The Conflict of Religions in the Early Roman Empire
Chapter VIII Footnotes:
[1] Keim, _Celsus' Wahres Wort_ (1873).
[2] Keim, pp. 264-273.
[3] Tertullian, _Apol._ 38, _nec ulla res aliena magis quam publica_. Elsewhere Tertullian explains this: _lædimas Romanos nec Romani habemur qui non Romanorum deum colimus, Apol._ 24.
[4] Apud Origen, _c. Cels._ viii, 2. References in what follows will be made to the book and chapter of this work without repetition of Origen's name. The text used is that of Koetschau.
[5] _c. Cels._ iii, 44.
[6] _Ibid._ iii, 59.
[7] iii, 55. I have omitted a clause or two.
Clem A. _Strom._ iv, 67, on the other hand, speaks of the difficult position of wife or slave in such a divided household, and (68) of conversions in spite of the master of the house. Tert. _ad Scap._ 3, has a story of a governor whose wife became a Christian, and who in anger began a persecution at once.
[8] iii, 75.
[9] i, 9. Cf. Clem. Alex. _Strom._ i, 43, on some Christians who think themselves _euphusîs_ and "ask for faith--faith alone and bare." In _Paed._ i, 27, he says much the same himself, _tò pisteûsai mónon kaì anagennethûnai teleíôis estin en zoê_.
[10] vi, 10. Clem. Alex. _Strom._ ii, 8, "The Greeks think Faith empty and barbarous, and revile it," but (ii, 30) "if it had been a human thing, as they supposed, it would have been quenched."
[11] iii, 62.
[12] iii, 62.
[13] iii, 65, _toùs hamartangin pephykótas te kaì eithismenous_.
[14] iii, 71.
[15] Clement of Alexandria, _Protr._ 92, uses this simile of worms in the mud of swamps, applying it to people who live for pleasure.
[16] iv, 23.
[17] iv, 74.
[18] So Lucian _Icaromenippus_, 19, explicitly.
[19] iv, 88. Cf. Clem. Alex. _Pædag._ i, 7, _tò phíltron éndon estìn en tô anthrópô toûth' óper emphysema légetai theoû_.
[20] _c. Cels._ iv, 74-99. Cf. Plato, _Laws_, 903 B, _hôs tô tou pantòs epimelouménô pròs tèn sôterían kaì aretèn toû holou pánt' estì syntetagména ktè_, explicitly developing the idea of the part being for the whole. Also Cicero, _N.D._ ii, 13, 34-36.
[21] Of. M. Aurelius, xi, 3, the criticism of the theatricality of the Christians. See p. 198.
[22] _c. Cels._ vii, 42, _tòn mèn oun poietèn kaì patéra toûde toû pantòs ehureîn te épgon kaì ehuronta eis pántas adynaton legein_; _Timæus_, 28 C--often cited by Clement too.
[23] vii, 42.
[24] vii, 42.
[25] vii, 45.
[26] iv, 14.
[27] iv, 18. See Tertullian's argument on this question of God changing, in _de Carne Christi_, 3. See Plato, _Rep._ ii, 381 B.
[28] iv, 52. See _Timæus_, 34 B ff. on God making soul.
[29] iv, 73. See Clem. Alex. _Paed._ i, ch. 10, on God threatening; and Strom, ii, 72; iv, 151; vii, 37, for the view that God is without anger, and for guidance as to the understanding of language in the O.T. which seems to imply the contrary. For a different view, see Tertullian, _de Testim. Animæ_, 2, _unde igitur naturalis timor animæ in deum, si deus nan novit irasci? adv. Marc._ i, 26, 27, on the necessity for God's anger, if the moral law is to be maintained; and _adv. Marc._ ii, 16, a further account of God's anger, while a literal interpretation of God's "eyes" and "right hand" is excluded.
[30] iv, 65.
[31] iv, 69.
[32] iv, 70. Long before (about 500 B.C.) Heraclitus had said (fragm. 61): "To God all things are beautiful and good and just; but men have supposed some things to be unjust and others just." For this doctrine of the relativity of good and bad to the whole, cf. hymn of Cleanthes to Zeus:--
_allà sù kaì tà perissá t' epístasai artia theînai_, _kaì kosmein ta kosma, kaì ou phila soì phila estín_. _ôde gàr eis èn pánta synérmokas esthlà kakoîsin_ _ôsth' éna gígnesthai pántôn logon aièn eónta_.
Cf. also the teaching of Chrysippus, as given by Gellius, _N.A._ vii, 1: _cum bona malis contraria sint, utraque necessum est opposita inter sese et quasi mutuo adverse quæque fulta nisu consistere; nullum adeo contrarium est sine contrario altero ... situleris unum abstuleris utrumque_. See also M. Aurelius in the same Stoic vein, viii, 50; ix, 42. On the other side see Plutarch's indignant criticism of this attribution of the responsibility for evil to God, _de comm. not. adv. Sto._ 14, 1065 D, ff. In opposition to Marcion, Tertullian emphasizes the worth of the world; his position, as a few words will show, is not that of Celsus, but Stoic influence is not absent: _adv. Marc._ i, 13, 14; _Ergo nec mundus deo indignus: nihil etenim deus indignum st fecit, etsi mundum homini non sibi fecit, etsi omne opus inferius est suo artifice_; see p. 317.
[33] iv, 3.
[34] iv, 6.
[35] iv, 7.
[36] vii, 36.
[37] viii, 63.
[38] viii, 66.
[39] vi, 69. "Men, who count themselves wise," says Clement (_Strom._ i, 88), "count it a fairy tale that the son of God should speak through man, or that God should have a son, and he suffer."
[40] vi, 72.
[41] vi, 73. Cf. the Marcionite view; cf. Tert. _adv. Marc._ iii, 11; iv, 21; v, 19, _cuius ingeniis tam longe abest veritas nostra ut ... Christum ex vulva virginis natum non erubescat, ridentibus philosophis et hæreticis et ethnicis ipsis_. See also _de carne Christi_, 4, 5, where he strikes a higher note; Christ loved man, born as man is, and descended for him.
[42] vi, 75. Cf. Tert. _de carne Christi_, 9, _adeo nec humanæ honestatis corpus fuit; adv. Jud._ 14, _ne aspectu quidem honestus_.
[43] vi, 78. Cf. Tert. _adv. Marc._ iii, i, _atquin nihil putem a deo subitum quia nihil a deo non dispositum_.
[44] vii, 13, _skataophageîn_. Origen's reply is absurd--_hína gàr kaì doxe hóti hésthein, hos sôma phorôn ho Iesoûs hésthein_. So also said Clement (_Strom._ vi, 71). Valentinus had another theory no better, _Strom._ iii. 59. Marcion, Tertullian says (_adv. Marc._ iii, 10), called the flesh _terrenam et stercoribus infusam_. They are all filled with the same contempt for matter--not Tertullian, however.
[45] i, 69.
[46] i, 54.
[47] i, 12.
[48] ii, 23, 24.
[49] ii, 34.
[50] ii, 37.
[51] ii, 66, 67. Tertullian meets this in _Apol._ 21. _Nam nec ille se in vulgus eduxit ne impii errore liberarcntur, ut et fides, non mediocri praemio destinata, difficultate constaret_.
[52] ii, 68,
[53] viii, 39.
[54] viii, 41.
[55] v, 65.
[56] vi, 34. Cf. a curious passage of Clem. Alex. _Protr._ 114, _oûtos tèn dúsin eis anatolèn metegagen kaì tòn thanaton eis zôèn anestaúrsen exarpásas dè tês apôleias tòn ánthrôpon prosekrémasen aíthéri_, and so forth. Cf. Tert. _adv. Valent._ 20, who suggests that the Valentinians had "nut-trees in the sky"--it is a book in which he allows himself a good deal of gaiety and free quotation.
[57] i, 28.
[58] M. Aurelius, i, 6, "From Diognetus I learnt not to give credit to what was said by miracle-workers and jugglers (_goétôn_) about incantations and the sending away of dæmons and such things." Cf. Tertullian, _adv. Marc._ iii, 2-4, on inadequacy of proof from miracles alone, without that from prophecy; also _de Anima_, 57, on these conjurers, where he remarks, _nec magnum illi exteriores oculos circumscribere, an interiorem mentis aciem excalcare perfacile est_. See also _Apol._ 22, 23.
[59] i, 68.
[60] vii, 9.
[61] iii, 36.
[62] vi, 16. Cf. Plato, _Laws_, v, 12, p. 743 A.
[63] vi, 17-19; _Phædrus_, 247 C.
[64] vi, 42.
[65] vii, 32; cf. Min. Felix, 11, 9.
[66] iv, 11.
[67] vi, 8.
[68] vi, 47. Cf. Plato, _Timæus_ (last words), 92 C, _eîs ouranòs óde monogenès ón_.
[69] v, 14.
[70] v, 14.
[71] vii, 34.
[72] viii, 49.
[73] viii. 48.
[74] iii, 14.
[75] v, 59.
[76] iii, 12.
[77] vi, II.
[78] iii, 9. Tertullian speaks in a somewhat similar way of heretics, especially of the Gnostics: _de præscriptione hæret_. c. 42.
[79] vii, 68.
[80] v, 25.
[81] viii, 53, 58.
[82] vii, 68.
[83] vii, 2.
[84] Cf. v, 34, 35.
[85] viii, ii. Cf. Tert. _adv. Prax._ 3, where it is argued that God's monarchy is not impaired _tot angelorum numero_, nor by the _oikonomía_ of the Trinity.
[86] v, 41.
[87] v, 41.
[88] viii, 45.
[89] vii, 35.
[90] iii, 24. Cf. p. 222.
[91] viii, 35.
[92] viii, 63.
[93] viii, 12.
[94] vii, 68.
[95] viii, 24.
[96] i, 9, _Mithrais kaì Sabadíois_.
[97] viii, 60. See note on ch. iii, p. 107.
[98] viii, 67.
[99] Cf. Tert. _de cor. mil._ 11, if a soldier is converted, _aut deserendum statim ut a multis actum, aut,_ etc. The chapter is a general discussion whether military service and Christianity are compatible. Cf. also Tert. _de idol._ 19, _Non convenit sacramento divino et humano, signo Christi et signo diaboli, castris lucis et castris tenebrarum ... quomodo autem bellabit immo quomodo etiam in pace militabit sine gladio quem dominus abstulit? .... omnem postea militem dominus in Petro exarmando discinxit_. Tertullian, it may be remembered, was a soldier's son.
[100] viii, 68. The Greeks used _basileùs_ as Emperor.
[101] viii, 69. For this taunt against the Jews, cf. Cicero, _pro Flacco_, 28, 69.
[102] viii, 72.
[103] viii, 73.
[104] viii, 75.
[105] Cf. Clem. Alex. _Strom._ i, 55, who says that hardly any words could be to the many more absurd than the mysteries of the faith.
[106] Clem. Alex. _Protr._ 56 (on idols). _ou gár moi thémis empisteûsai pote toîs apsychois tàs tês psychês elpídas_.
[107] This was at all events the view of Clement, _Strom._ i, 19. _oudè katapsephixesthai tôn Hellénon oíon te psilê tê perì tôn dogmatiothénton autoîs chroménous phrásei, me synembrainontas eis tèn katà méros áchri syllnóseôs ekkalypsin. pistòs gar eû mála ho met' empeirias elegchos, hóti kaì teleiotáte apádeixis ehurísketai he gnôsis tôn kategnosménôn_.
[108] It is regrettable that Clement should have flung one of these against the school of Carpocrates, _Strom._ iii, 10.
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