CHAPTER III.

Stimulated by the general success of their arms during the campaign of 1756, the French suffered not their energies to slumber even through the chilly Canadian winter. With detachments of Indians and hardy "habitans," they scoured the northern frontiers of the British colonies, and gained intelligence of every movement. From information thus acquired, Montcalm determined to move a force suddenly on Fort William Henry,[89] at the southern extremity of Lake George,[90] where the English had formed a depot for a vast quantity of provisions and warlike stores, which was as yet unprotected by any sufficient garrison. Fifteen hundred men, of whom four hundred were Indians, led by Rigaud de Vaudreuil and the Chevalier de Longueuil, were dispatched to surprise and escalade the fort, and, in case of failure, to destroy the stores and buildings beyond the protection of its walls, and also the shipping and bateaux on the neighboring lake. On the 19th of March, at the dead of night, the French noiselessly approached the little fortress, but the vigilant sentries discovered them in time, and alarmed the defenders, who drove them back with a brisk fire of cannon and musketry. Having failed to surprise, they invested the place the following day, and twice again vainly attacked the fort. On the 21st they summoned the commandant, Major Eyres, to surrender, which demand he instantly refused. The French assailed the stronghold a fourth and even a fifth time; but, having been repulsed in every attack, contented themselves by destroying the undefended property without. Furthermore, they strengthened Ticonderoga and Crown Point with two battalions, and sent Captain Pouchot as commandant to Niagara, with orders to fortify that important post as he best might. They then returned to Montreal. Shortly afterward they gained an advantage of some value over a detachment of 400 men, led by Colonel Parker, which had been sent by water to attack their advanced guard near Ticonderoga. By a cleverly devised ambuscade, and the opportune arrival of a re-enforcement, they completely overpowered the British troops, and slew or captured more than half the number.

In the mean while the Earl of Loudon exerted himself to the utmost in collecting a sufficient force to strike a decisive blow. The favorite object of carrying Crown Point was laid aside, and the grander scheme of reducing the formidable stronghold of Louisburg, in Acadia, adopted instead.[91] There the naval power of England could be brought to bear, and the distracting jealousies of the several colonies might not interfere to paralyze vigorous action. Preparations for this enterprise were rapidly pushed on in England, and by the end of January, 1757, seven regiments of infantry and a detachment of artillery, all commanded by Major-general Hopson, were ordered to assemble at Cork, and await the arrival of a powerful fleet of fourteen line-of-battle ships, destined to bear them to America. June had nearly closed,[92] however, before this powerful armament, under Admiral Holborne, arrived at the place of rendezvous. Lord Loudon had arranged to meet the expedition at Halifax with all the force he could collect; to accomplish this transport, he was injudiciously led to lay an embargo on all the ships in the British North American ports. This arbitrary measure at once aroused a storm of indignation among the merchants and planters, whose trade it ruinously affected. The home government, ever jealous of commercial liberty, immediately disapproved the high-handed proceeding, and issued peremptory orders against its repetition.

On the 20th of June, 1757, Lord Loudon had embarked at New York with a considerable force drawn from the protection of the vast colonial borders. Sir Charles Hardy commanded a fleet of four ships of war and seventy transports for the troops; each ship had orders, in case of separation, to make the best of her way to Halifax. On the 30th they all reached that port, where they found eight vessels of war and some artillery, with two regiments of infantry. The troops were landed as soon as possible, and busied in various and somewhat trivial occupations, while fast-sailing vessels were dispatched to examine the French strength at Louisburg, and also to watch for the arrival of the remainder of the English fleet under Holborne. By the 9th of July the whole of the enormous armament had assembled. Nineteen ships of the line, with a great number of smaller craft, and an army of thirteen battalions in high spirit and condition, were now at the disposal of the British leaders.

Much valuable time was wasted at Halifax in unnecessary drills and silly sham fights; at length, however, on the 1st and 2d of August, the troops were embarked, with orders to proceed to Gabarus Bay, to the westward of Louisburg; but on the 4th, information received by a captured sloop that eighteen ships of the line and 3000 regular troops, with many militia-men and Indians, were prepared to defend the harbor, altered the views of the English chiefs. The attack was abandoned,[93] the troops were directed to land in various places on the Acadian peninsula, while the fleet was to cruise off Louisburg and endeavor to bring the French to action. About the middle of the month, a dispatch from Boston, containing the disastrous news of the loss of Fort William Henry, reached Lord Loudon; in consequence, his orders were again altered.[94] The luckless general himself, with a part of the troops and fleet, made sail for New York; the remaining regiments, not before landed, were directed upon the Bay of Fundy, and Admiral Holborne, with the bulk of this vast armament, bore away for the harbor of Louisburg.

The objects of this cruise can hardly be even conjectured; some imagine that curiosity was Holborne's sole motive. It is obvious that he did not mean to engage the enemy; for, when he approached within two miles of the hostile batteries, and saw the French admiral's signal to unmoor, he immediately made the best of his way back to Halifax. Being re-enforced by four ships of the line about the middle of September, Holborne again sailed within sight of Louisburg, being then certain that the French would not leave the shelter of their batteries to encounter his superior strength, and thus risk unnecessarily the safety of their colony.

While continuing this useless demonstration, a violent storm from the southwest assailed the British fleet on the 24th of October, at the distance of about forty leagues from the rock-bound coast. In twelve hours the ships were driven almost to within gunshot of the shore, when a happy shift of wind saved them from total destruction. But the Tilbury, a magnificent vessel of sixty guns, went to pieces on Cape Breton, and 225 of her crew perished in the waves; the Newark drove into Halifax crippled and damaged; others subsequently gained the same shelter, dismasted, and in a still more disastrous plight. When the weather moderated, Admiral Holborne made the best of his way for England with the remainder of the fleet, leaving, however, a small squadron, under Lord Colville, to protect the British traders in those northern seas.[95]

While the main force of the British armies had been occupied in the ill-fated expedition against Louisburg, Colonel Stanwix had marched to protect the Western frontier with a detachment of regular troops, and nearly 2000 of the Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia militia. At the same time, the borders of Carolina were intrusted to the care of Colonel Bouquet with a nearly similar force. But to the north, the province of New York and the New England states were feebly held by Colonel Webb with about 4000 men, and Colonel Monro with his garrison of Fort William Henry, against the able and vigilant Montcalm. Although Webb could not but be aware of the movements of his dangerous enemy, he unaccountably neglected to avail himself of the means of defense within his reach. With an indifference bordering on infatuation, he abstained from calling out the numerous and hardy militia of the surrounding states, in themselves a force sufficient to overpower his active antagonist. At length, when the white banner of France had actually been unfurled on the shores of Lake Champlain, Webb awoke from his lethargy, but only to make a precipitate and disgraceful retreat. He fell back upon Fort Edward the following day, leaving Colonel Monro, with about 2000 men, to bear the brunt of battle, and defend the post which he had thus shamefully abandoned.

When Lord Loudon had put to sea with the main army, Montcalm instantly seized the opportunity of renewing his favorite project of gaining the command of Lake George, through the reduction of Fort William Henry. He rapidly concentrated his forces at Ticonderoga, including a considerable body of Indians, numbering altogether 8000 men, well appointed and provisioned, with a proportionate force of artillery, and, without delay, pushed on a large division of his army, under M. de Levi, along the shores of the lake. On the 1st of August he followed with the remainder, who, together with the heavy ordnance and warlike stores, were embarked in canoes and bateaux. On the night of the 2d, both divisions met in a bay near the English fort, and soon afterward the general learned from some prisoners, who were the survivors of a party surprised by the Indians, the retreat of Webb and the weakness of the British garrison. He immediately advanced upon the fort in three columns, sending M. de Levi, with all his savage allies, to scour the neighboring woods; these fierce warriors suddenly fell upon a small foraging party of the English, slew and scalped forty of their number, and carried off fifty head of cattle.

Montcalm spent the 3d of August in reconnoitering the fort and neighborhood,[96] and in erecting batteries; but the Indians scorned the delays of regular warfare, and urged an immediate attack without waiting for the aid of artillery. The chief listened not unwillingly to this daring counsel; first, however, he determined to try the virtue of negotiation, and dispatched a peremptory summons to Colonel Monro, demanding an immediate surrender. The English chief, although but too well aware of his own weakness, returned a spirited answer to this haughty message: "I will defend my trust," said he, "to the last extremity."

This bold reply quickened the ardor of the French: during the 4th and 5th, day and night, their labors ceased not; they dug and delved into the earth with vindictive and untiring zeal, pushing on the trenches of the attack close to the ramparts of the fort. At daybreak on the 6th, ten guns and a large mortar broke the silence of the morning with a salvo upon the beleaguered garrison. The British paid back the deadly salute vigorously, but with far inferior power. Meanwhile, the Indians and some Canadian sharp-shooters swarmed around at every point; some hiding behind the stumps of the forest trees, others finding shelter in an adjoining garden, from their covert swept the works of the defenders with a murderous fire. The odds were great, but in a vain hope that Webb would not see him lost without an effort, Monro held out with stubborn courage. His loss was heavy, his defenses rapidly giving way under the crashing artillery of the French, yet still he resisted the threats and promises of the enemy. At length ammunition failed; the savages soon perceived this, and redoubled their fire, crowding closer round the failing defenders. While yet they strove to hold their ground, an intercepted letter from Webb to Monro was sent in by the French general; this destroyed the last remaining hope, for it stated that no timely relief could reach them, and advised that they should make the best terms in their power. Monro then no longer hesitated, and a capitulation was signed, with conditions such as a chivalrous conqueror should give to those who had nobly but unsuccessfully performed their duty.

The sequel of this gallant defense is as sad as it is unaccountable. The Indians despised the rights of the conquered. When they saw the garrison march out on the following day with arms and baggage, and protected by a French escort, their rage knew no bounds; but with savage cunning they suffered their victims to proceed uninterruptedly till a place was reached favorable to their murderous designs, when suddenly, with horrible yells, they burst from the woods, upon the English column. This unexpected onslaught paralyzed with terror the men who but the day before had fought with dauntless bravery; few attempted to resist, some were instantly struck down by the tomahawks of the savages, others found tardy protection from the French escort, and about 600 dispersed among the woods, and finally reached Fort Edward in miserable plight.

The endeavor to clear the memory of the illustrious Montcalm from the dark stain of connivance with this ferocious treachery is now a grateful task. While the dreadful story was fresh on the English ear, few voices were raised in his defense; the blood of the murdered men was laid at his door; the traitor to a soldier's faith was held in scornful detestation. But time, "that reverses the sentence of unrighteous judges,"[97] has served to clear away the cloud that shaded the brightness of the gallant Frenchman's fame. He may, indeed, still be censured for not having provided a sufficient escort for the surrendered garrison. Surely, however, he may well have deemed 2000 men, such as those who had before defended themselves with becoming bravery against his host, might hold their own against an inferior number of savages. When the onslaught began, he used his utmost endeavor to arrest it; he rushed into the bloody scene, and strove earnestly to stop its progress. Baring his breast, he called upon the savages to slay him, their father, but to spare the English for whom his honor was plighted. Then, finding his interference useless, he called upon the prisoners to defend themselves, and fire upon their pursuers; it was in vain, however, so overpowering were the terrors of the Indian tomahawk.[98] Montcalm's officers also threw themselves in the way of the vindictive savages, and some were even wounded in the attempt.[99]

Immediately after the victory Montcalm demolished the fort, destroyed all the English vessels and boats upon the lake, triumphantly carried off the artillery, warlike stores, and baggage, 100 live oxen, and provisions for six months for a garrison of 5000 men. They did not endeavor to push further their important advantages, but once again retired within their own territories.[100]

The Marquis de Vaudreuil took the earliest opportunity to inform the court of France that his gallant general's expedition had been thus eminently successful. He moreover accompanied the cheering news by earnest demands for aid in troops, artillery, and warlike stores, and prayed that he might be speedily informed of the intentions of the ministry, and their plans for the defense of the still endangered colony.[101]

Meanwhile, peculation and corruption had frightfully increased among those intrusted with the Provincial administration. The Associates' Company cast aside all decent seeming of honesty, and robbed the government, the settlers, and the Indians with unblushing effrontery. The officers in command of outposts followed this infectious example. Under pretext of supplying the savages, they made frequent and large demands for goods, which, when obtained, were applied to their own use; and, not even content with this wholesale plunder, they gave certificates, amounting to large sums of money, for articles never furnished: from this source arose that immense amount of paper currency which deluged the colony at the time of the conquest, leaving no less than eighty millions of livres then unprovided for. This enormous dishonesty brought down its own punishment; agriculture and trade were paralyzed, loyalty shaken, while diminished resources and a discontented people hastened the inevitable catastrophe of British triumph.

Immediately on Lord Loudon's return from the disgraceful expedition to Halifax,[102] he repaired to Fort Edward, which was the English advanced post in the direction of Canada since the loss of Fort William Henry.[103] As soon as he had given directions for its defense, he took up his winter quarters at Albany: thence he dispatched Captain Rogers, with a small party, to capture stragglers of the enemy, and gain intelligence of their movements. This officer succeeded in ascertaining that the important posts of Ticonderoga and Crown Point had been left insufficiently garrisoned. The English general formed designs, and even made extensive preparations to take advantage of the opportunity thus offered, but, with vacillating weakness, soon abandoned the project. In Acadia some ineffectual marching and counter-marching was performed by his orders, and the troops suffered considerably from privation and from the harassing enmity of the French and Indians.

The feeble conduct and the contemptible results of this campaign demonstrated the inability of the English chief for military command; but Lord Loudon's merits in council should not be overlooked, while he stands condemned as a general. He aroused the different colonial governments from a dangerous apathy, induced them to unite, in some measure, their great but disjointed power, and exert for the general good the means which Providence had abundantly supplied. These favorable conditions were improved by the politic wisdom of his successors in the post of commander-in-chief in North America.

The return of Holborne's shattered fleet and the news of the resultless maneuvers of Lord Loudon aroused a storm of indignation in England. Enormous preparations had proved fruitless, a vast force had warred only against the hardships of the wilderness or the dangers of the ocean. Twenty thousand regular troops, with a large Provincial army, had wasted the precious season of action in embarkations and disembarkations, disgraceful retreats, and advances almost equally disgraceful. Twenty magnificent ships of the line had left the British ports for the American shore in the pride of irresistible power, and, without firing a gun for the honor of their flag, returned to whence they came, or, maimed and dismantled, sought refuge in friendly ports. England had to lament her gallant children, her stately ships, her hard-earned treasures, and, above all, her military glory, lost in the Western deserts or swallowed up in the waters of the Atlantic.

[Footnote 89: "In the French accounts of this transaction, Fort George is the name given to the fort. This was a strong position at a short distance from Fort William Henry. In the vicinity of the village of Caldwell is situated the site of the old Fort William Henry, and a short distance beyond the ruins of Fort George, which was built during the campaign of Amherst."--_Picturesque Tourist_, p. 104.]

[Footnote 90: "Lake George, called by the Indians Horican, is justly celebrated for its romantic and beautiful scenery, and for the transparency and purity of its waters. They were exclusively selected by the Jesuit missionaries to perform the typical purification of baptism, which obtained for it the appropriate title of Lac Sacrament. The less zealous English thought they conferred sufficient honor on its unsullied fountains when they bestowed the name of their reigning prince, the second of the house of Hanover."--_Last of the Mohicans_, p. 2.]

[Footnote 91: "The abandonment of the enterprise against Crown Point, on which they had securely relied, was a severe disappointment to the New England States."--Graham's _Hist. of the United States_, vol. iv., p. 5.

"The attack on Louisburg was a scheme very favorable to the views and interests of France at this period, as it left M. de Montcalm entirely at liberty to prosecute his plans of conquest, and Louisburg was so strongly defended that little apprehension was entertained for its safety."--Belsham, vol. ii., p. 371.]

[Footnote 92: "Upon our anchoring in Chebucto harbor, our commanding officer went ashore, and waited on his excellency the Earl of Loudon, who, with Major-general Abercromby, expressed great pleasure at our arrival, with the information they received of the fleet, and re-enforcements we had parted with at sea; and his lordship said, 'We had staid so long, he had almost despaired of us,' but being assured our delay proceeded principally from an obstinate set of contrary winds, that had retarded us in Ireland above two months after our arrival at the port of embarkation, his lordship seemed pleased. (As the fate of the expedition to Louisburg in this campaign depended, in a great measure, on the speedy sailing and junction of the fleet and forces from Europe with those of the Earl of Loudon, it was for this reason I judged it necessary to commence this work with the first orders to the troops in Ireland to march and embark for foreign service; and it will thereby appear that the earliest measures were taken at home to forward this enterprise, which, without doubt, would have succeeded, if the armament could have sailed when first intended)."--Knox's _Historical Journals of the Campaigns of North America_, vol. i., p. 14.

The same cause--impossibility of exactly combining fleets and armies--had proved the ruin of every expedition, on a grand scale, undertaken by either French or English, in America, for years before.]

[Footnote 93: "It was resolved, according to the custom of this war, to postpone the expedition to another opportunity."--Belsham, vol. ii., p. 372.

"I do not augur very well of the ensuing summer; a detachment is going to America under a commander whom a child might outwit or terrify with a pop-gun."--Walpole's _Letters to Sir H. Mann_, Feb. 13, 1757.]

[Footnote 94: "It being now universally known at Halifax that the expedition against Cape Breton is laid aside for this season, the clerk of the Church, to evince his sentiments upon the situation of affairs, gave out and sung the 1st, 2d, 9th, 10th, 11th, 13th, and 26th verses of Psalm xliv., of the New Version. A Jew merchant and another man were this morning committed to jail by the governor for circulating a false report of there being only five ships of war and three frigates at Louisburg; but the Earl of Loudon, being superior to such mean resentments, ordered them to be released in the evening."--Knox's _Historical Journal_, vol. i., p. 24.

The extraordinary ardor of Major-general Lord Charles Hay, having made him much louder than others in condemning Lord Loudon's conduct, upon this occasion, a council of war was called to consider the tendency of his reflections, and the consequence was his being put under arrest. General Hopson's letter to Lord Loudon in October, three months afterward, mentions Lord Charles Hay being still under arrest, and complains of three regiments, with their commanding officers at their head, having gone "in corps" to wait upon him.]

[Footnote 95: "Shortly after came letters from the Earl of Loudon, the commander-in-chief in North America, stating that he found the French 21,000 strong, and that, not having so many, he could not attack Louisburg, but should return to Halifax. Admiral Holborne, one of the sternest condemners of Byng, wrote at the same time that he, having but seventeen ships and the French nineteen, dared not attack them. There was another summer lost! Pitt expressed himself with great vehemence against the earl, and we naturally have too lofty ideas of our naval strength to suppose that seventeen of our ships are not a match for any nineteen others."--Walpole's _George II._, vol. ii., p. 231.

"Admiral Holborne declined to attack the French, because, while he had seventeen ships of the line, they had eighteen, and a greater WEIGHT OF METAL, 'according to the new sea phrase,' says Chesterfield, indignantly, 'which was unknown to Blake!' (_Letter to his Son_, Sept. 30, 1757.) He adds, 'I hear that letters have been sent to both (Holborne and Loudon) with very severe reprimands.'"--Lord Mahon's _History of England_, vol. iv., p. 168.

"The recent fate of Admiral Byng, who was shot on the 14th of March, 1757, for incapacity in a naval engagement, is supposed to have paralyzed the energy of many British officers at this juncture."--Graham's _United States_, vol. iv., p. 6.

"Dans ce pays-ci il est bon de tuer de tems en tems un amiral pour encourager les autres."--_Candide_, ch. xxiii.

"The miserable consequences of our political divisions (in 1757) produced a general unsteadiness in all our pursuits, and infused a languor and inactivity into all our military operations; for while our commanders abroad knew not who would reward their services or punish their neglects, and were not assured in what light even the best of their actions would be considered (having reason to apprehend that they might not be judged of as they were in themselves, but as their appearances might answer the end of some ruling faction), they naturally wanted that enterprising resolution, without which the best capacity, and intentions the most honest, can do nothing in war."--_Annual Register._]

[Footnote 96: "Directly on the shore of the lake, and nearer to its western than to its eastern margin, lay the extensive earthen ramparts and low buildings of William Henry. Two of the sweeping bastions appeared to rest on the water, which washed their bases, while a deep ditch and extensive morasses guarded its other side and angles. The land had been cleared of wood for a reasonable distance around the work, but every other part of the scene lay in the green livery of nature, except where the limpid water mellowed the view, or the bold rocks thrust their black and naked heads above the undulating outline of the mountain ranges. In its front might be seen the scattered sentinels who held a weary watch against their numerous foes.... Toward the southeast, but in immediate contact with the fort, was an intrenched camp, posted on a rocky eminence, that would have been far more eligible for the work itself.... But the spectacle which most concerned the young soldier was on the western bank of the lake, though quite near to its southern termination. On a strip of land, which appeared from its stand too narrow to contain such an army, but which, in truth, extended many hundreds of yards from the shores of Lake George to the base of the mountain, were to be seen the white tents and military engines for an encampment of 10,000 men."--_Last of the Mohicans_, p. 144.]

[Footnote 97: "I was a little child when this transaction took place, and distinctly remember the strong emotions which it every where excited, and which hitherto time has not been able to efface."--Dwight. The _Last of the Mohicans_ has given an immortal interest to the fate of Fort William Henry.--Graham's _United States_, vol. iv., p. 8.]

[Footnote 98: " ... Committing a thousand outrages and barbarities, from which the French commander endeavored in vain to restrain them. All this was suffered by 2000 men, with arms in their hands, from a disorderly crew of savages."--Burke, _Annual Register for the year 1758_.]

[Footnote 99: "Montcalm says in his letter to Monro, August 3d, 1757, 'I am still able to restrain the savages, and to oblige them to observe a capitulation, as none of them have been killed; but this control will not be in my power under other circumstances.'"--Russell's _Modern Europe_.

"Of the scene of cruelty and bloodshed that took place at Fort William Henry, the accounts which have been transmitted are not less uniform and authentic than horrible and disgusting. The only point which is wrapped in obscurity is _how far_ the French general and his troops were voluntarily or unavoidably spectators of the violation of the treaty which they stood pledged to fulfill. According to some accounts, no escort whatever was furnished to the British garrison. According to others, the escort was a mere mockery, both in respect of the numbers of the French guards, and of their willingness to defend their civilized enemies against their savage friends. It is certain that the escort, if any, proved totally ineffectual; and this acknowledged circumstance, taken in conjunction with the prior occurrences at Oswego, is sufficient to stain the character of Montcalm with a suspicion of treachery and dishonor."--Graham's _History of the United States_, vol. iv., p. 7.]

[Footnote 100: "Webb, roused at length from his lethargy by personal apprehension, had hastily invoked the succor of the states of New England. The call was promptly obeyed, and a portion of the militia of Massachusetts and Connecticut was dispatched to check the victorious progress of the French. Montcalm, whether daunted by this vigorous demonstration or satisfied with the blow which he had struck, and engrossed with the care of improving its propitious influence on the minds of the Indians, refrained from even investing Fort Edward, and made no further attempt at present to extend the circle of his conquests."--Graham's _History of the United States_, vol. iv., p. 8.]

[Footnote 101: "Mais malgre les instantes demandes des Canadiens, le gouvernement de Madame da Pompadour ne songeoit point a leur envoyer des secours. M. Pitt, au contraire, apportant une meme vigueur dans tous les departemens de la guerre, avoit destine des forces considerables, a subjuguer dans toutes les parties de l'Amerique les Francois, qui abandonnes a eux-memes ne pouvoient tarder plus long tems a succomber."--Sismondi's _Hist. des Francais_, vol. xxix., ch. liv.]

[Footnote 102: "We had a torrent of bad news yesterday from America. Lord Loudon has found an army of 20,000 French, gives over the design on Louisburg, and retires to Halifax. Admiral Holborne writes that they have nineteen ships to his seventeen, and that he can not attack them. It is time for England to slip her own cables, and float away into some unknown ocean!--Walpole's _Letters to Sir H. Mann_, Sept. 3, 1757.

"To add to the ill-humor, our papers are filled with the new loss of Fort William Henry, which covered New York. That opulent and proud colony, between their own factions and our folly, is in imminent danger; but I will have done--nay, if we lose another dominion, I think I will have done writing to you; I can not bear to chronicle so many disgraces."--Walpole's _Letters to Sir H. Mann_, Oct. 12, 1757.

"When intelligence of these new losses and disgraces reached England, the people, already sufficiently mortified by their losses and disgraces in Europe,[104] sank into a general despondency; and some moral and political writers, who pretended to foretell the ruin of the nation, and ascribed its misfortunes to a total corruption of manners and principles, obtained general credit. Of these writers the most distinguished was Dr. Brown, whose _Estimate of the Manners and Principles of the Times_, abounding with awful predictions, was bought up and read with incredible avidity, and seemed to be as much confided in as if he had been divinely inspired."--Russell's _Modern Europe_, vol. iii., p. 324.]

[Footnote 103: The lengthened sheet of Lake Champlain stretched from the frontiers of Canada nearly half the distance between Canada and New York. On the Canada side the River Richelieu formed a communication with the River St. Lawrence; on the New York side Lake George extended the water communication twelve leagues further to the south, and then a portage of twelve miles over the high land, which interposed itself to the further passage of the water, conducted the traveler to the banks of the Hudson, at a point where the river became navigable to the tide.[105] It was this almost uninterrupted water communication between the rival states of Canada and New York that rendered the forts on Lake Champlain[106] and Lake George[107] such important objects of attack or defense.]

[Footnote 104: The capitulation of Closterseven, or Convention of Stade, was signed in September of this year.]

[Footnote 105: Here Fort Edward was situated.]

[Footnote 106: Ticonderoga and Fort Frederick, or Crown Point.]

[Footnote 107: Fort William Henry.]