent for Indian affairs, with different tribes of Indians, at Fort Pitt, from the 28th of February, 1765, to the 12th of May following._ In this journal the prophet's speech is given in full.]

[Footnote 480: MS. Letter--_Fraser to Lieut. Col. Campbell_, 20 May, 1765.]

[Footnote 481: _Harangue faitte a la nation Illinoise et au Chef Pondiak par M. de St. Ange, Cap. Commandant au pais des Illinois pour S. M. T. C. au sujet de la guerre que Les Indiens font aux Anglois._]

[Footnote 482: MS. Letter--_Aubry to the Minister_, July, 1765. Aubry makes himself merry with the fears of Fraser; who, however, had the best grounds for his apprehensions, as is sufficiently clear from the above as well as from the minutes of a council held by him with Pontiac and other Indians at the Illinois, during the month of April. The minutes referred to are among the Paris Documents.

Pontiac's first reception of Fraser was not auspicious, as appears from the following. Extract from a Letter--_Fort Pitt_, July 24 (_Pa. Gaz. Nos._ 1912, 1913):--

"Pondiac immediately collected all the Indians under his influence to the Illinois, and ordered the French commanding officer there to deliver up these Englishmen [Fraser and his party] to him, as he had prepared a large kettle in which he was determined to boil them and all other Englishmen that came that way.... Pondiac told the French that he had been informed of Mr. Croghan's coming that way to treat with the Indians, and that he would keep his kettle boiling over a large fire to receive him likewise."

Pontiac soon after relented as we have seen. Another letter, dated New Orleans, June 19, adds: "He [Fraser] says a Pondiac is a very clever fellow, and had it not been for him, he would never have got away alive."]

[Footnote 483: MS. Letter--_Aubry to the Minister_, 10 July, 1765.]

[Footnote 484: One of St. Ange's letters to Aubry contains views of the designs and motives of Pontiac similar to those expressed above.]

[Footnote 485: A few days before, a boy belonging to Croghan's party had been lost, as was supposed, in the woods. It proved afterwards that he had been seized by the Kickapoo warriors, and was still prisoner among them at the time of the attack. They must have learned from him the true character of Croghan and his companions.--_MS. Gage Papers._]

[Footnote 486: _Journal of George Croghan, on his journey to the Illinois_, 1765. This journal has been twice published--in the appendix to Butler's _History of Kentucky_, and in the _Pioneer History_ of Dr. Hildreth. A manuscript copy also may be found in the office of the secretary of state at Albany. Dr. Hildreth omits the speech of Croghan to the Indians, which is given above as affording a better example of the forms of speech appropriate to an Indian peace harangue, than the genuine productions of the Indians themselves, who are less apt to indulge in such a redundancy of metaphor.

A language extremely deficient in words of general and abstract signification renders the use of figures indispensable; and it is from this cause, above all others, that the flowers of Indian rhetoric derive their origin. In the work of Heckewelder will be found a list of numerous figurative expressions appropriate to the various occasions of public and private intercourse,--forms which are seldom departed from, and which are often found identical among tribes speaking languages radically distinct. Thus, among both Iroquois and Algonquins, the "whistling of evil birds" is the invariable expression to denote evil tidings or bad advice.

The Indians are much pleased when white men whom they respect adopt their peculiar symbolical language,--a circumstance of which the Jesuit missionaries did not fail to avail themselves. "These people," says Father Le Jeune, "being great orators, and often using allegories and metaphors, our fathers, in order to attract them to God, adapt themselves to their custom of speaking, which delights them very much, seeing we succeed as well as they."]

[Footnote 487: In a letter to Gage, without a date, but sent in the same enclosure as his journal, Croghan gives his impression of Pontiac in the following words:--

"Pondiac is a shrewd, sensible Indian, of few words, and commands more respect among his own nation than any Indian I ever saw could do among his own tribe. He, and all the principal men of those nations, seem at present to be convinced that the French had a view of interest in stirring up the late differences between his Majesty's subjects and them, and call it a beaver war."]

[Footnote 488: MS. _Gage Papers._ M. Nicollet, in speaking of the arrival of the British troops, says, "At this news Pontiac raved." This is a mistake. Pontiac's reconciliation had already taken place, and he had abandoned all thoughts of resistance.]

[Footnote 489: MS. _Johnson Papers._]

[Footnote 490: The Lords of Trade had recently adopted a new plan for the management of Indian affairs, the principal feature of which was the confinement of the traders to the military posts, where they would conduct their traffic under the eye of proper officers, instead of ranging at will, without supervision or control, among the Indian villages. It was found extremely difficult to enforce this regulation.]

[Footnote 491: MS. _Minutes of Proceedings at a Congress with Pontiac and Chiefs of the Ottawas, Pottawattamies, Hurons, and Chippewais; begun at Oswego, Tuesday_, July 23, 1766.

A copy of this document is preserved in the office of the secretary of state at Albany, among the papers procured in London by Mr. Brodhead.]

[Footnote 492: "It seems," writes Sir William Johnson to the lords of trade, "as if the people were determined to bring on a new war, though their own ruin may be the consequence."]

[Footnote 493: _Doc. Hist. N. Y._ II. 861-893, etc. MS. _Johnson Papers._ MS. _Gage Papers._]

[Footnote 494: Carver says that Pontiac was killed in 1767. This may possibly be a mere printer's error. In the _Maryland Gazette_, and also in the _Pennsylvania Gazette_, were published during the month of August, 1769, several letters from the Indian country, in which Pontiac is mentioned as having been killed during the preceding April. M. Chouteau states that, to the best of his recollection, the chief was killed in 1768; but oral testimony is of little weight in regard to dates. The evidence of the Gazettes appears conclusive.]

[Footnote 495: Carver, _Travels_, 166, says that Pontiac was stabbed at a public council in the Illinois, by "a faithful Indian who was either commissioned by one of the English governors, or instigated by the love he bore the English nation." This account is without sufficient confirmation. Carver, who did not visit the Illinois, must have drawn his information from hearsay. The open manner of dealing with his victim, which he ascribes to the assassin, is wholly repugnant to Indian character and principles; while the gross charge, thrown out at random against an English governor, might of itself cast discredit on the story.

I have followed the account which I received from M. Pierre Chouteau, and from M. P. L. Cerre, another old inhabitant of the Illinois, whose father was well acquainted with Pontiac. The same account may be found, concisely stated, in Nicollet, p. 81. M. Nicollet states that he derived his information both from M. Chouteau and from the no less respectable authority of the aged Pierre Menard of Kaskaskia. The notices of Pontiac's death in the provincial journals of the day, to a certain extent, confirm this story. We gather from them, that he was killed at the Illinois, by one or more Kaskaskia Indians, during a drunken frolic, and in consequence of his hostility to the English. One letter, however, states on hearsay that he was killed near Fort Chartres; and Gouin's traditional account seems to support the statement. On this point, I have followed the distinct and circumstantial narrative of Chouteau, supported as it is by Cerre. An Ottawa tradition declares that Pontiac took a Kaskaskia wife, with whom he had a quarrel, and she persuaded her two brothers to kill him.

I am indebted to the kindness of my friend Mr. Lyman C. Draper for valuable assistance in my inquiries in relation to Pontiac's death.]

[Footnote 496: "This murder, which roused the vengeance of all the Indian tribes friendly to Pontiac, brought about the successive wars, and almost total extermination, of the Illinois nation."--Nicollet, 82.

"The Kaskaskias, Peorias, Cahokias, and Illonese are nearly all destroyed by the Sacs and Foxes, for killing in cool blood, and in time of peace, the Sac's chief, Pontiac."--_Mass. Hist. Coll. Second Series_, II. 8.

The above extract exhibits the usual confusion of Indian names, the Kaskaskias, Peorias, and Cahokias being component tribes of the Illonese or Illinois nation. Pontiac is called a chief of the Sacs. This, with similar mistakes, may easily have arisen from the fact that he was accustomed to assume authority over the warriors of any tribe with whom he chanced to be in contact.

Morse says, in his _Report_, 1822: "In the war kindled against these tribes, [Peorias, Kaskaskias, and Cahokias,] by the Sauks and Foxes, in revenge for the death of their chief, Pontiac, these 3 tribes were nearly exterminated. Few of them now remain. About one hundred of the Peorias are settled on Current River, W. of the Mississippi; of the Kaskaskias 36 only remain in Illinois."--Morse, 363.

General Gage, in his letter to Sir William Johnson, dated July 10, 176--, says: "The death of Pontiac, committed by an Indian of the Illinois, believed to have been excited by the English to that action, had drawn many of the Ottawas and other northern nations towards their country to revenge his death."

"From Miami, Pontiac went to Fort Chartres on the Illinois. In a few years, the English, who had possession of the fort, procured an Indian of the Peoria [Kaskaskia] nation to kill him. The news spread like lightning through the country. The Indians assembled in great numbers, attacked and destroyed all the Peorias, except about thirty families, which were received into the fort. These soon began to increase. They removed to the Wabash, and were about to settle, when the Indians collected in the winter, surrounded their village, and killed the whole, excepting a few children, who were saved as prisoners. Old Mr. Gouin was there at the time. He was a trader; and, when the attack commenced, was ordered by the Indians to shut his house and not suffer a Peoria to enter."--_Gouin's Account_, MS.

Pontiac left several children. A speech of his son Shegenaba, in 1775, is preserved in Force's _American Archives, 4th Series_, III. 1542. There was another son, named Otussa, whose grave is on the Maumee. In a letter to the writer, Mr. H. R. Schoolcraft says, "I knew _Atoka_, a descendant of Pontiac. He was the chief of an Ottawa village on the Maumee. A few years ago, he agreed to remove, with his people, to the west of the Mississippi."]

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TRANSCRIBER'S AMENDMENTS

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Page 10 Pontiac at Isle a la Peche[Peche].--Suspicious 17 is also sometimes tattoed[tattooed] on the body 26 the rich borders of the Genessee[Genesee], 422 most of whom, with his Wife, be[he] killed and scalped 518 and to those of the Riviere a[a] la Tranche 557 Beaujeau[Beaujeu], a French captain, leads a sortie 559 their character, 162[160]; 560 Coureurs de bois," or bush-rangers, 68, 162[160]; 564 Indians, their general character, 13[15]; 564 their pride and self-consciousness, 14[15]; 569 scalps his own Indian wife and several of her relations, 421[419] 571 the massacre in Lanscaster[Lancaster] jail

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