Chapter III Footnotes:

[1] _Amatorius_, 13, 756 A, D; 757 B. The quotation is from Euripides, _Bacchæ_, 203.

[2] _Non suaviter_, 21, 1101 E-1102 A.

[3] _de Iside_, 68, 378 A.

[4] _de def. orac._ 8, 414 A.

[5] Mahaffy, _Silver Age of Greek World_, p. 45.

[6] Horace is the best known of Athenian students. The delightful letters of Synesius show the hold Athens still retained upon a very changed world in 400 A.D.

[7] Life of Antony, 68.

[8] _Symp._ i, 5, 1.

[9] _Symp._ iv, 4, 4.

[10] _v. Ant._ 28.

[11] _Symp._ iii, 7, 1.

[12] _Symp._ ii, 8, 1.

[13] _Symp._ viii, 6, 5, _hubristès òn kaì philogelôs physei_. _Symp._ ix, 15, 1.

[14] _de fraterno amore_, 16, 487 E. Volkmann, _Plutarch_, i, 24, suggests he was the Timon whose wife Pliny defended on one occasion, _Epp._ i, 5, 5.

[15] _de frat. am._ 7, 481 D.

[16] _de E._ 1, 385 B.

[17] _v. Them._ 32, end.

[18] Zeller, _Eclectics_, 334.

[19] _de E._ 17, 391 E. Imagine the joys of a Euclid, says Plutarch, in _non suaviter_, 11, 1093 E.

[20] _Symp._ ix, 15.

[21] _Symp._ viii, 3, I.

[22] _Pericles_ 13.

[23] Dio Chr. _Rhodiaca, Or._ 31, 117.

[24] Cf. the _Nigrinus_.

[25] Gellius, N.A. ii, 21, 1, _vos opici_, says Gellius to his friends--Philistines.

[26] _Symp._ v, 5, 1.

[27] _Polit. præc._ 20, 816 D.

[28] _de curiositate_, 15.

[29] _Demosthenes_, 2.

[30] See Volkmann, i, 35, 36; _Rom. Qu._ 103; _Lucullus_, 37, end.

[31] _Demosthenes_, 2.

[32] _de sera_, 15, 559 A.

[33] _de Stoic. rep._ 2, 1033 B, C.

[34] _Pol. Præc._ 15, 811 C.

[35] _Symp._ ii, 10, 1; vi, 8, 1.

[36] Reference to Polemo's hand-book to them, _Symp._ v, 2, 675 B.

[37] _de E._ 384 F.

[38] _Demosthenes_, 2; and 1.

[39] _Timoleon_, pref.

[40] _Alexander_, 1.

[41] _de tranqu. animi_, i, 464 F, _ouk akroáseôs héneka therôménês kalligraphían_--a profession often made, but in Plutarch's case true enough as a rule.

[42] See, _e.g._, variety of possible explanations of the E at Delphi, in tract upon it.

[43] Stapfer, _Shakespeare and Classical Antiquity_ (tr.), p. 299. "It may be safely said he followed Plutarch far more closely than he did even the old English chroniclers."

[44] _Cons. ad Ux._ 2-3, 608 C, D.

[45] _Cons. ad Ux._ 11, 612 A, B. Cf. _non suaviter_, 26, 1104 C, on the loss of a child or a parent.

[46] _de coh. ira._ 11, 459 C; cf. _Progress in Virtue_, 80 B, 81 C, on _epieíkeia_ and _praotês_ as signs of moral progress.

[47] Cf. Sen. _Ep._ 47; Clem. Alex. _Pæd._ iii, 92.

[48] A curious parallel to this in Tert. _de Patientia_, 15, where Tertullian draws the portrait of Patience--perhaps from life, as Dean Robinson suggests--after Perpetua the martyr.

[49] Gellius, _N.A._ i, 26.

[50] _Solon_, 32.

[51] Artemidorus, _Oneirocritica_, iv, 72. On this author see chapter vii.

[52] See _non suaviter_, 17, 1098 D, on the unspeakably rich joy of such a life of friendly relations with gods and men.

[53] _Progress in Virtue_, 4, 77 C, Love of Philosophy compared to a lover's passion, to "hunger and thirst."

[54] Plato, _Apology_, 38 A, _ho dè anexétastos bíos ou biôtos anthrópô_.

[55] _Pensées_, Art. xxiv, 5.

[56] _Adv. Coloten_ (foe Epicurean), 31, 1125 D, E. For this argument from consensus, see Seneca, _Ep._ 117, 6, _Multum dare solemus præsumptioni omnium hominum et apud nos veritatis argumentum est aliquid omnibus videri: tanquam deos esse inter alia hoc colligimus, quod omnibus insita de dis opinio est, nee ulla gens usquam est adeo extra leges moresque projecta ut non aliquos deos credat_. This consensus rests (with the Stoics) on the common preconceptions of the mind, which are natural. For ridicule of the doctrine of consensus, see Lucian, Zeus Tragædus, 42.

[57] _Amatorius_, 18, 763 C. Cf. view of Celsus _ap._ Orig. _c. Cels._ vii, 41.

[58] _Consol. ad Apoll._ 34, 120 B.

[59] _Quomodo Poetas_, 1, 15 E, F, poetry a preliminary study to philosophy, _prophilosophêtéon toîs poiémasin_.

[60] _de Pyth. orac._ 29, 408 F. Cf. the pagan's speech in Minucius Felix, 7, 6, _pleni et mixti deo vates futura præcerpunt ... etiam per guietem deos videmus_....

[61] So Volkmann, _Plutarch_, ii, 290 n. Cf. a passage of Celsus, Orig. _c. Cels._ viii, 45.

[62] _de def. or._ 14, 417 C, _empháseis_ and _diapháseis_.

[63] Tertullian sums up the pagan line of argument and adds a telling criticism in his book _adversus Nationes_, ii, 1: _adversus hæc igitur nobis negotium est, adversus institutiones maiorum, auctoritates receptorum, leges dominantium, argumentationes prudentium, adversus vetustatem consuetudinem necessitatem, adversus exempla prodigia miracula, quæ omnia adulterinam istam divinitatem corroboraverint.... Maior in huiusmodi penes vos auctoritas litterarum quam rerum est_.

[64] _de Iside_, 67, 377 F-378 A

[65] Oakesmith, _Religion of Plutarch_, p. 88--a book which I have found of great use.

[66] _de E._ 18-20. Cf. Clem. Alex. _Protr._ 84. The true To-day of God is eternity. Also Tert. _ad Natt._ ii, 6, on the axiom of no change in God.

[67] _de E._ 21.

[68] Cf. Plato, _Timæus_, 55 D.

[69] Plutarch, _de. def. orac._ 29, 425 F-426 A. Celsus has the same view; (Origen, _c. Cels._ v, 25; vii, 68): the world's regions are severally allotted to _epoptai_ under Providence; so that local usages may well be maintained in such form as pleases them; to alter these would be impious, while to worship the dæmons is to honour God, who is not jealous of them. Cf. Plutarch, _de fortuna Romanorum_, 11, 324 B, _ho Rômaiôn mégas daímôn ... tê pólei synebésas kaì synauxetheis, kthe_--the tract is a poor and rhetorical one, and the phrase may be merely a synonym for "luck." See also Celsus (Orig. _c. Cels._ viii, 58) on the Egyptian attribution of the human body to thirty-six "dæmons or gods of æther," so that by prayer to the right one disease in any part of the body may be cured; Celsus gives some of their names. The Christians assumed a somewhat similar scheme with a rather different development. Athenagoras, an apologist of the second century, gives the following account in his _Presbeia_, 24-27. A system of angels under Providence existed, some good and some bad, enjoying free-will as men also do; "the ruler of matter and of the forms in it" lusted after virgins and succumbed to flesh, and neglected the administration entrusted to him; others fell with him; they cannot regain heaven but meantime occupy the air; their children by mortal women were giants and the souls of these are the dæmons; the ruler of matter directs all things against God; with matter are connected the soul's worse impulses. See also Clem. Alex. _Strom._ vi, 157, on angelic governance of individual nations and cities; and Lactantius, _Instit._ ii, 8, 14, whose account fairly resembles that of Athenagoras. Tertullian, however, suggests (_Apol._ 11) that the Creator had no need of ancillary gods to complete his work.

[70] For a summary of Stoic teaching here, see Cicero, _N.D._ ii, 60-70.

[71] _de def. orac._ 29, 426 B. Cf. _de Iside_, 66, 377 D, E. "You might as well give the name of steersman to sails, ropes or anchor."

[72] _de def. orac._ 30, 246 D, E.

[73] This triple government of the Universe is worked out in _de fato_ (a tract whose authorship is questioned), but from one passage and another of Plutarch's undoubted works it can be established, though every statement has a little fringe of uncertainties.

[74] _de Iside_, 25, 360 E.

[75] _de def. orac._ 12, 416 C.

[76] Cf. Athenagoras, _Presb._ 24 (quoted in note 1 on p. 95); and Apuleius, _de deo Socr._ 6, 132, cited on p. 232.

[77] _de def. orac._ 13, 416 F.

[78] _de def. orac._ 9, 414 F.

[79] See _de comm. not. adv. Stoicos_, 33, and _de Stoicorum repugn._ 33, 34--three very interesting chapters. Clement of Alexandria has the same tone in criticizing this idea--_ouk oid hópôs anexethí tis epaiôn toútou theòn egnôkòs apidôn eis tòn bìon tòn hymeteron en hósois phyrómetha kakoîs. eín gar àn oútôs, hò med eipeîn thémis, merikôs hamartanôn ho those, kthe_. _Strom._ ii, 74.

[80] _de Iside_, 26, 361 C. Cf. Plato, _Sympos._ 202 E, 203 A (referred to above), for the functions of _tò daimónion_, which is _métaxu theoû te kaì thnetou ... hermeneûon kaì diamorthmeûon theoîs tà par anthrôpon kaì anthrópois tà parà theôn kthè ... theòs de anthrópô ou mignutai ... oû toi dè daímones polloì kaì pantodapoí eisin, eîs dè toutôn estì kaì ho Éros_.

[81] _de def. orac._ 10, 414 F-415 A.

[82] _de Iside_, 27, 361 E; _de def. orac._ 10, 415 C; cf. Tert. _ad Natt._ ii, 2.

[83] _Romulus_, 28; _de def. orac._ 10, 415 B.

[84] Hesiod, _Works and Days_, 121. "But," asks Tatian (c. 16), "why should they get _drastikôteras dynameôs_ after death?" See the reply given by Plutarch, _de def. orac._ 39, 431 E. Compare also views of Apuleius (_de deo Socr._ 15) cited on p. 233.

[85] _de genio Socratis_, 24, 593 D-F. He is thinking of the series of rebirths.

[86] On such places and on necromancy in general see Tertullian, _de anima_, 57, who puts it down to illusion of the evil one--_nec magnum illi exteriores oculos circumscribere cui interiorem mentis aciem excæcare perfacile est_.

[87] Cf. p. 15 on the _genius_ and the _fravashi_.

[88] _de tranqu. animi_, 15, 474 B.

[89] Cf. the story of the appearance to Brutus of his evil genius--_ho sós_, _ô broute_, _daímôn kakós_, Brutus, 36. Basilides the Gnostic (the father of Isidore) is credited with describing Man as a sort of Wooden Horse with a whole army of different spirits in him (Clem. Alex. _Strom_, ii, 113). Plutarch makes a similar jibe at the Stoic account of arts, virtues, vices, etc., as corporeal or even animate and rational beings--making a man "a Paradise, or a cattle-pen, or a Wooden Horse," _de commun. notit. adv. Stoicos_, 45, 1084 B. There was a tendency in contemporary psychology to attribute all feelings, etc., to dæmonic influence; cf. Clem. Alex. _Strom._ ii, 110, who suggests that all _páthe_ are imprints (as of a seal) made on the soul by the spiritual powers against which we have to wrestle. Cf. Tert. _de Anima_, 41, the evil of soul in part due to evil spirit.

[90] Clement says (_Strom._ vi, 53) that Isidore the Gnostic "in the first book of the expositions of Parchor the Prophet" dealt with the dæmon of Socrates and quoted Aristotle's authority for such tutelary spirits. For the book of Apuleius, see ch. vii.

[91] Porphyry, _v. Plotini_, 10. Cf. Origen, _c. Cels._ vii, 35, for Celsus' views on the visibility of dæmons, _e.g._ in the cave of Trophonius.

[92] _Life of Numa_, 4--a most interesting chapter, when it is remembered what other works were being written contemporaneously.

[93] _de genio Socr._ 20, 588 D, 589 D.

[94] _de gen. Socr._ 24, 593 D.

[95] _de def. orac._ 38, 431 C, _phantasías toû mellontos_.

[96] Cf. Clem. Alex. _Strom._ vi, 46, on preaching of Christ in Hades, where souls, rid of the flesh, see more clearly.

[97] _de dif. orac._ 40, 432 C-E, _thermóteti gàr kaì diachysei pórous tinàs anoígein phantastikoùs toû méllontos eikós estin_.

For these _póroi_ cf. Clem. Alex. _Strom_, vii, 36, with J. B. Mayor's note.

[98] _de def. orac._ 46-48, 435 A-437 A (referring to Phædo, 97 D). The curious mixture of metaphors, the double suggestion of _krâsis_, the parallel from music, and the ambiguity of _tò enthousiastikòn_ (characteristic of the confusion of spiritual and material then prevalent) make a curious sentence in English. On the relation of dæmons to oracles, see also _de facie in orbe lunæ_, 30, 944 D; also Tertullian, _de Anima_, 46, who gives a lucid account of dæmons as the explanation of oracles, and _Apol._ 22--dæmons inhabiting the atmosphere have early knowledge of the weather, and by their incredible speed can pass miraculously quickly from one end of the earth to the other, and so bring information--strange, he adds (c. 25), that Cybele took a week to inform her priest of the death of Marcus Aurelius--_o somniculosa diplomata_! ("sleepy post").

[99] _de Iside_, 80, 383 E. Clem. Alex. _Strom._ i, 135, says Greek prophets of old were "stirred up by dæmons, or disordered by waters, fragrances or some quality of the air," but the Hebrews spoke "by the power and mind of God."

[100] _Præc. Conj._ 19. Cf. Plato, _Laws_, 906 A, _symmachoi dè hemîn theoí te áma kaì daímones, hemeîs d' aû ktêma theôn kaì daimónôn_.

[101] _de repugn. Stoic._ 38, 1051 E.

[102] _non suaviter_, 20, 1101 B.

[103] _non suaviter_ 21, 1101 C. Clem. Alex. _Pæd._ ii, 1, says it is "peculiar to man to cleanse the eye of the soul."

[104] _non suaviter_, 22, 1102 F.

[105] _de Iside_, 1, 351 D.

[106] _de Iside_, 2, 352 A.

[107] _de Iside_, 9, 354 C, _empháseis kaì diapháseis_.

[108] _de Iside_, 9, 354 C.

[109] _de Iside_, 53, 372 E, _Myriónumos_.

[110] _de ser. num. vind._ 18, 560 F.

[111] _de ser. num. vind._ 17, 560 B-D. Justin, _Apology_, 1, 18, appeals to the belief in the continuance of the soul, which pagans derive from necromancy, dreams, oracles and persons "dæmoniolept."

[112] In _de sera numinum vindicta_ and _de genio Socratis_. Cf. also the account of the souls of the dead given in _de facie in orbe lunæ_, c. 28 ff.

[113] _de def. orac._ 18, 419 E. Another curious tale of these remote islands is in Clem. Alex. _Strom._ vi, 33.

[114] Cumont, _Mysteries of Mithra_ (tr.), p. 35. Mithraism began to spread under the Flavians, but (p. 33) "remained for ever excluded from the Hellenic world."

[115] _de Iside_, 20, 358 F.

[116] _de Iside_, 11, 355 C.

[117] _de Iside_, 20, 358 E. Cf. the language of Clement in dealing with expressions in the Bible that seem to imply an anthropomorphic conception of God. See p. 291.

[118] _de Iside_, 23, 360 A.

[119] _de Iside_, 8, 353 E.

[120] _de def. orac._ 14, 15, 417 B-F. Cf. Clem. Alex. _Protr._ 42, _apanthropoi kai misánthrôpoi daímones_ enjoying _anthrôpoktonías_.

[121] So Tertullian urges, _ad Natt._ ii, 7.

[122] This man, or somebody very like him, appears as a Christian hermit in Sulpicius Severus, _Dial._ i, 17; only there he is reported to consort with angels.

[123] _de def. orac._ 21, 421 A-E. Cf. Tert. _de Spect._ 10. The names of the dead and their images are nothing, but we know _qui sub istis nominibus institute simulacris operentur et gaudeant et divinitatem mentiantur, nequam spiritus scilicet, dæmones_. He holds the gods to have been men, long deceased, but agrees in believing in dæmonic operations in shrines, etc.

[124] _de Iside_, 70, 71, 379 B-E.

[125] _de Iside_, 76, 382 A.

[126] See discussion in Oakesmith, _Religion of Plutarch_, p. 185. Gréard, _de la Morale de Plutarque_, p. 269, ranks it with the best works that have come down to us from Antiquity.

[127] Tertullian on pagan baptisms--Isis and Mithras, _de Baptismo_, 5; _de Præscr. Hær._ 40.

[128] Cf. Tert. _Apol._ 9, on these sacrifices, in Africa, and elsewhere, and see p. 26.

[129] _Conjug. Præc._ 19.

[130] Cf. _de Iside_, 55, 373 C; 18, 358 B; the image of Osiris, 36, 365 B. Origen (_c. Cels._ v, 39) remarks that Celsus is quite pleased with those who worship crocodiles "in the ancestral way."

[131] If the legend is mere fable, he asks, _cur rapitur sacerdos Cereris, si non tale Ceres passet est? cur Saturno alieni liberi immolantur ... cur Idæae masculus amputatur_? _ad Natt._ ii, 8.

{113}