Part 10

And when we came to the ships, the people that had been left on these bergentines informed us how, during our absence, a commander, Diego Abriego of Sievilla,[257] in Spain, on the one side, and a commander, J. Francisco Manchossa,[258] who had been left in charge of the two ships by our chief commander, Martin Domingo Eijolla,[259] during his absence on the other side, had begun a great quarrel. They told us that Diego de Abriego claimed to rule over them, while Johann Franciscus Manchossa, in his capacity as appointed commander and substitute of Martin Domingo Eijolla, would not consent to let him do this; and so the beggars-dance began between them, until at last Diego de Abriego[260] won the victory, and even took off the head of Johann Francisco Manchossa. From that moment he made much noise in the country, and proposed to march against us. First, he fortified himself in the town, and when we came along with our commander, Martin Domingo Eijolla, before the said town, he refused to let our commander in, or to surrender the town, or even still less to recognise him as his master.

[257] Diego de Abrego of Seville.

[258] Don Francisco de Mendoza.

[259] Domingo Martinez de Irala.

[260] This name is written Abreu and Abrego in different chronicles and documents. I believe the right name is Diego de Abrego.

Our commander having heard this, we beleaguered the town Noster Signora Desumsion. But the soldiers who were in that town, seeing that we meant business, came day after day to us in the open field, and prayed our commander for mercy. Diego de Abriego, having noticed that he could not trust his people, and fearing that we might enter the town by night through treason, which would have certainly happened, took counsel with his best companions and friends, and asked who would go out of the town along with him. About fifty men went out with him; the others came to our commander, as soon as Diego de Abriego had left, and surrendered, and begged for mercy. The commander promised them mercy, and entered the town. But the said Diego de Abriego fled with the fifty Christians thirty miles away, so that we could do them no harm. In this way these two commanders made war one against the other for two full years; so much so, that one was never sure of the other, for Diego de Abriego never remained long in the same place, being here to-day, there to-morrow; and where he was able to do us harm, he did it, for he resembled very much a highway robber--in short, in order to have peace, our commander was compelled to come to terms with him, and arranged a marriage with his two daughters, whom he gave to two cousins of Diego de Abriego, the one of whom was named Albernunzo Richkell, and the other Franciscus Fergere,[261] and when this marriage was arranged we had peace at last.

[261] The names of these two Spaniards, according to Ruy Diaz de Guzman, author of _La Argentina_ (1612), and grandson of Irala, were Alonso Riquelme de Guzman (father of Ruy Diaz), and Francisco Ortiz de Vergara. There were four marriages, and not two, as Schmidt says. The other two Spaniards were Gonzalo de Mendoza and Pedro Segura. Irala's daughters were by Indian women, his captives.

At the same time I received a letter from Sievilla in Spain, from the agent of Fugger, named Christoff Keyser, to say that Sebastian Neidhart had written to him by order of my late brother, Thomas Schmidt, asking if there was no possibility of my returning to Spain. That was what the said Christoff Keyser had constantly solicited, and caused this letter to be sent to me, in the year 1552, on the second day of July, or St. Jacob's day.[262]

[262] St. James's Day is on the 25th of July. I refer the reader to my _Introduction_ for some explanations about the Fuggers, Neidhart, etc.

Having read this letter, I immediately requested our commander, Martin Domingo Eijolla, to grant me leave of absence. At first he refused to concede it to me; but at length he was obliged to take into consideration my long services, how I had faithfully served on land H. I. Majesty, having oftentimes offered my life for him (Martin Domingo Eijolla), and had never abandoned him. He considered all this, and gave me leave, at the same time giving me letters for H. I. Majesty, informing H. I. Majesty how matters stood in Riodellaplata, and all that had happened there during that time. These letters were delivered by me at Sievilla to H. I. Majesty's councillors, to whom I reported also verbally about the country.

And having now made all my preparations for the journey, I took leave of my commander, Martin Domingo Eijolla, and all my good companions and friends, and took with me twenty of the Carios Indians, who had to carry all that I had need of for this long journey (and anyone may judge for himself how many things one must necessarily have for such a journey).

Eight days before my departure a man came from Presilia[263] and brought the news that a ship had arrived there from Lisbon, in Portugal, belonging to the honourable and wise gentleman, Johann von Hulst, a merchant at Lisbon, and an agent of Erasmus Schetzen of Anttorff.[264]

[263] Brazil.

[264] Antwerp.

Having heard all that he had to say, I set out on my journey, in the name of God Almighty, in the year 1552, on the twenty-sixth of December, St. Stephen's Day. And I left Riodellaplata[265] from the town Noster Signora desumsion with twenty Indians in two canoes. We firstly came, after twenty-six miles distance, to a place called Jubericha Sabaija[266]; in that place four other companions joined themselves to me--two Spaniards and two Portuguese, but they were without grant of leave from the commander.

[265] Rio de la Plata was the official name of this country, _i.e._, _Gobernacion del Rio de la Plata_. In the year 1618 it was divided into three provinces--Paraguai, Guaira, and Buenos Ayres.

[266] Juberich Sabaije has been identified with Yeruquihaba; cf. _supra_, p. 58.

From there we went off together, and at the end of fifteen miles came to a place called Gabaretha.[267] After this we went sixteen miles in four days to a place called Bareia,[267] and from there in nine days or fifty-four miles we came to a place called Bareda,[267] where we stayed for two days, in search of victual and canoes, because we had to go up the river Paranaw[268] for a distance of one thousand miles; and then we came to a place called Gienugia,[267] where we remained four days. As far as this place the country belongs to H. I. Majesty, and is peopled by the Carios.

[267] These names are not known, and it is impossible to find out what Schmidt meant.

[268] Paraná.

Beyond it begins the territory of the King of Portugal, or the land of the Tapis.[269] We had now to leave the Paranaw, and our canoes, and walk to the Tapis; for six weeks we traversed deserts, mountains, and valleys, and could not sleep for fear of the wild beasts. From the said place, Gienugia, to these Tapis the distance is one hundred and twenty-six miles. This nation of Tapis eat their enemies, have no other occupation but waging war, and when they have conquered their enemies, they bring them to their place as prisoners, with great solemnity, as they do here in Germany at the time of a marriage. And when they prepare to slaughter their captives they make a great ceremony. They give their prisoner all he wishes for or lusts after: women with whom he may have intercourse, and meals to his heart's content, up to the hour that he has to die. Their delight and joy consist in making war. They drink and eat enormously, are full day and night; they are also fond of dancing, and lead such an Epicurean life that it is not possible to describe it. It is a fierce, ambitious, and arrogant people; they make wine of Turkish corn, becoming as drunk upon it as if they were drinking the best of wines. They speak the same language as the Carios, with only a very slight difference.

[269] _Tapis_, writes here Schmidt, and this is the Guaraní name of the tribes south of Brazil, as was given by Father Anchieta and others contemporary to the conquest. The true spelling is Tapii. Afterwards this word was corrupted into Tupi, or Tupin, and Tape.

Next we came to a place called Karieseba, where the inhabitants are also Tapis; these wage war against the Christians, whereas those we have spoken of are friends with them.

So we came, on Palm Sunday, at four miles distance from a place, where I became aware that we had to be on our guard against those of Karieseba, for we were by this time in great want of victual. We had, however, intended to go somewhat farther for victual's sake, but we could not withhold two of our companions, who, despite our warnings, entered the place. We promised them to wait, and did so; but before they could enter the place they were killed and afterwards eaten. God have mercy on them. Amen.

Then these same Indians came as near as thirty paces from us, along with fifty men. They wore the clothes of the Christians, and they stood still and began parleying with us. Among these Indians, if anyone stands still at a few paces distance from his enemy and talks to him, he has usually nothing very good in his mind.

Seeing this, we put ourselves on our defence as well as we could, and asked of them what had become of our companions. They told us they were in their town, and invited us also to enter it. But we would not do so, for we perfectly well understood their malice.

Then they shot at us with their bows, but they resisted not long, and soon fled away to their town, whence they came out again with six hundred men against us. We had no other protection than a great wood, our four guns, and the sixty[270] Indians of the Carios who had come with us from Noster Signora desumsion. Nevertheless, we defended ourselves four days and four nights, always shooting one at another, and in the fourth night we secretly left the wood and went off, because we had not much to eat, and our enemies had become too strong for us, as the saying goes: Many dogs cause the death of the hare.

[270] Schmidt speaks of _twenty_, not _sixty_, men with whom he set out.

Thence we travelled six days through wild forests, more lonely than any I had ever seen, and I may say that I have travelled far and wide. We had nothing to eat, and had to satisfy ourselves with roots and honey that we found here and there. We could not even afford the necessary time to hunt for game, so fearful were we that the enemy might overtake us by night.

At length we came to a nation called Bijessija,[271] where we remained four days and took victual, but we dared not enter the place because we were so few.

[271] Mbiaçai, the land opposite the island of Santa Catalina.

In this country there is a river called Urquaie,[272] wherein we have seen snakes which are called in Spanish Schue Eiiba Thuescha.[273] They are fourteen paces in length and two fathoms thick in the middle of the body. They do great harm, to wit, when a man takes a bath or an animal drinks in a river or would swim across it, such a snake, swimming under water, comes to the man or animal, puts its tail around them under water and there eats them. That animal has always its head above water, in order to watch around for man or beast.

[272] Uruguay.

[273] This extraordinary name is not Spanish. The great snake described by Schmidt must be the Boa, which lives near the watering-places waiting for its prey.

From there we went for a whole month further a distance of one hundred miles, and came to a place called Schelebethueba,[274] where we remained three days, for we were exceedingly tired and had no longer anything to eat, our principal food being honey. We were all consequently very weak, and everyone can imagine what dreadfully poor and miserable lives we passed in such a journey, especially as regards eating and drinking and sleeping. The bed which every one of us took with him weighed four or five pounds; it was of cotton, and made like a net. It is tied to two trees, and one man lies down in it. This is done in the forest, under the blue sky; for if there are not many Christians travelling overland together in India, it is better and safer to remain in the forest than to enter the houses and villages of the Indians.

[274] No place of this name in all Brazil.

We next came to a place which belongs to the Christians, whose chief was called Johann Reinmelle.[275] Fortunately for us he was not at home, for this place certainly appeared to me to be a robbers' haunt. The said chief was at this time gone to another Christian at Vicenda[276] in order to make an agreement. Both are (with eight hundred Christians living in the two villages) subjects of the King of Portugal, and the aforesaid Johann Reinmelle has, according to his own account, lived, ruled, made war, and conquered in India for a period of four hundred (forty) years. Therefore, he may legitimately claim to rule the land for another. And because the Portuguese will not recognise his authority, they wage war. This said Reinmelle can, in one single day, gather around him five thousand Indians, whereas the king is not able to bring two thousand together, so much power and consideration has he got in the country.

[275] Juan Ramallo. This man was an exiled outlaw, left probably by Juan Diaz de Solis and Vicente Yañez Pinzon on the first voyage of discovery, which was made as far as 40° S., in 1508. Many travellers of that time met Ramallo on the coast of San Vicente, living there as a cacique with a large tribe of his children. The travellers called him the _bachiller_. Hans Staden speaks of two of his sons, calling them Diego de Praga and Domingo de Praga, because Staden made mistakes in all names of persons and places, just as Schmidt did. The translators of his book into Latin interpret Ramallo's name as Reinuelle, and M. Ternaux Compans makes it French, and spells it Reinvielle. Ramallo's family was the founder of Piratininga, the origin of the city of San Paulo, in Brazil.

[276] San Vicente, on the coast of the province of San Paulo. It was founded in 1531 by Martin Affonzo de Souza, and was the first Portuguese colony in Brazil.

When we came to the village, the son of the said Reinmelle was there, and he received us very well, though we had to look closer after him than after the Indians. But all went well, and no harm happened to us; therefore we thank God, the eternal Creator, through Jesus Christ, His only Son, who helped us so mercifully there and everywhere.

We then went farther to a little town called S. Vicenda at twenty miles distance, where we arrived on July[277] 13th, 1553, St. Anthony's day, and found there a Portuguese ship laden with sugar, Brazilian wood and wool, belonging to Erasmus Schetzen. His factor is at Lisbon, and is called Johann von Hulsen, and he has another factor in Vicenda whose name is Peter Rössel.[278]

[277] June.

[278] Peter Rossel, or Rösel, is mentioned by Hans Staden; cf. _The Captivity of Hans Staden_ (Hakl. Soc.), p. 169.

Messrs. Schetzen and Johann von Hulsen own a good number of villages and sugar factories in that place, where sugar is made all the year round.

Peter Rössel received me very friendly, and showed me great honour. He introduced me also to the sailors, in order that I might be well treated and leave with the first, and recommended me to them. To their honour be it said, they followed his recommendation. We remained eleven more days in the town of Vicenda in order to prepare and to provide ourselves with all necessaries that are wanted at sea. And we were six months travelling a distance of four hundred and seventy-six miles, from the town Signora desumsion to the town of Vicenda, in Brazil.

Afterwards, when we were ready, we set forth on our journey from the town of St. Vicenda on the 24th day of June, St. John's Day, 1553. We were fourteen days at sea, because we had never any good wind, but always storms and tempests, so that we did not know where we were. Then the main-top got broken, and, water pouring into the ship, we had to return to land, and came to a seaport named Spiritu Sanctu,[279] situated in Brazil, in India, and belonging to the King of Portugal. There are Christians living in that town with their wives and children, and they make sugar. They also have cotton-wool and Brazilian wood, besides other kinds of wood that are found there.

[279] Espiritu Santo, a small maritime province with a bay and port of the same name, north of Rio de Janeiro.

Between S. Vicenda and Spiritu Sancto there are plenty of whales, which do great harm; for instance, when small ships sail from one port to another (these small ships are anyhow somewhat larger than the greatest ships at home), these whales come forward in troops and fight one another, then they drown the ship, taking it down along with the men.

These whales constantly spit water out of their mouth, as much at one time as a Frankish barrel would contain. This the whale does every time that he puts his head under water and comes up again, by day and by night, and he who never saw one before believes that he sees a heap of stones. Much more might be written about this fish. There are many other rare fish and sea wonders of which one could not write too much, but I really cannot speak of all.

There is another great fish, called in Spanish _Sumere_, and in German straw-fish, of which one cannot say too much. It is such a powerful fish that it does considerable harm to ships in various parts. When there is no wind, and the ships are compelled to lie still, not being able to go forward or backward, then this fish comes with such a tremendous blow on the ships, that all things tremble; when this happens, one has to throw one or two barrels into the sea; then the fishes go to these barrels, play with them, and leave the ships.

Another great fish, called the _Peischo Spaide_,[280] and in German knife-fish, does a great deal of harm to the other fishes, and when these fishes battle against each other, it is exactly as if two horses ran full tilt together here on land. This is very amusing to watch at sea. But after these fishes thus struggle with one another, a great storm generally follows.

[280] Cf. _ante_, p. 5.

So there is also another great and bad fish which takes the mastery over all the others of which I have been speaking, in struggling and battling. Its name is _Pesche de serre_,[281] and in German saw-fish; further, there are a great number more, but I cannot give their names. There are also flying fishes and other great fishes called _Toningen_.[282]

[281] _Ibid._

[282] Tonina (tunny fish).

We sailed for four months together on the sea, without seeing any land at all, and we conveyed goods from the aforesaid Spiritu Sancto. Afterwards we came to an island called Teste de Terzero,[283] where we again took fresh victual and remained there for two days. This island belongs to the King of Portugal.

[283] Terceira, one of the Azores.

From there we sailed to Lisbon in fourteen days, arriving on the 30th September 1553, St. Hieronymus' day, and remained fourteen days in the town, where two Indians whom I had taken with me died.

Thence I posted to Seville in six days; the distance being seventy-two miles. I remained there four weeks till the ships were prepared, when I left Seville by water, and in two days arrived at the town of S. Lucas,[284] where I passed the night.

[284] San Lucar.

From there I travelled one day by land and arrived at a town called Porta Sancto Maria,[285] and from there a second day also by land to another town, four miles over the water, called Kalles,[286] where there were twenty-five Dutch ships ready to sail to the Netherlands; all great ships called _Hulcken_.[287]

[285] Puerto de Santa Maria.

[286] Cadiz.

[287] Large merchantmen. The word "hulk" expresses a different meaning, nearer the original, derived from the Greek ὅλκας [holkas], a ship which is towed, from ἕλκειν [helkein], to draw, drag. Hence the sense of something bulky or unwieldy.

One of these twenty-five ships was a beautiful newly built vessel, which had only made one voyage from Antorff[288] to Spain; the merchants advised me to sail with that ship, of which the captain was named Heinrich Schetz. He was an honest and religious man, with whom I now came to terms as to the payment for the voyage and the victual and other things necessary on sea. I finally agreed with him and provisioned myself during the same night, and had my plunder, bread, and several other things, as well as the parrots which I brought from India, all put on board. And, lastly, I arranged with him that he should tell me the time of departure, which he faithfully promised me, and that he would not sail without me, but would certainly let me know.

[288] Antwerp.

However, the said skipper that very night drank somewhat too much, so that he forgot all about me and left me alone in the lodgings. Two hours before daylight the steersman, who had the command of the ship, had the anchor lifted and sailed away, and in the morning when I looked out for the ship it was already a mile off. So I had to see after another and make terms with its skipper, to whom I had to give as much as to the former.

Then we soon sailed away along with the other twenty-four ships and had a fairly good wind the first three days, but afterwards we had a contrary wind, so much so that we were unable to continue our voyage. We remained in great danger for five days and hoped for better weather, but the longer we hoped, the more violent became the sea, so we had to return to where we came from.

Now it is the custom at sea for the mariners and skippers to elect for themselves a chief commander, called in Spanish _Almiranda_.[289] This commander directs all the ships, and all his orders have to be obeyed. The mariners and skippers have to swear an oath to the effect that they will not separate from one another, for H. I. Majesty had ordered that no less than twenty ships should sail from Spain to the Netherlands, because there was war between H. I. Majesty and the King of France.

[289] The Spanish word is Almirante.

Further, it is also usual at sea that one ship should not separate from another for more than the distance of one mile, and at sunrise and sunset that the ships should all come together, and salute the admiral with three or four shots, and this must be done twice a day.

The admiral is bound to have on the stern of his ship two iron lanterns, called _farol_,[290] which are alight all night through, and the others have to follow the ship that shows this light, and must not separate from each other.

[290] "Farol" is a Spanish word, meaning a box or case with sides of glass or some other transparent substance, for placing a light in, so that it may not be extinguished by the wind.

So also the admiral tells the others every night whither he is sailing, in order that if a storm should blow up, they may know what direction or what wind the admiral has taken, and not lose each other.

When we had to put back to port, as I have said, there was the ship of Heinrich Schetzen (whereon all my plunder was, he who had forgotten me altogether at Kalles[291]) behind all the other ships; and when we had come within one mile of Kalles it was dark and night, and the admiral had to light his lanterns, in order that the ships might follow him.

[291] Cadiz.

When we reached Kalles each skipper laid out his anchor in the sea, and the admiral removed his lanterns.