Part 19

Carleton's situation was sufficiently embarrassing to have dismayed a man less abundant in energy and less fertile of resource. It only spurred him on to increased exertion. His two small regiments were divided between Montreal and Quebec. The colonists, both British and French, had refused to assist him, and it was doubtful if many of them would not join the ranks of the invaders. Having proclaimed martial law, he invoked ecclesiastical aid. The priests were believed to be all-powerful with the French Canadian population, and he knew that he could count upon the coöperation of the priesthood. He appealed to De Briand, Bishop of Quebec, to rouse the peasantry of his diocese. The Bishop complied with his wishes, and put forth an encyclical letter enjoining the people to bestir themselves in defence of their country and their religion. Even this appeal was in vain. The French Canadians still remained apathetic. Many of the British colonists openly professed their sympathy with the Americans. The Governor then sought to raise a militia by offering liberal land-bounties. This appeal to the cupidity of the colonists was more effectual than the appeals of a more sentimental nature had been, inasmuch as a few volunteers promptly enrolled themselves. Valuable assistance also came in from another quarter. The Province of New York had by this time become an unsafe place of residence for persons of British proclivities. Colonel Guy Johnson, who had just succeeded to the position of British Colonial Agent for Indian Affairs in North America, was compelled to seek safety in Canada. He was accompanied by Joseph Brant and the principal warriors of the Six Nations, who had resolved to "sink or swim with the English." These warriors, with Brant at their head, formed themselves into a Confederacy, and rallied to the side of Governor Carleton. The American armaments were meanwhile steadily advancing to the attack. Early in September the forces under Schuyler and Montgomery reached Isle-aux-Noix. Proclamations were sown broadcast among the Canadians, in which it was stated that the invaders had no design whatever on the lives, the properties, or the religion of the inhabitants, and that their operations were directed against the British only. General Schuyler having returned to Albany, the chief command devolved on Montgomery, who invested Fort St. John, and sent a detachment of troops to attack the fort at Chambly, while Ethan Allen was despatched with a reconnoitring party towards Montreal. Allen being informed that the town was weakly defended, and believing the inhabitants to be favourable to the American cause, resolved to attempt a capture. Carleton had already arrived at Montreal to make dispositions for the protection of the frontier. Learning, on the night of the 24th, that a party of Americans had crossed the river, and were marching on the town, he despatched all his available force, consisting of about 275 men, nearly all of whom were volunteers, against the enemy. The American force, which was only about 250 strong, was compelled to surrender. Allen and his detachment thus became prisoners of war. They were at once sent over to England, where they were confined in Pendennis Castle. Meanwhile General Montgomery was besieging forts St. John and Chambly. Both these fortresses, after a brief and ineffectual resistance, were compelled to surrender. Nearly all the regulars in Canada thus became prisoners of war, and there was nothing to prevent the Americans from advancing upon Montreal, which they at once proceeded to do. To defend it with any hope of success was utterly out of the question, and Carleton, anticipating Montgomery's intention, burned and destroyed all the public stores, and left the town by one way just as the Americans entered at the other. During the night he had a narrow escape from the enemy, who were encamped at Sorel, and whose sentinels he had to pass in an open boat. This he successfully accomplished, and arrived at Quebec on the 19th of November. He hastily made the most judicious arrangements in his power for the defence of the place. He expelled from the city all those who were disaffected. Arnold had meanwhile made his desolate march through the wilderness, and though his forces had suffered terrible privations, and had been greatly reduced in number by starvation and other perils of the march, he was now in a position to coöperate with Montgomery. The united forces succeeded in gaining the city on the 4th of December, and after concocting their plans, they divided their strength, so as to attack the city in several places. The siege lasted throughout the month. Montgomery waited for a night of unusual darkness to make a daring attempt upon the city from the south. Arnold entrenched himself on the opposite side of the city. The provisions of the besiegers began to fail, their regiments were being depleted by sickness, and their light guns made but little impression on the massive walls. At last an assault was ordered. It took place before dawn on the 31st of December (1775). In the midst of a heavy snow storm Arnold advanced through the Lower Town from his quarters near the St. Charles River, and led his 800 New Englanders and Virginians over two or three barricades. The Montreal Bank and several other massive stone houses were filled with British regulars, who guarded the approaches with such a deadly fire that Arnold's men were forced to take refuge in the adjoining houses, while Arnold himself was badly wounded and carried to the rear. Meanwhile Montgomery was leading his New Yorkers and Continentals north along Champlain Street by the river side. The intention was for the two attacking columns, after driving the enemy from the Lower Town, to unite before the Prescott Gate, and carry it by storm. A strong barricade was stretched across Champlain Street from the cliff to the river; but when its guards saw the great masses of the attacking column advancing through the twilight, they fled. In all probability Montgomery would have crossed the barricade, delivered Arnold's men by attacking the enemy in the rear, escaladed Prescott Gate, and gained temporary possession of the place, but that one of the fleeing Canadians, impelled by a strange caprice, turned quickly back and fired the cannon which stood loaded on the barricade. Montgomery and many of his officers and men were struck down by the shot, and the column broke up in panic and fled. The British forces were now concentrated on Arnold's men, who were hemmed in by a sortie from the Palace Gate, and 426 officers and men were made prisoners. The remnant of the American army was compelled to retreat to some distance from the city. On being reinforced, however, during the winter, they made a stand for another attack on Quebec, but disease and famine at last compelled them to retreat. In the spring, reinforcements arrived from England, and Carleton having first possessed himself of Crown Point, launched a fleet on Lake Champlain, which, after several actions, completely annihilated that of the Americans. Further reinforcements soon afterwards arrived from England under the command of Major-General Burgoyne, who thenceforward took the military command. He succeeded in gaining some rather unimportant victories, but was finally compelled to surrender at Saratoga, with his force of 6,000 men. This may be said to have put an end to the war. The French Government recognized the new Republic as an independent nation, and all hope of keeping the latter under British subjection was abandoned.

Governor Carleton, who had done so much to preserve Canada from falling into the hands of the Americans, and whose efforts, considering his limited resources, had been almost incredibly successful, was not a little chagrined at being superseded in his military command. He considered that he had been slighted by the Government, and that his brilliant successes had merited a different reward. And he was right. To him, more than to any other man, is due the praise of having prevented Canada from becoming, at least for the time, a part of the American Republic. Mr. J. M. Lemoine, the historian of Quebec, pays a well-merited compliment to his memory. "Had the fate of Canada on that occasion," says Mr. Lemoine, "been confided to a Governor less wise, less conciliating than Guy Carleton, doubtless the 'brightest gem in the colonial Crown of Britain' would have been one of the stars of Columbia's banner; the star-spangled banner would now be floating on the summit of Cape Diamond."

With a heart smarting under a keen, if not loudly-expressed sense of injustice, Carleton demanded his recall. His successor, Major-General Haldimand, having arrived in Canada in July, 1778, Carleton surrendered the reins of Government to him and proceeded to England. The ministry of the day, however, mollified his resentment, and paid assiduous court to him. Various honours and substantial emoluments were conferred upon him. In 1786 he was raised to the peerage of Great Britain, by the title of Baron Dorchester of Dorchester, in the County of Oxford--a title still borne by his descendant, the fourth Baron. During the same year he was requested to once more take charge of the Canadian Administration. He consented, and came over to this country as Governor-General and Commander-in-Chief of His Majesty's forces in America. He retained both these positions for ten years--a period marked by many important civil reforms, and by the passing of the Constitutional Act of 1791, whereby Canada was divided into two separate Provinces. Lord Dorchester's tenure of office tended to still further endear him to the Canadian people, and to this day his name is held in affectionate remembrance by the inhabitants of the Lower Province where he resided. He took his final departure from our shores in the summer of 1796, amid the heartfelt regret of the people over whose affairs he had so long presided. Upon reaching England he retired to private life, and did not again take any prominent part in public affairs. His old age, like that of King Lear, was "frosty, but kindly," and for twelve years he lived a life of cheerful and dignified repose. He continued to correspond with friends in Canada, and in one of his letters, still extant, expresses a wish to revisit the scenes of his past achievements, and mayhap to lay his bones among them. The wish, however, was not gratified. He died, after a brief illness, on the 10th of November, 1808, in his 83rd year.

He married, on the 22nd of May, 1772, Maria, daughter of Thomas, second Earl of Effingham, by whom he had a family of seven children. His three eldest sons died in his lifetime. He was succeeded by his grandson, Arthur Henry, son of his third son, Christopher.

THE HON. WILLIAM PEARCE HOWLAND,

_C.B., K.C.M.G._

Among the hundred passengers who landed from the _Mayflower_ at Plymouth Rock, on the 22nd of December, 1620, was a God-fearing Quaker named John Howland. He seems to have been unmarried at the time of his emigration; or at any rate his wife, if he had one, did not accompany him on the expedition. He settled in the colony of Massachusetts Bay, and left behind him a numerous progeny, whose descendants are to be found at the present day in nearly every State of the Union. From him, we understand, the subject of this sketch claims descent. The father of Sir William was Mr. Jonathan Howland, a resident of Dutchess County, in the State of New York. The latter was in early life a farmer, but subsequently engaged in commercial pursuits at Greenbush, in Rensselaer County, on the west bank of the Hudson River. He died at Cape Vincent, Jefferson County, in the year 1842. The maiden name of Sir William's mother was Lydia Pearce. Her family resided in Dutchess County, and were well-known and influential citizens. This lady still survives, and has attained the great age of ninety-four years. Soon after the death of her husband she took up her abode in Toronto, where she has ever since resided.

The subject of this sketch, who was the eldest son of his parents, was born at the town of Paulings, Dutchess County, New York, on the 29th of May, 1811. He was brought up to farm work, but early displayed an aptitude for commercial life. After attending at a public school, and afterwards for a short time at the Kinderhook Academy, he determined to embark in a mercantile career. In the autumn of the year 1830, when he was barely nineteen years of age, he came to Canada, and settled in the village of Cooksville, on Dundas Street, in the township of Toronto. Here he obtained a situation as assistant in a country store of the period. In this store was kept the post-office for the village, the management of which largely devolved upon his own shoulders. The postal system in this Province had not then been very elaborately systematized. The mails for the whole of the western part of the Province passed over this route. The mail-matter for the different offices was not classified, but thrown into a bag, from which each successive postmaster selected such matter as was addressed to his office. The state of the roads was generally such that the mails had to be carried on horseback. Young Mr. Howland's duties required him to get up at one o'clock in the morning to receive the mail, which arrived at Cooksville at that hour. He was accustomed to select the mail-matter himself from the bag, after which he would hand the outgoing mail to the carrier, who then passed on westwardly to Dundas and Hamilton. Such was the primitive method of handling His Majesty's mail in Upper Canada in the year of grace 1830. It is scarcely to be wondered at that Mr. Howland, after such practical experience of the necessity for reform, should have allied himself with the Reform Party when he began to take a share in the politics of the country.

His share in politics, however, lay as yet far distant. For some years he devoted himself exclusively to laying the foundation of the princely fortune which he subsequently realized. A man with such a remarkable faculty for success in mercantile life was not likely to remain long an assistant in a country store. Erelong we find him embarked in business on his own account, in partnership with his younger brother, Mr. P. Howland, now of Lambton Mills. Their operations were conducted with the most careful circumspection, and were so successful that they soon had several establishments in the townships of Toronto and Chinguacousy. In addition to a general commercial business they engaged in lumbering, rafting, the manufacture of potash, and other pursuits incident to pioneer mercantile life. Their operations increased in volume yearly, and they became, both commercially and otherwise, men of mark in their district. The subject of this sketch for some time kept the post office at Stanley's Mills. Although the quantity of matter distributed by the mails was infinitesimal in those days as compared with the present, a country postmaster had no sinecure. The greatest difficulty he had to encounter was the collection of postage on letters. Those, be it remembered were the days of high postage. The rate on a single-weight letter from Great Britain to Upper Canada was 5_s._ 9_d._ sterling--equal, in round numbers, to about $1.50. From Quebec, the rate was 1_s._ 6_d._ sterling; and the rates from other places were proportionate. There was little money in the Province, and commercial transactions largely took the form of barter. The postmaster was constantly compelled to give credit, for it was an altogether exceptional thing for a settler to have so large a sum as 5_s._ 9_d._ in ready money; and to refuse to deliver mail-matter to a poor but deserving settler would have been neither gracious nor politic for a man keeping a country store. In this way the postmaster was frequently compelled to wait for his money for a year, and he was fortunate if he was not then compelled to receive payment in ashes or produce.

At the time of the rebellion Mr. Howland had become a prosperous man, and his operations were still extending. There was a good deal of feeling in his neighbourhood that Mr. Mackenzie had been badly used by the Family Compact Party, and that many reforms were needed in the body politic. A deputation of these malcontents waited upon Mr. Howland, and endeavoured to enlist him in the insurrection which broke out in December, 1837. Mr. Howland, however, was too wise to connect himself with an enterprise which never had any chance of being permanently successful. Moreover, he had not then been naturalized, and as an alien, he did not deem that he had any right to engage in political contests of any kind. His naturalization took place soon after the Union of the Provinces. He did not, however, take any very active part in the periodical election contests until the general election of 1848, when Mr. James Hervey Price successfully opposed the Conservative candidate in the West Riding of the county of York, just prior to the formation of the second Baldwin-Lafontaine Administration. Mr. Howland's sympathies were with the Reform Party, and he worked hard to secure Mr. Price's return. He thenceforward took a not inactive part in all the election contests, and always on the side of the Reform Party, with which he became identified. He had meanwhile removed to Toronto, and had embarked in a large wholesale business, with large interests in the produce, milling, and other branches of trade. Among his commercial friends he enjoyed a high reputation for capacity and genuine business worth. He became a magnate among the wholesale merchants of Toronto, and amassed a fine fortune which has steadily augmented. His political views became more pronounced, and he supported the wing of the Reform Party led by Mr. Brown after the disruption in its ranks. He soon came to be looked upon as an eligible candidate for Parliament. His eligibility was proved at the general elections of 1857, when he was returned to the Assembly by the constituency of West York, in which he had resided for many years. He continued to sit for that constituency during the whole of his Parliamentary career, which was terminated by his acceptance, in 1868, of the Lieutenant-Governorship of Ontario.

In Parliament, though a steady supporter of the Reform Party, Mr. Howland was by no means demonstrative in enforcing his views, and was doubtless valued as a party man chiefly because of his respectability and personal influence. When the Reform Party came into power in April, 1862, under the leadership of the Hon. John Sandfield Macdonald and Louis Victor Sicotte, Mr. Howland was offered the post of Minister of Finance, which he accepted and held for a year, when he was succeeded by the Hon. Luther H. Holton in the Macdonald-Dorion Cabinet, which was then formed. In that Cabinet Mr. Howland was assigned the office of Receiver-General. He held this position until the defeat of the Government in 1864. He was not a member of the Coalition Government as formed in June of that year, and consequently was not present either at the Charlottetown Convention, which assembled on the 1st of September, or at the famous Quebec Conference that met on the 10th of the following month, at which, during eighteen days' deliberation, the "Seventy-two resolutions" were agreed to. He was, however, an active and most influential supporter of the Reform wing of the Coalition; and on the elevation of the Hon. Mr. Mowat to the Bench in November, 1864, he succeeded that gentleman as Postmaster-General, and became a member of the Executive Council. He continued to be Postmaster-General until the retirement of the Hon. Alexander T. Galt in August, 1866, when he succeeded the latter as Finance Minister. This office he held till the Union, when, on the formation of the first Dominion Government, on the 1st of July, 1867, he was appointed a member of the Privy Council, and Minister of Inland Revenue.

In the discharge of his public duties while a Minister of the Crown, Mr. Howland accompanied Mr. Galt on the mission to Washington, in 1865, concerning the then proposed renewal of the Reciprocity Treaty. This mission is memorable for its political rather than its commercial results, for while with respect to the latter it merely taught Canada that she must rely upon herself, with respect to the former it almost led to the breaking up of the Coalition, and to the indefinite postponement of Confederation. That these grave political results were merely threatened, instead of having become realities, was largely due to Mr. Howland, who, considering the gravity of the situation, and endorsing, also, the Cabinet policy on the Reciprocity question, refused to follow his leader out of the Government. He accepted instead a commission to fill up the vacancy created by Mr. Brown's resignation with an Upper Canada Reformer, thereby preserving the balance of parties as established in 1864. Mr. Howland was one of the three delegates representing Upper Canada at the London Conference at which the Union Act was framed; and for his services there, as well as generally for the prominent part he had taken in promoting Confederation, he was one of the two Upper Canada Ministers decorated with the Order of the Companionship of the Bath, on the 1st of July, 1867.

There was another conference which Mr. Howland attended in 1867, and one of much political significance--the great Reform Convention held at Toronto in June, for the purpose of reuniting the Reform Party and abolishing the alliance with the Conservatives. Messrs. Howland and McDougall were both present, and vigorously contended against the restoration of party lines on the old basis; and their course there and subsequently at political gatherings throughout the country no doubt did much towards determining the result of the general election held during the summer of that year.

The work of confederating the British American Provinces was one of compromise among the statesmen, the political parties and the people concerned. Nobody, perhaps, got exactly what he wanted; no Province secured the full realization of its own views; no political party was able to put its hand upon the scheme, as first framed at Quebec in 1864, or as subsequently re-modelled in London in 1866-67, and say, "this is exactly what we wanted." Concessions were made to Conservative opinion and to Reform opinion; to Protestant feeling and to Catholic feeling; to the necessities of the several Provinces according to geographical or other reasons; and in a great degree to the divergent views on constitutional government held by the representative men who took part in the negotiations. When, therefore, Mr. Howland, who had been a leading spirit at the inception of the scheme, claimed that those who had so far matured it as to fit it for the consideration and judgment of the Canadian Legislature had deserved well of their country for the political and personal sacrifices they had made in the cause of general harmony, he claimed no more than was due to him and his colleagues, and no more than was, at the time, freely accorded by their supporters.