BOOK XII.

22 _quyrbolle._ _Cuir-bouilli_, or “boiled leather,” was not really boiled, as in that case it would become horny and brittle and so quite unsuitable for the purposes to which it was put--the strengthening of armour in the transition period of the fourteenth century prior to the full use of plate, and the making of sheaths, bottles, caskets, etc. The leather was steeped in a warm mixture of wax and oil, which made it pliable and fit to receive the designs cut or embossed on it. It was then slowly dried. Helmet crests or other fittings were also made of it, as here.

29 _the Boune._ Henricus de Boun in _Vita Edw. Sec._ (see below). The name is variously spelled--_Bowme_ (C), _Bohun_, etc. He was the nephew of Hereford. Barbour says “cosyne” in 31, but this, formerly, very frequently denoted a nephew or niece (N.E.D.).

33 _merk-schot._ Jamieson’s _Dictionary_ gives as explanation: “Seems the distance between the _bow markis_ which were shot at in the exercise of archery.” In the _New English Dictionary_: “The distance between the butts in archery” (citing this passage). E and H read _bow-schote_ = 150 to 200 yards.

36 _his men._ That is, the men of his own battle at the “entry,” not the whole army drawn up in line, as is generally assumed. _Cf._ _Bk._ XI. 440-53, and note.

42 _his hors he steris._ _Cf._ with the account, professing to be based on Barbour, in Scott’s _Lord of the Isles_, canto vi., XV.: “The Bruce stood fast,” etc.

49 _in-till a lyng._ “They quickly took their positions so as to come at each other in a line.”

58 _And he doune till the erd can ga._ _I.e._, De Boun; but Sir Herbert Maxwell says Bruce! (_Robert the Bruce_, p. 205). With this Scottish version of the event _cf._ the following English one (_c._ 1326): “When the English had now passed the wood”--_i.e._, the Torwood--“and were approaching Stirling, behold! the Scots were moving about, as if in flight, on the edge of the grove” (_sub memore_, _i.e._, the wood of the New Park), “whom a certain knight, Henry de Boun, with the Welshmen, pursued up to the entry” (_introitum_, Barbour’s “entre”) “of the grove. For he had it in his mind that, if he should find Robert Bruce there, he would either slay him or bring him back his captive. But when he had come hither, Robert himself issued suddenly from the cover of the wood” (_a latebris silvæ_); “and the aforesaid Henry, seeing that he could not resist the crowd of Scots, and wishing to retire to his friends, turned his horse; but Robert withstood him, and with the axe which he carried in his hand, smashed in his skull. His squire, while endeavouring to shield and avenge his lord, is overcome by the Scots” (_Vita Edw. Sec._, p. 202). Gray says the advanced guard under the Earl of Gloucester entered the road within the Park and were repulsed (_tost furvont recoillez._ _Scala._, p. 141) by the Scots; and that, as was reported, Robert Bruce here slew a knight, Peris de Mountforth, with an axe. A John de Mountfort was slain at Bannockburn, and in the list cited his name immediately precedes that of Henry de Boun (_Annales Londonienses_, p. 231, in _Chronicles of Edward I. and Edward II._, vol. i.). Buchanan places this incident at the beginning of the main battle on Monday as something scarcely worth mentioning (_parum quidem dictu_) (_Rer. Scot. Hist._, ed. 1762, chap. xxxix.). Barbour, of course, concentrates on Bruce’s performance, but the _Vita Edwardi_ incidentally corroborates Gray in remarking that in this day’s fighting Gloucester was unhorsed (p. 202), which could have happened only in the Park affair.

67 _thai com on._ As we see, the De Boun affair was part of a serious skirmish, an attempt to force the road to Stirling through the Park, in which the English van was repulsed. See above on 58, and hereafter on 176. This important fact is usually overlooked, as in Hume Brown’s _History_, i., p. 158.

140 _The layff went._ Some, says Gray, fled to the Castle of Stirling (_au chastel_), the others to the King’s host (_Scala._, p. 141).

144-6 “Quickly took off their helmets to get air, for they were hot, and covered with perspiration.”

176 _twis._ _I.e._, repulsed in the De Boun skirmish, and in that of Randolph and Clifford. These successes were clearly of the greatest importance, in so far as they put heart into the Scots, and prevented their being overawed, as they might well have been, by the greatness and terrifying appearance of the English host. The author of the _Gesta Edw. de Carnarvon_ thus notes that at Bannockburn “they fought on both days” (_utrisque diebus pugnaverunt_), and the Scots “prevailed” (_Chron. Edw. I. and Edw. II._, ii. 46).

194 _gif yhe think_, etc. Bruce here offers his men alternative courses, either to stay and fight or to retreat. Gray tells us that the Scots were on the point of retiring to a stronger position in the Lennox, when Sir Alexander Seton, secretly deserting the English side--no doubt because he saw that the chances of success were now with the Scots--came to Bruce and told him of the shaken condition of the English army, pledging his head that if Bruce attacked next day, he would win easily, and with little loss (_Scala._, p. 141). Bruce did attack. Seton was an English partisan in February, 1312 (_Bain_, iii., No. 245). Later he appears on the Scottish side (_ibid._, 767, etc.).

210 _Lordyngis_, etc. For Bruce’s speech, see _Appendix_ B.

255-6 The various readings here show that to the scribes the sense was somewhat obscure. Bruce says that, should the English find them weak, and defeat them, they would have no mercy upon them. Skeat, by reading _To_ in 255, and putting a period after _oppynly_, misses the point. _That happyn_ and _that wyn_ are hypothetical subjunctives. E and H have altered 256.

290 _my brothir Neill._ Nigel Bruce. See IV. 61, 176.

302 _enveronyt._ “The strength of this place shall prevent us being surrounded”--always Bruce’s special fear, his men being few in comparison with the enemy. See note on _Bk._ XIII. 275.

357 _The Inglis men sic abaysing, Tuk._ Similarly Gray writes that the English had “sadly lost countenance and were in very _low spirits_” (_etoint de trop mal covyne_) from what had taken place (_Scala._, p. 142). “And from that hour,” says the _Lanercost Chronicle_, “fear spread among the English and greater boldness among the Scots” (p. 225). The rhetorical John de Trokelowe, however, declares that the English were “exasperated” (_exacerbati_), and firmly determined to be revenged or vanquished on the morrow (_Chronica et Annales_, p. 83). The last statement, though it would seem to be only a presumption on the chronicler’s part, may apply to the lords, who, Barbour says, urged on their men to “tak a-mendis.” Barbour, Gray, and the _Lanercost_ writer speak for the general mass, and their agreement establishes the fact.

390 _bot he war socht._ The English certainly feared a night attack. According to Gray, they passed the night under arms, with their horses bitted (p. 142). In the _Vita Edwardi_ also we read that there was no rest for them, and that they spent a sleepless night. “For they thought the Scots would rather attack by night than await battle in the daytime” (pp. 202-3).

392 _Doune in the Kers._ The Carse is the low-lying ground along Forth side, on which were the “pools” (see note on _Bk._ XI. 300), and which was thus in a generally marshy condition. The ancient limits of the Carse proper seem to be indicated in the O.S. map by the names Kerse Patrick, Kerse Mill, and Springkerse, all on the 40-feet level. Eastwards the land sinks towards the Forth; westwards it rises slightly to the 50-feet level at the foot of the ridge on which stands St. Ninian’s. This middle division is called “the dryfield lands” in the _Old Stat. Act_, xviii., p. 388. Friar Baston also has the name: “The dry land (_arrida terra_) of Stirling” (see note on XI. 360). The English had to keep to the marshy land of the east in order to be clear of the Scottish leaguer in the Park. They thus crossed the Bannock (see below), and kept the “dryfield land” between them and the Scots. Having crossed, they could advance to the “hard feld” (Barbour) from their front. It is of the first importance to understand that the English did camp here, for, if so, the battle was fought on the strip of level, firm ground separating the armies. Gray corroborates Barbour: “The host of the King ... had arrived on a plain towards the water of Forth, _beyond Bannockburn_--a bad, deep morass with pools” (_ruscelle_, _Scala._, p. 142.). Mr. Lang, seeing the difficulty of reconciling this statement with the site of battle as fixed by him and the other historians, says that Gray, in “_beyond Bannockburn_” (_outre Bannockburn_), must mean “_south_ of Bannockburn, taking the point of view of his father, at that hour a captive in Bruce’s camp” (_History_, i., p. 221). But Gray’s hour of writing was forty years later; and Barbour, who says the same thing, cannot be explained away by supposititious hallucination.

407 _quhen it wes day._ “About the third hour of the day” (_Trokelowe_, p. 84). On June 24 the sun rises about 4 a.m.

413 _Thai maid knychtis._ A usual ceremony before an important battle. Those receiving the honour for distinguished conduct in the field were known as “knights-banneret.” Previously they had been only “bachelors,” for which see Glossary.

421 _tuk the playne._ Note the reiteration of this expression, and _cf._ what is said on _Bk._ XI. 544, and above on 392; also _Vita Ed._, p. 203: “When he (Bruce) learned that the English battles had occupied the plain (_campus_), he led out his whole army from the grove” (_de nemore_).

426 _richt as angelis schane brichtly._ Probably in reference to the white “surcoats” worn by the knights over their armour (_cf._ _Bk._ VIII. 232-35). Baston writes: “The English folk, like Heaven’s folk, in splendour shine” (_Anglicolæ, quasi cœlicolæ, splendore nitescunt_, _Scotich._ ed. Goodall, ii., lib. xii., chap. xxii.).

429 _a schiltrum._ A close-packed body of men of any order or size (see Glossary). _Cf._ _Morte Arthure_, line 2, 922: “Owte of the _scheltrone_ they schede (separated themselves), as schepe of a folde”; also several other uses in the same poem. Hemingburgh says that Wallace’s “schiltrouns” at Falkirk were round (_qui quidem circuli vocabantur “schiltrouns,”_ ii., p. 180). Skeat questions this, for philological reasons! (see note here).

448 _apon fut._ _I.e._, the Scots left the cover of the wood, and advanced to meet the English chivalry on foot, contrary to all contemporary rules of the art of war. _Cf._ what is said on _Bk._ XI. 296. “None of them (the Scots) mounted a horse, but every man of them was protected by light armour such as a sword could not easily penetrate.... They marched close-packed like a thick hedge, and such a body could not be easily broken into” (_Vita Edw. Sec._, p. 203). Also of the Scots: “On their side all were on foot: moreover, chosen men of the highest courage, suitably equipped with very sharp axes and other weapons of war, packing their shields close together in front of them, made the column (_cuneum_) impenetrable” (_Trokelowe_, p. 84). The formation, in fact, was that of the famous “shield-wall” of Hastings and other early English battles.

477 _Knelyt all doune._ So, too, in _Chron. de Lanercost_: “But when the two armies had come very close all the Scots fell on their knees to say a _Paternoster_, and committed themselves to God, and asked help from heaven; when they had done this they advanced boldly against the English” (p. 225). This ceremony was directed by Maurice, Abbot of Inchaffray, afterwards Bishop of Dunkeld (Bower, _Scotich._, lib. xii., ch. xxi.).

488 _dout of ded._ “Fear of death.”

498 _Schir Edward._ The author of _Vita Edw._ says it was commanded by James Douglas, but in this he is wrong (p. 203).

504 _frusching of speris, etc._ The _Lanercost_ writer, who derived his information, as he himself says, from a trustworthy eyewitness, has a very similar description. The English chargers, he writes, galloped against the Scottish spears as against a thick wood, “whereupon arose an exceeding great and terrible noise from breaking spears and steeds mortally wounded” (p. 225). The Scots, of course, would “stick” the horses, so as to unseat the heavily armoured riders--a serious accident for them (see note on _Bk._ XI. 598).

519 _With speris ... and axis._ Of the Scots it is said in _Vita Edw._: “They had an axe by the side, and carried spears (_lanceas_) in their hands” (p. 203). For the “weill grundyn” axes, _cf._ _Trokelowe_ above, line 448.

535 _He held his way._ The Scots appear to have attacked with successive battles, each coming up later than, and to the left of, its predecessor--in echelon by the right. So we may infer from Barbour, as well as from the rather obscure description in the _Lanercost_ chronicle: “But they so ordered their army, that two divisions (_duæ acies_) of it should precede the third, the first on the flank of the second, so that neither should go in front of the other (_una ex latere alterius, ita quod neutra aliam præcederet_), to be followed by the third, in which was Robert” (p. 225). Gray simply says that the advance guard of the Scots came on in line of schiltrons and engaged the English (_Scala._, p. 142). Baker alone states that the Scots stood drawn up in solid array behind an artificial “hurdle” covered ditch, and waited the English attack (_Chron._, p. 56).

537 _The nyne battales._ Probably, as Mr. Oman suggests (_Art of War_, p. 574), in the way the French were at Creçy, in three lines of three battles each, the advance guard under Gloucester and Hereford thus forming a separate body (_cf._ lines 435-7). Mr. Oman gives the tenth, however, to “a reserve under the King” (_ibid._). Baker, whose account is the latest and is really a summary essay on tactics, divides the English army into three “wards” (_custodias_): first, the heavy horsemen, which he tumbles into the “fragile” ditch (see above on 536, and note on _Bk._ XI. 360); next, the foot with the archers reserved to deal with the enemy in flight (see on _Bk._ XIII. 51); and, third, the King himself, with the bishops and other “religious” men (_Chronic._, 56-7).