vi. Baker also has a brief account, citing, as a witness of the doings

of Douglas in Spain, Thomas Livingstone, a Carmelite friar, at that time a civilian serving under his command in the Christian army (p. 104).

177 _my trespass._ This sounds like a clerical interpretation; _cf._ _Bk._ II. 43-5 for a similar comment. In _Le Bel_ Bruce opens with the remark that all knew that he had much to do in his time, and had suffered much to maintain the rights of this kingdom (as cited).

178 _my hert fyschit firmly was._ “I made a vow which I have not accomplished and which weighs upon me” (_Le Bel_). “I vowed,” etc. (_Baker_, p. 105).

181 _to travell apon Goddis fayis._ “To make war upon the enemies of our Lord and the adversaries of the Christian faith beyond the sea” (_Le Bel_). Froissart does not have the closing phrase. “That I would fight with my body against the enemies of Christ” (_Baker_, p. 105).

183-5 _the body may on na wis, etc._ “Since my body is not able to go or accomplish that which the heart has so long desired, I wish to send the heart for the body to make satisfaction for me and my wish” (_pour moy et pour mon vueil acquittier._ _Le Bel_, 1904, I., chap. xv.); “to fulfil my vow” (_pour mon voeu achever._ _Froissart_); “Because alive I shall not be able”--_i.e._, to go (_Baker_, 105).

188 _cheis me ane._ Le Bel and Baker represent Bruce as himself choosing Douglas for the mission; so, too, does Bower (_Scotichr._, ii., p. 300).

191-2 _On Goddis fayis, etc._ _Cf._ above on line 181. Le Bel gives the commission differently and in fuller detail: “That you take my heart and have it embalmed, and take as much of my treasure as will seem good to you for performing the journey, for yourself and all those whom you will wish to bring with you; and that you will carry my heart to the Holy Sepulchre, where our Lord was buried, since the body is not able to go thither; and that you do it as magnificently (_si grandement_) and as well provided with all things and with attendance sufficient, as belongs to your estate; and wherever you come let it be known that you carry as a commission (_comme message_) the heart of the King of Scotland for the reason that his body cannot go thither.” In Johnes it is, from _Froissart_, “you will deposit your charge at the Holy Sepulchre”; in Berners, “present my heart to the H.S.” The Vatican (final) MS. of _Froissart_, however, has “that you carry (the heart) beyond the sea against the heathen (_mescreans_) _and as far as to the Holy Sepulchre and leave it there, if you have the fortune to go so far_” (_si l’aventure poes avoir d’aler si avant_, Lettenhove, I., chap. xxxviii., p. 119). Bain summarizes a Protection “for seven years,” given by Edward III. on September 1, 1329, for James Douglas, “on his way to the Holy Land with the heart of the late Robert K. of Scotland, in aid of the Christians against the Saracens” (No. 991); who also, on the same date, commends Douglas, on this mission, to Alfonso K. of Castile, Leon, etc. (990). In the Pope’s absolution for the ecclesiastical offence of mutilating a dead body, dated at Avignon, August 6, 1331, which, of course, proceeds on a narrative furnished from Scotland, it is explained that King Robert had expressly commanded that “his heart should be carried in battle against the Saracens” (_in bello contra Saracenos portaretur_), and that, in accordance with the wish of the King himself, it was carried by Douglas into Spain in battle against the said Saracens (Theiner, _Vetera Monumenta_, No. 498). Baker has it, “that you carry my heart against the enemies of the name of Christ to Gardiavia on the frontier” (_ad fronterii Gardiaviam_, p. 105). Later chroniclers distort the details somewhat, Bower alleging that the heart was to be buried in Jerusalem, and sending both Alfonso and Douglas to the Holy Land; referring the reader, nevertheless, to “Barbour’s Bruce” (“Barbarii Broisacus,” _Scotichr._, ii., p. 301); while the _Book of Pluscarden_ simply paraphrases Bower, expanding the reference to the Bruce (_legendam dicti excellentissimi principis in nostro vulgari compositam_). _Cf._ also note in Brown’s _Wallace and Bruce_, pp. 136-7, where, however, Mr. Brown’s hand is being forced by his theory. Doubtless Bruce’s words might be alternatively interpreted; but, from what we know of Douglas, we may conclude that he fulfilled his commission to the letter, and that Barbour is, so far, right. The Vatican _Froissart_ shows us how, also, the confusion arose. Scott, in his final note on _The Abbot_, prints a commendation (May 19, 1329) of Melrose Abbey by Bruce to his son David and his successors, in which he says that he has arranged that his heart should be buried there, but makes no mention of a prior destination. Edward I. also had “bequeathed” his heart to the Holy Sepulchre (_Trivet_, p. 413; Wright’s _Political Songs_, p. 247).

197 _greting._ “All those who were there began to weep with much compassion” (_Le Bel_).

212 _his bounty._ “I shall now die in peace, when I know that the most suitable man in my kingdom and the most worthy will perform that which I have not been able to perform” (_Le Bel_).

223-231 “Noble sire, a hundred thousand thanks for the great honour you do me, when you charge and entrust to me so noble and so great a thing and such a treasure; and I shall do very willingly what you command concerning your heart, doubt it not, to the best of my power” (_Le Bel_). In Baker, “I swear by the heart of Jesus Christ that I shall carry your heart as you have asked me and die fighting with the cursed enemies” (_contra prædamnatos hostes moriturum_, p. 105).

253 _he wes ded._ June 7, 1339, aged fifty-four years and eleven months.

276 _all for his persoune._ This, as may be gathered from all that here precedes, was fully the case. Le Bel, in his earliest reference (ch. i.), refers to him as “the noble King Robert the Bruce, who was King of Scots, and had given often so much trouble to the good King Edward, spoken of above” (Edward I.); and later says that from their exploits these two Kings were reputed “the two most worthy in the world” (p. 107). On the English side: “Indeed, I would speak of Lord Robert the Bruce with the greatest praise, did not the guilt of his homicide and the knowledge of his treason compel me to be silent,” and the writer drops into a couplet to the same effect (_Vita Edw. Sec._, p. 166). Baker is of the same mind; Bruce was “every inch a soldier” (_per omnia militarem_), save that he was disloyal to his natural lord, which no knight should be (p. 101).

286 _bawlmyt syne._ According to Le Bel, the heart was taken out and embalmed (p. 81).

292 _solempnly erdit syne._ “He was buried in the honourable manner that became him, according to the usage of the country” (_Le Bel_, _ibid._). Froissart adds that “he lies in Dunfermline Abbey.” His skeleton was brought to light in digging in the Abbey in 1819, showing the breastbone sawn up to get at the heart. It is that of a man about six feet high. The mass of the wide, capacious head is to the rear, and the forehead is rather low; the marks of the muscles on the head and neck are very pronounced, and the cheekbones particularly strong and prominent. Four front teeth in the upper jaw are missing, three, apparently, as the result of a blow, the socket being much fractured. The lower jaw is exceptionally strong and deep. For full details see _Archæol. Scot._, vol. ii., pp. 435-453. The _fair toume_ was brought from Paris to Bruges, and thence, by England, to Dunfermline; the expense of this conveyance and of many other items in connection with the interment are to be found in the _Exchequer Rolls_, vol. i.

318 _To schip till Berwik._ “En Escoce” (_Le Bel_, i., p. 83); “Montrose,” adds Froissart (_Lettenhove_, I., chap. xxxix.)

324 _the Grunye of Spanyhe._ Bain makes this comment, reading _Grunye_ from E. “The ‘Grunye’ is probably Coruna, called by sailors the ‘Groyne.’ Mr. Skeat’s text makes the word ‘grund,’ taking no notice of the other reading” (iii., p. xxxvii, note). Le Bel takes Douglas first to Sluys in Flanders, making him hear in that port of the operations in Spain (p. 84). In Sluys, he says, he hoped to meet with some going to Jerusalem (p. 83).

326 _Sebell the Graunt._ Seville the Grand, on the Guadalquiver. “First at the port of Valence (Valentia) la Grande” (_Le Bel_, 84). Seville was then the base of operations against the Moors.

336-7 _a fair company, And gold eneuch._ According to Le Bel, Douglas had with him the knight-banneret and six others of the most distinguished men of his country. His plate was of silver (and gold, adds Froissart), and all of his own rank who visited him at Sluys were treated to two kinds of wine and two kinds of spices (ch. xvi.; _Johnes_, i., ch. xx.).

338 _The Kyng._ Alphonso XI. of Castile and Leon, to whom Douglas had been commended by Edward III.; see note on 190. There was another Alphonso, IV. of Arragon, but he gave no assistance on this occasion (_Mariana_, _Bk._ xv., ch. x., p. 255).

361 _The Inglis knychtis._ Prussia and Spain were the favourite resorts of English knights anxious to war against the infidels. Chaucer’s knight had been in both countries on this errand (_Prologue_, 53-56).

393 _Balmeryne._ A Moorish kingdom in Africa; or, more correctly, of the reigning dynasty, the Banu-Marin. In Chaucer’s _Prologue_ it is “Belmarye” (line 57); in _Froissart_ the name appears more correctly as Bellemarie (_Johnes_, ii., p. 484; _Letten._, I., p. 121, chap. xxxix.).

401 _The vaward._ In Le Bel (_Froissart_) Douglas betakes himself to one of the wings “the better to do his business and display his power” (_son effort_, p. 84).

402 _the strangeris with him weir._ So we gather also from Baker, whose informant served under Douglas. _Cf._ note on 167.

403 _mastir of Saint Jak._ The Master, or head, of the Order of St. James.

407 _To mete their fayis._ On March 25, 1330, at _Tebas de Hardales_, a strong town in Granada (_Mariana_, _Bk._ xv., ch. x., p. 255). Fordun, however, dates the battle August 25 (cxliv.).

*421-32 _Bot ere they joyned, etc._ See on these lines _Appendix_ D.

431 _So fer chassit._ The account in _Le Bel_ is to the effect that Douglas attacked prematurely, thinking that Alphonso was about to do so, and that he was being followed up. But Alphonso did not move for the reason, we learn from _Mariana_, that the frontal attack of Moorish cavalry was but a feint, and that the real attack, as the King said, was to be in the rear on the Christian camp (_Le Bel_, p. 84; _Mariana_, as cited). Alphonso was better acquainted than Douglas with the Moorish methods of fighting. Fordun’s narrative is that Douglas and his company were cut off by an ambuscade which, though superior in numbers, they readily attacked (_Gesta Annalia_, cxliv.).

440 _That relyit._ _I.e._, the Moors rallied. It was their usual tactics to attempt to draw after them a body of the enemy in pursuit, and then surround the pursuers.

467 _ilkane war slayn thar._ “Not a single one of them escaped, but they were all slain” (_Le Bel_, p. 84).

521 _the leill Fabricius._ Roman consul, 278 B.C. A traitor offered to poison Pyrrhus, but the Roman refused the proposal, and sent information to Pyrrhus (_Plutarch_).

585 _the kirk of Dowglas._ St. Brides, Douglas.

587 _Schir Archibald his sone._ Skeat, in his note on this passage, is all astray. He says that Douglas was never married, that he left only a natural son William, and that this Archibald was his third or youngest brother. But Sir William Fraser is of opinion that Sir James was married, though Sir Herbert Maxwell doubts, and certainly no record of it survives; but he was succeeded in the estates by William, while his brother Archibald “Tineman” (Loser) was killed at Halidon Hill in 1333. He, however, had another son, certainly illegitimate, the Archibald referred to here, who succeeded in 1388 as third Earl of Douglas, and died, after a varied career, in 1400 (Fraser’s _Douglas Book_, I., 188-9; _Scalacronica_; Maxwell’s _History of the House of Douglas_, i., p. 67 and 114-124; _Acts Parl._, i. 193-4; _Reg. Mag. Sig._, i., p. 177). Archibald was known as “the Grim.” Mr. Brown cites Fraser to the effect that Archibald erected the tomb “probably about the year 1390, after his succession as third Earl of Douglas” (_Douglas Book_, I., p. 181); and adds the proposition that he could not have done so before his succession, because, according to the _Book of Pluscarden_ (1462), his friends “held him in small account because he was a bastard,” and because his succession to the estates was disputed (_Acts Parl. Scot._, i., p. 194; _The Wallace and Bruce_, pp. 154-5). Mr. Brown’s contention, therefore, is that the statement in the text could not have been penned by Barbour in 1375, and that it is not due to him, but to his redactor. The reasoning is not all conclusive; against the plain statement of Barbour there is only an assumption on Fraser’s part, and inferences on the part of Mr. Brown which are not necessarily contained in his premisses. Archibald was, no doubt, only a child when his father was killed; but he became Lord of Galloway in 1369, and Earl of Wigtown in 1372. What was there to prevent his erecting a tomb for his distinguished father, except a delicacy of feeling on the side of the “legitimates,” which is rather modern than late mediæval? Archibald bought his earldom, built and endowed a hospital near Dumfries, erected Thrieve Castle, and had extensive lands in various parts of Scotland, so that he must have been a man of considerable wealth, besides being, as Warden, the most important figure on the Border. Who or what was then to prevent him honouring the congenial memory of his great father before 1375-6?

600 _Melros._ _Cf._ note on 191-2.

604 _And held the pure weill to warrand._ _I.e._, “And carefully guarded or looked after the interests of the poor.”

609 _poysonyt was he._ Moray died at Musselburgh, July 20, 1332. Fordun says nothing of poisoning (_Gesta Annalia_, cxlvi.). But there appears to have been a popular story to this effect, to which, later, was added the detail that his poisoner was an English monk (_Scotichr._, ii., lib. xiii., ch. xix.). Moray died of the stone from which he suffered towards the close of his life; the rest Hailes considered “a silly popular tale” (_Annals_, vol. iii., App. 2).

APPENDICES

APPENDIX A

THE SITE OF THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN

It will be noticed that the conception of this battle, alike as to position and tactics, elaborated in the notes in strict conformity with Barbour, differs entirely from that now universally accepted. The engagements of the first day (Sunday) were the outcome of attempts to clear the two paths of approach to Stirling--that through the New Park, and the other on the level below St. Ninians. Both failed, and the means by which their failure was brought about determined the operations of the following day (Monday). This main engagement, however, it has been hitherto held, took place on the banks of the Burn, below or in the neighbourhood of Brock’s Brae, with the Burn separating the forces. This is pure misconception. There can be no doubt that the battle was fought on a position roughly at right angles to this--on “the playne,” “the hard feld,” or level ground east of St. Ninians, reaching back into the angle formed by the Forth and the Bannock. The main data for such a conclusion are these: (1) The English passed the night on the Carse, having crossed the Bannock; (2) the Scots _attacked_ early next morning, and to do this “tuk the playne,” leaving their camp-followers in the Park, so that they astonished the English by their audacity; (3) in the rout many English were drowned in the Forth and in the Bannock; (4) Edward II., unable to get away, fled to the castle; (5) so did many of his men, as the castle “_wes ner_.” These facts, fully substantiated from both sides, are wholly inconsistent with a site of battle south of St. Ninians, and fix its position between the Forth and the Bannock. Barbour’s “pools” are the “polles” in which, according to Hemingburgh,[57] the English baggage was bogged and captured after the battle of Stirling Bridge. The English and French (and Irish) chroniclers invariably speak of the battle as that of “Stirling,” and Trokelowe calls it the Battle of _Bannockmoor_. For a full discussion of the matter, see my paper on “The Real Bannockburn” in _Proceedings of the Glasgow Archæological Society_, 1908-1909.

[57] Vol. ii., p. 140.

APPENDIX B

BRUCE’S SPEECH AT BANNOCKBURN