Part 7

About day-break, we found ourselves near a tallow, or lake; here two of our number alarmed the other three, by positively asserting they saw a tiger on the other side of the water. This was very unseasonable, as we were much exhausted from the efforts we had already made. I could see nothing of the kind myself, though I rather think they did, as they were positive afterwards. Here we laid ourselves down, and notwithstanding our bodies made impressions of three or four inches in the mud, I do not recollect I ever experienced such refreshing sleep. When we awoke, it appeared, by the sun’s height, to be about nine o’clock; and after refreshing ourselves with a few mouthfuls of rice, the last we had, and some water, adjusting our priming, &c. we pursued our journey. About eleven, we saw a fort at no great distance, which somewhat alarmed us; but meeting a person who appeared very intelligent, we learned the state of the country, and informed him of our affair on the preceding evening. He gave us to understand, that he was a Mahratta himself, and that there was no cause for fear now, as the fort was commanded by a Mahratta. With this news, we cheerfully advanced under its walls; but, to our no small surprise, found ourselves a second time surrounded! We remonstrated, but, notwithstanding, were kept nearly two hours, during which time two officers were sent from the fort to examine us; and, when they had done, they returned to the killadare’s, to give him an account.

In this interval, we could not tell what to make of it, and particularly as a few of the guards were gradually closing. We requested them to stand at a less menacing distance; which they refused, and we insisted on. Here was all but —— they threatened; we were resolute: they said they would disarm us; we dared them to it; asking them, at the same time, whether many of them had not fathers, mothers, brothers or sisters, wives and children, to lament their loss? and did they suppose we would submit with impunity? We were on the alert; our bayonets fixed, and looking as fierce, perhaps, as Falstaff did when giving an account to Prince Henry of the numbers he had slain. But, waving this, we expected nothing for awhile but fighting for it. We had arranged our plan of attack long before this, viz. in case any thing of this kind should occur, to charge immediately after firing our pieces, with what effect we could: and I humbly think that none of us would have been taken alive, for we had well weighed the result in such a case; but, thank God! we were speedily relieved from this untoward situation by the arrival of the killadare himself, who, at our request, ordered the guards to withdraw. He was very inquisitive; in fact, our appearance was enough to excite curiosity; and as we were very hungry, we said we would barter with him. He asked, how? We replied, if he would be pleased to order us something to satisfy our craving appetites, we should then cheerfully give him all the information in our power. He laughed heartily, repeating several times, “What a curious barter!” He, however, readily acceded to our request, ordering some rice, doll,[26] and ghe,[27] which we soon converted into a good dish of cudgeree,[28] and while preparing, one or the other was answering his questions, for we could all talk Moorish, but learned it not from choice. In short, he appeared pleased with our information, and grew kind; and we were no less pleased with his bounty. He made us large offers to stay with him, which we thankfully declined; and after gaining what information we could relative to the Mahratta camp; where they were? whether any English were with them? who had the command of them? &c. though, by the bye, we had learned his name before; and our mentioning it, we afterwards conjectured, induced him to treat us with kindness;[29] we heartily thanked him for the refreshment we received, and he as heartily wished us safe to the Mahratta camp: thus, with mutual good wishes, we left him.

When we were about a mile distant, we looked back, and saw a man running after us; we stopped, and waited his arrival: when he came up, he gave us to understand, that the killadare had sent his salam, (compliments,) to request a few cartridges. We would sooner have parted with our clothes, such as they were, than our ammunition, for we knew not what dangers we had still to encounter: however, we could not refuse without ingratitude, and we agreed to send him five, one from each, with our respects, &c.

Towards the evening, we came to a river, which, with much difficulty, we forded; and, after gaining the opposite side, we began to think of our night’s lodging, and of preparing the only meal of rice we had left from the killadare’s bounty. Some little distance from the margin of the river, we found a spot which suited our purpose; here we pitched, and after preparing our food and sleeping soundly that night, we found ourselves in the morning quite refreshed, and cheerfully pursued our journey.

About twelve o’clock, we saw some men coming towards us; they did not appear numerous, and we met them: they were eight pulligars, or pikemen, belonging to a fort in the possession of our allies, which was distant a coss, or three miles. We asked them who commanded the fort? They answered, a Moor, and a cheerful good-natured man. This information was received by us with much pleasure, and we immediately made for the fort, without fear. On arriving at the gates, we inquired for Eusin Cawn, the killadare, for we had learned his name from the pulligars; when we were answered, that he was in the interior of the place, and that they would send a messenger to him to announce our arrival. On the Moor’s return, we were informed that the killadare wished to speak to one of us, unarmed. We had confidence here, and deputed one of our party, disarmed, to speak to the chief; and on his return, we found every thing to our wishes, with the additional pleasure of hearing, that at the distance of eighteen miles there was an English doctor, with a number of sick Sepoys. This, to us, was news indeed! This killadare was just the man he had been represented to us; open, generous, and facetious, he formed a striking contrast to the generality of Asiatic Mohammedans, who are empty, subtle, and cruel.

We were now led to a choltree,[30] where we were soon informed that the killadare would pay us a visit. We received, prior to his making his appearance, provisions of an excellent quality, and while in the act of preparing it, he, with his guard, was approaching. On his arrival, we made our salam, which he most cordially returned; then followed interrogatories: our answers were extremely pleasing to him, and he appeared highly gratified. He paid us many compliments on our courage in effecting our escape, and closed by shrewdly observing, “I suppose you will soon lose sight of the Prophet, now.” To this we made no reply, not being willing to offend our benefactor. We gave him a hint that we were hungry, which he quickly understood, and politely withdrew. Here we staid one night, and fed on the best this good Mussulman could procure for us; and as our fears and cares were in a great measure removed, we enjoyed ourselves in a superlative degree.

In the morning, we waited on the killadare, to thank him for his kind attention to us. He very warmly expressed himself our friend, and most cordially invited us to tarry with him; adding, that every thing should be done to make our stay comfortable: but to this we could not accede; and after many jocose remarks on his part, and mutual good wishes on both, we proceeded on our journey towards Hurryhur, a place of some strength, situate on the margin of the Tonguibadra river. At noon we came within sight of the fort, which we beheld with transports of joy.

We now concluded ourselves safe from the fangs of Tippoo, and fired a _feu de joie_, in our own way, on the occasion. On our approaching the gate, the first object that struck our attention was an English Sepoy sentinel: he very properly asked us, where we came from? and what we were? and when he received our answers, his heart participated in our pleasure; for numbers of the Sepoys, taken by Hyder and Tippoo, had suffered more cruel treatment than the Europeans, and with this they were well acquainted. He kindly pointed out where the English doctor resided, whose name he informed us was Little. We immediately went to his abode, where we found another Sepoy sentinel. We asked him if Dr. Little was within? He answered in the affirmative. We requested to see him, and his servant made his appearance at the door. This man was an English, or, which is all one, a Scotchman. His surprise was so great, that we could not, for a while, get any words from him; and no wonder, for he had never seen such a sight before. We were in Tippoo’s full uniform, that is, all that was left of it; blue turbans on iron hoops, tiger jackets, with a camel over our shoulders and tied round our loins, mustaches nearly reaching our ears, two of us sorely wounded by falls, and the whole, in pushing through thickets, completely scarified. Finding this man to be the doctor’s servant, we requested to speak to his master; who soon appeared. His surprise was not less than his servant’s. He asked, who we were? where we came from? and several other questions, almost in one breath. We informed him we had been taken in the Hannibal, 50-gun ship, in the year 1782, by Count de Suffrein, and delivered over to Hyder Ali; and that we had, after a variety of hardships, providentially effected our escape. Here a pathetic scene took place; the good doctor’s sensibility was touched, and the tears trickled down his face as fast as they could flow. Recovering from his emotions, he, in broken accents, requested us to walk in, when he kindly desired us to sit down; but some minutes passed before any conversation took place. Here we had many good things provided for us, and among them some French brandy, of which we drank moderately, thankfully, and cheerfully. The good man partook of our joy, and was very attentive to every thing we said; in fact, he used every effort in his power to make our stay comfortable.

Two months elapsed, while we were in this place, when it was announced that the Mahratta army was within three days’ march of us; and as there were three battalions of English Sepoys acting in conjunction with their army, commanded by Major Little, our good friend, the doctor, thought this a safe and favourable opportunity to send us to the camp. We accordingly set out, in company with some Sepoys, who were recovered of their wounds and disorders; mustering about fifty altogether, well armed and accoutred, and, after three days’ march, we reached the camp.

Here we were treated like little kings; and Major Little, in company with his officers, was pleased to say, we were an honour to our country. This observation, from a gentleman of his known courage and ability, was not a little in our favour; we were respected by all who knew our circumstances. Here we ranged every day where we pleased, having nothing to do, but to march with the camp, and strike and pitch our tent when we came to the ground. The Mahratta army consisted of 40,000, and its followers three times that number; their infantry was the most contemptible I ever saw, but the cavalry was good, and has often proved fatal to troops once broken. Here we had some painful opportunities of seeing the Bramin women ascend the funeral pile with the dead bodies of their husbands, apparently with as much composure as we would sit down to our breakfast.

We were several months in this camp, during which time, the Mahratta chief, in conjunction with our little detachment, took the important post of Simoga, with several other places of some strength, and defeated Riza Saib, and near 10,000 of the sultan’s cavalry. This success flushed Purso Rhamboo to that degree, that he immediately pushed on for Hyder Niger, or Bednore, (the fatal spot for General Matthews, which I have already mentioned,) with an intention of laying siege to it. This was a wonderful undertaking for a Mahratta army; but in those cases he placed his confidence in our little detachment, who were always the van in all danger.

In pursuing our march to the above place, we learned that a body of Tippoo’s troops was strongly entrenched at the extremity of a thick bamboo jungle, to dispute the passage. Our brave Major, with his three battalions, and a weak company of European artillery, was ordered to proceed through the jungles, to dislodge them. They consisted of 4000 men, and the road would admit of but four abreast. This service was performed in a most gallant manner, but with heavy loss both of officers and men. Nine pieces of cannon, with their tumbrils, &c. were brought into the Mahratta camp, amidst the acclamations of thousands, who were astonished at the bravery and rapidity of this affair.

Nothing now remained to prevent our reaching the Gauts, which is a range of hills defended by numerous batteries, at the foot of which we encamped, and the next day one of the battalions was sent to reconnoitre; when they opened a fire from several spots at once, but with little execution, being at too great a distance. Our loss was one Sepoy, whose death was so singular that it deserves to be recorded. This poor fellow was struck in the head by a spent shot, a six-pounder, which lodged there. It was seen by me and thousands more before he was interred; and although I have witnessed many strange wounds, this appeared to me the most remarkable, the shot being half in and half out of his temple.

While these preparations were going on, an express came from Lord Cornwallis, who was about commencing the siege of the capital, to hasten our march thither. No time was lost on the part of the Mahrattas; for the next morning, Purso Rhamboo, the chief, ordered the tents to be struck early, and by seven o’clock the whole camp was in motion. We were much elated on this business, under an idea that we should be of great service to his lordship, knowing every creek and crevice of Patam. The first day we passed Ananpour, the spot where so much barbarity had been practised by our troops, as before related; and twelve days brought us within one day’s march of Tippoo’s retreat, and his lordship’s camp. Here we applied to Major Little, to quit his camp for the grand army, assigning as our reasons, the service we might be of, in case of Lord Cornwallis’s storming Seringapatam. Major Little highly approved of our plan, and as there was no necessity for an escort, we departed, and reached his lordship’s camp that evening; but, to our no small mortification, we found that a capitulation had taken place, and that Tippoo’s two sons had been received by Lord Cornwallis the day before our arrival.

The conditions acceded to, on the part of Tippoo, were: to lose half his territories, which were to be given up to the allies, with a vast sum of money to defray the expenses of the war; that all prisoners, from the time of his father to the present period, were to be unconditionally liberated;[31] and, lastly, that two of his sons were to be surrendered as hostages,[32] for the due performance of this treaty.

After remaining some days in the camp, we understood that the two men, whom I have before mentioned, were on the north side of Seringapatam, with General Abercrombie, who commanded the Bombay army. We repaired thither, and met them as brothers, supposed to be lost; and after a mutual detail of our various trials, and the manner of making our escapes, respectively, &c. &c. we parted, they for Bombay, and ourselves for Madras.

Here were a number of half-starved Europeans, all deserters, who were taken in the pittah or suburbs, when our troops followed Tippoo’s over the Cavery.[33] These were all in irons, and what his lordship did with them I know not; but suppose, as mercy was a leading feature in his character, that he did not put them to death. We were now ordered to Madras, having an escort of Sepoys for our safety; and his lordship understanding our wishes were to go to England, very humanely gratified them. With our escort, we quitted the camp at Seringapatam for Madras, which place we reached in twenty-one days.

On the morning when we heard the surf, our joy was inexpressible, not having seen the sea for ten years. A few days after our arrival, we embarked as passengers on board of the Honourable Company’s ship Dutton, East Indiaman; and after encountering some tremendous gales off the Cape of Good Hope, which few ships escape in those latitudes, we, through divine Providence, safely reached the Downs in 1793.

CHAP. VII.

_State of Seringapatam prior to the Siege—Fortifications— Natural Advantages—Military Force—Besieged and Captured by the British—Death of Tippoo—General Carnage—Riches found in the City—Many of Tippoo’s Jewels yet concealed— Progressive State of the Arts in his Dominions._

The British troops entered the territories of Tippoo, from Yacotta, on the 5th of March, and encamped before Seringapatam on the 5th of April; and it may be considered as a fortunate circumstance, that the sultan neither employed his whole force against us, nor thought of turning his attention to the Bombay army. The numerous attendants of the Nizam’s forces, as well as those of the European corps; the immense quantity of public stores and provisions; the long train of ordnance; with about 40,000 Bengarries, formed altogether such a host, as not to admit being covered by our army; so that if Tippoo had employed his powers with the military skill which he was supposed to possess, he might, without hazarding an engagement by desultory skirmishes, distant cannonades, and other hostile movements, have so harassed our infantry, and weakened our cavalry, that a great part of the baggage, stores, and ammunition, would probably have fallen into his hands, and the army have been greatly impeded in its march to the place of its destination. And, moreover, as the rainy season was approaching, there is reason to believe, that had the sultan employed his power with equal judgment and activity, the immediate object of the campaign might have been defeated. It had, indeed, been for some time reported, that Tippoo was become subject to fits of mental derangement; and the whole of his conduct seems to justify that opinion. He had dismissed from his councils all his faithful friends, who had served him long, and had served him well, and had called into his service, men of little experience or capacity, who won his favour by flattering his caprices, and practising an unresisting submission to his will. The former had always discouraged their master’s disposition to connect himself with France, as pregnant with the mischief it has since produced; while the latter promoted it, for no other reason, but because it flattered his hopes of gratifying his resentment against the British power in India. His treasures were immense, and his army was not only numerous, but in a high state of discipline and equipment. However, by not employing the one, and misemploying the other, his fall was precipitated, and his country conquered in a manner, and with a rapidity of good fortune, which greatly exceeded the most sanguine expectations.

This powerful empire, which had been shaken and diminished by the military skill and political sagacity of the Marquis Cornwallis, is now razed, as it were, to its foundations, and the house of Hyder Ali degraded from the usurped power which it had maintained during a period of forty years. The importance of this event, to the power and commerce of Great Britain in the East, is not within the reach of ordinary calculation.

From every appearance of the improving state of Seringapatam, the cultivation of the country, the number of its inhabitants, and the advancing progress of its military establishment, that capital would, in a short time, have been impregnable; and the power of Tippoo Saib would have been at least equal to the combined strength of the European settlements in India. The sultan certainly was not inactive; but his activity was misguided, and became inadequate to its object. He destroyed the villages, and laid waste the country in front of the army; but not sufficiently spreading the tracks of devastation, his purpose for distressing our army was defeated, as General Harris, by a slight deviation from the common road, reached his destination at the time he wished, and without any material interruption.

From the late plentiful rains, and the peculiar construction of the tanks, which could not be entirely drained, there was no deficiency of water; and though the usual attempts had been made to poison it, by steeping in it the bruised branches of the milkhedge tree, no very noxious effect was produced; for though no prohibition, or bodies of guards, could prevent the men or cattle from slaking their thirst at these tanks, very little inconvenience was felt; very few of the people suffered any disorder whatever from the poisonous impregnation. The sickness that at any time appeared among the troops, arose from the heat of the sun, extreme fatigue, or irregular refreshment; and especially among the common men, from an intemperate use of every species of vegetable they could find, and particularly that of the sugarcane.

The action which Tippoo risked on the 27th of March, at Malwilly, with the right wing of our army, was as ill conceived, as it was ill conducted; because, having the choice of his ground, he ought either to have received us with his whole force, or to have avoided every kind of regular engagement. By turning to the left the second day after this action, instead of crossing the river, as Tippoo appeared to have expected, we gained a flourishing and highly cultivated country, which, most fortunately, his destroying hand had not touched. After a march of about fourteen miles, we reached the Cavery, without the least molestation, and took possession of the large fort Soocilly, which was full of cattle, grain, and forage; and commanded an excellent ford, which the army, with all its equipment, passed in one day, without any loss or interruption, even to the vicinity of his capital.

General Harris had the choice of his route, so that he was enabled to sit down before it with all his resources for the siege undiminished. The evil most to be dreaded on this service, and a tremendous evil it is, was famine; and this the sultan had means of producing, if he had been wise enough in employing them. The whole of our draft and carriage bullocks, public and private, died, and rice had risen three rupees the pound, the day the city was stormed. It was not till nine days after that event, that the detachments, commanded by Read and Brown, could arrive with supplies, notwithstanding all the cavalry, and a brigade of native infantry, had been detached, under the command of General Floyd, to favour their junction; so that if we had not succeeded in our attempt, the consequence would have been fatal to the army; and that we were not repulsed, was owing to the incomparable conduct and intrepidity of the troops, as well as the judicious means employed to support and protect their extraordinary efforts.