BOOK II.

17 _Thai raid._ The account in Fordun is that one night, “when the wine was giving its colour in the cup” (_cum merum splenderet in calice_), Edward, on his way to bed, explained that on the morrow Bruce would lose his life. Thereupon the hint of his danger was conveyed to Bruce by the Earl of Gloucester (_i.e._, Randolph or Ralph de Monthermer), in the form of twelve silver pennies and a pair of spurs (_Gesta Annalia_, cxiv.). Gloucester was presently in the field against Bruce. Edward declared that up to the time of the rupture, Bruce had enjoyed his “full confidence” (_Fœdera_, ii., p. 988).

17 _on the fyften day._ Bower says the seventh day (_Scotich_, Lib. xii., Cap. vii.). But the news of Comyn’s murder on February 10 seems to have reached Edward (at Winchester) not long before the 23rd, probably only a day or so (_Bain_, ii., No. 1746), and this would be carried quickly.

18 _Louchmaban._ Bruce’s castle in Annandale.

32 _Schyr Jhone the Cumyn._ According to both Gray and Hemingburgh, Bruce first sent his two brothers, Thomas and Neil, to ask Comyn to meet him at Dumfries; Gray says that they might kill him on the way, which, to Bruce’s disquiet, they failed to do; Hemingburgh that he might discuss with Bruce certain matters affecting them both (_Scala._, p. 129; _Chronicon_, ii., p. 245). Sir John Comyn “the Red” was Balliol’s nephew, the son of his third sister (_Scala._, p. 121), and his wife was a sister of Aymer de Valence. He came to Dumfries from Dalswintion, not far away.

33 _In the Freris, at the hye awter._ Edward informed the Pope that Comyn was murdered “in the church of the Friars Minor (Franciscans) of Dumfries, near the high altar” (_Palgrave_, i., pp. 335, 346). The “high altar” is part of the setting in all the accounts. The date is February 10, 1306.

34 _with lauchand cher._ Hemingburgh says they embraced in the cloister (_mutuo se receperunt in osculum_, p. 245).

35 _The endentur._ According to Fordun, Bruce, on his way home, had met a messenger of Comyn carrying to Edward letters advising the imprisonment or death of Bruce. He had killed the messenger and taken the letters, and it was with these he now confronted Comyn (_Gesta Annal._, cxv.). Gray relates that Bruce now made Comyn the proposal described in note on _Bk._ I. 485, which Comyn refused to entertain, whereupon Bruce said: “I had other hopes of you from the promises of both you and your friends; _you have betrayed me to the King by your letters_, and, since you cannot live to accomplish my wish, take your reward” (_pur quoi viaunt ne pusse eschever moun voloir, tu auras toun guerdon._--_Scala._, p. 130). Hemingburgh’s version is that Bruce accused Comyn of treason, _in that he had denounced him to the King of England_, and lowered his standing to his loss (p. 246). Edward’s account to the Pope is that Comyn would not assent to the treason which Bruce proposed--that is, to renew the war against him, and make himself, by force, King of Scotland (_Palgrave_, 335).

36 _hym reft the lyff._ The other accounts are more detailed, and agree in stating that Bruce merely wounded Comyn, and that his followers completed the work: “In the middle of the church, before the altar,” says Gray; “on the steps of the high altar, which was stained with his blood,” according to Hemingburgh (as cited).

37-38 _Schyr Edmund Comyn ... And othir mony._ Barbour is wrong in the name; it was Sir Robert Comyn, John’s uncle (_Fordun_, _Lanercost_, _Gray_, _Hemingburgh_, _Palgrave_, as cited). Sir Edmund fell at Bannockburn (_Annal. London_, p. 251). No other fatalities are mentioned. Hemingburgh adds that Bruce took the Castle and forced the English justices, then holding court, to surrender, but allowed them to depart in safety (p. 246).

40 _that debat fell othir wayis._ “That the quarrel came about otherwise.” Barbour was familiar with, at least, another version. _Cf._ previous notes.

67 _drawyn and hangit._ See note on _Bk._ IV. 322.

81 _the byschop of Androws towne._ On June 9 Lamberton writes to Aymer de Valence, Edward’s lieutenant in Scotland, that no blame attached to him in the matter of the death of John Comyn and his uncle, or for the beginning of this war (_Palgrave_, p. 322).

86 _Thomas prophecy._ Thomas of “Hersildoune” is Thomas of Ercildoune (now Earlston), or Thomas Rhymer whose alleged prophecies had a great vogue in Scotland for hundreds of years, especially at a national crisis. One such was current with the Jacobites of the Forty-Five. A MS. of the first quarter of the fourteenth century gives a long prediction by Thomas in answer to the question when the Scottish War should end (_Thomas of Ercildoune_, E.E.T.S., pp. xviii, xix). It contains the line, “When Bambourne (? Bannockburn) is donged wyth dede men.” _Cf._ _Bk._ XIII. 336-340.

92 _befor the byschop schar._ See note on _Bk._ I. 356.

96 _the burdys down war laid._ _I.e._, the boards which formed the table were removed from the trestles after dinner.

107 _wald disherys._ Bruce’s lands had been immediately confiscated and distributed to others (_Bain_, ii.; s.v. Earl of Carrick).

112 _the Clyffurd._ See note on _Bk._ I. 282.

118 _Ferrand._ Also the name of the horse of Emynedus, Alexander’s comrade, in the _Alexander_. “Ferrand” means “iron-grey,” as in _Morte Arthure_: “one _ferant_ stedez” (2259, etc.). Like “Blanchard” (white) a common name for a horse.

148 _Aryk stane._ At the head of Annandale.

179 _wes maid king._ On the Feast of the Annunciation, March 25, 1306 (_Lanercost_, 203; _Hemingburgh_, 247; _Scala._, 130).

187 _went out our the land._ Malise, Earl of Strathearn, presented a memorial to the King of England, explaining how Bruce, after his coronation, had summoned him to give homage, how he had refused at first, but was apprehended, and submitted in order to save his life (_Palgrave_, pp. 319-21). According to Hemingburgh, it was after Comyn’s murder that Bruce went round Scotland (_circuivit terram Scociae_), seizing and fortifying castles, etc. (II., p. 246). There was scarcely time at that stage.

200-1 _Schir Amer the Vallang._ Sir Aymer de Valence, Earl of Pembroke, sent to put down Robert Bruce, etc., April 15, 1306 (_Bain_, ii., No. 1762). In Barbour’s spelling the “g” is soft. Valence had taken an active part in the Scots’ war since Falkirk, and figures, as before that date, in the _Wallace_. He was now about twenty-six years of age and practically a professional soldier.

204 _in all hy._ Valence was to enter Scotland at once; the Prince of Wales and then Edward himself were to follow. Edward, however, wished to hear of “some good exploit, if possible, before their arrival” (_Bain_, ii., No. 1773).

205 _And byrn, and slay, and rais dragoun._ Edward, writing to Valence on June 12, is “well pleased to hear he has burned Sir Simon Fraser’s lands in Selkirk Forest.” He is “to do the same to all enemies on his march,” “to burn, destroy, and waste their houses, lands, and goods” (_Bain_, ii., No. 1782). In later letters these commands are repeated for specific instances. On June 28 he is “referring to his orders to put to death all enemies and rebels already or hereafter taken” (No. 1790). The expression “rais dragoun” has been fully explained and illustrated by Mr. Neilson in the _Scottish Antiquary_, vol. xii., No. 48. His summary is as follows: “In the middle of the fourteenth century, and later, there was still prevalent the conception ... that the dragon banner was a token of hostility more deadly than the ordinary conditions of feudal and chivalric warfare countenanced. Its display in every example adduced was against subjects in revolt, however supposititious, as at Crecy, the claim of sovereignty might be” (p. 151). The origin and development of this association is the subject of Mr. Neilson’s article. _Cf._ also in _Morte Arthure_, “For thare es noghte bot dede _thare the dragone es raissede!_” (line 2057).

211 _Philip the Mowbray._ He is among those with Valence given by Gray (_Scala._, p. 130). See on Mowbray, _Bk._ XIII. 363.

212 _Ingram the Umfravill._ He had taken an active part in previous years on the national side. He is among the “Scotsmen and late rebels” who, on October 10, 1305, had their lands in Scotland and England restored on renewing their fealty to Edward (_Bain_, ii., No. 1696).

215 _off Scotland the maist party._ It is not clear what Barbour precisely means. But, according to Gray, Valence had with him several Scottish barons, friends of Comyn, opposed to Bruce (_Scala._, p. 130); and a fortnight before the battle Edward was requesting Valence “to inform the King’s foresters of Selkirk how they have loyally and painfully served the King, and done well” (_Bain_, ii., No. 1782). Fordun says that Valence had in Perth “a great power of both English and Scots” (_Gesta Annalia_, cxix).

235 _Levynax._ _I.e._, Lennox, otherwise _Levenauch_. Malcolm “Comte de Levenaux” is on _Ragman Roll_ (_Bain_, ii., p. 209). He was the fifth in the line of Celtic Earls. _Cf._ on 482.

Atholl is John de Strathbogie, Earl of Atholl. He was among the first to join Bruce, and it was by his advice that the safe-conduct to Strathearn was broken and the Earl confined in Inchmacolm (see on 187). He was captured after Methven, and, as he was of royal blood, was spared torture, but was hanged “higher than the rest” (_Hemingburgh_, ii., p. 250): on a gallows thirty feet higher (_Scala._, p. 131). He was alleged to be the son of Edward’s aunt, but see _Genealogist_, N.S. xxii., p. 105.

236 _Edward the Bruce._ Robert’s brother.

237 _Thomas Randell._ Thomas Randolph, the King’s nephew, afterwards Earl of Moray. For his change of side, see on 463. _Hew de le Hay_ is on Ragman Roll, apparently of Fife (_Bain_, ii., p. 204); brother of Gilbert de la Hay, afterwards Constable of Scotland and ancestor of the Earls of Errol.

238 _David the Berclay._ David de Berkele on Ragman Roll (_Bain_, ii., 209); of Cairns, in Fife (_Hailes_, ii., p. 2. Ed. 1797). _Cf._ on _Bk._ XIX. 19.

239 _Fresale, Somerveile, and Inchmertyn._ _Fresale_ is “Alexander Fraser” (see line 407). Jamieson identifies him as “the brother of Simon Fraser, of Oliver Castle, in Tweeddale,” which is Hailes’s statement (_Annals_, vol. ii., p. 2), and Skeat follows, whence arises a serious confusion in _Bk._ VIII. 397. Sir Simon Fraser, “filius,” of Oliver, to distinguish him from his father (“pater”), and grandfather of the same name, the hero of the English defeat at Roslin in 1302, was captured and executed as a traitor in 1306. His brother was Thomas Fraser, and neither seems to have left any descendants (Lord Saltoun’s _Frasers of Philorth_, ii., p. 94). This Alexander Fraser was of the same stock, but was the elder son of Sir Andrew Fraser of Touch-Fraser, Stirlingshire, Sheriff of Stirling in 1293, and was afterwards Bruce’s Chamberlain of Scotland (_ibid._, p. 125). He was not “Sir” Alexander till after 1312 (_ibid._, i., pp. 49, 54). Bruce granted him “Tulch-fraser” afresh (_Reg. Mag. Sig._, p. 17, 86). He had a brother Simon, but a different Simon from the one Jamieson refers to (see note on _Bk._ VIII. 397). “Fresale,” Jamieson adds, “is still the vulgar pronunciation of the name in Lothian.” _John de Somerville_ was second son of Sir Walter de Somerville of Linton and Carnwath (_Memorie of the Somervills_, i., 83, 86). _Inchmertyn_ is David de Inchmartyn, who was, according to Hailes, the ancestor of the Earls of Findlater and Airlie, and of Lord Banff (_Annals_, vol. ii., p. 3, note. Ed. 1797). _John de Somerville_ and _David de Inchmartyn_ are among the fifteen Scots captured at Methven and sentenced to death at Carlisle on August 4, without being allowed to plead, under the charge of “feloniously and wickedly slaying some of the King’s liegemen” at that battle. They were all hanged (_Bain_, ii., No. 1811).

*243 _Cristall of Setoun._ See line 418 and note on _Bk._ IV. 16. He was married to Cristina Bruce, Robert’s sister (_Bain_, ii., No. 1910): twenty-eight years of age.

*244 _Robert Boyd._ Ancestor of the Viscounts of Kilmarnock (Robertson’s _Index of Charters_, p. 6, No. 46). He was captured at Kildrummy (_Bain_, ii., No. 1829), but must either have escaped or been released, as he appears again. See _Bk._ IV. 342; VIII. 415.

247 _Sanct Johnstoun._ Perth. The church was dedicated to St. John.

248 _bad Schyr Amery isch to fycht._ Hemingburgh writes that Bruce sent a message that the English should either come out to fight or surrender (ii., p. 248); Gray that Bruce offered battle to the Earl (of Pembroke), and remained before the town from the early morning till after noon (_Scalacronica_, p. 130). Noon would be dinner-time. Trivet briefly says that Bruce “invited” Valence to come out and fight (_Annals_, p. 409); similarly Rishanger (_Chronica_, p. 230).

252 _Schir Ingram._ According to Gray, Pembroke acted on the advice of his Scottish lords, and lay low (_se teint tot coy_, p. 130).

279 _bot gyf thai faile._ “If they do not fail on their part.”

301 _on the morn cum._ The English, “seeing they were fewer in number, cautiously replied that they would not come out then, because it was a feast day (Sunday, June 26), but would gladly fight with him on the morrow” (_Hemingburgh_, ii., p. 249. _Cf._ also Trivet’s _Annals_, p. 410; Rishanger, _Chronica_, p. 230).

305 _went to the forray._ The English had calculated that the Scots would be occupied in preparing food (_Hemingburgh_).

310 _Ischyt in-forcely._ At vespers (_Hemingburgh_: _Trivet_).

313 _wes unarmyt then._ Had put off his armour. Hemingburgh says they found the Scots carelessly resting (_recumbentes secure_: as cited); Trivet that they came on the Scots suddenly, and slew many unarmed (p. 410). Bruce and some others speedily armed themselves and resisted (_ibid._).

319 _on thair hors lap._ According to Hemingburgh, the English attacked before all the Scots could mount. Gray says they formed up hastily, and all on horseback attacked the English (_Scala._, p. 131).

330 _For multitud mais na victory._ “For the victory of battle standeth not in the multitude of an host” (I. _Maccabees_, Chap. iii., 19).

340-1 _Cf._ in _Alexander_:

“Quha for his Lord dois he sall be Harbreid with Angellis gle” (p. 21).

365 _all the renk._ Skeat has a note on this word explaining renk as “a rank of fighting men,” and citing “the plur. form renges” in Chaucer’s _Knight’s Tale_ (Globe, _Chaucer_, A 2594). But while there is a form _renk_ = rank, that is not the word or the sense here. The proper explanation comes from the _Alexander_, in such examples as:

“Ane _renk_ about him hes he made, Quhair evir he straik nane him abade” (p. 145, 8-9).

and

“Ane _renk_ about him hes he maid, He sparit nane that him abaid” (p. 231, 20-21);

while we have a similar use in the _Morte Arthure_:

“Ryde thrughte all the rowtte, rerewarde and other, Redy wayes to make, and _rennkes full rowme_.”

Another passage from the _Alexander_ gives us the sense in the setting and phraseology of the passage on hand:

“The woundit gave cryis and granes, Trumpettis and hornes blew atanes, _It seemit all the countre quok_” (p. 412, 29-31).

_Renk_, then, has nothing to do with “rank,” but signifies “an open or clear space”; here “all the place about them quaked.” It is, in fact, our modern “rink,” and appears to be a form of “ring,” as in “prize-ring” (Skeat’s _Etymol. Dict._). It has nothing to do with “range” in the sense of “rove,” as Mr. Amours thinks (_Alliterative Poems_, S.T.S.). H actually reads _rinke_.

415 _hynt hys rengyhe._ The account in Gray is that Bruce’s rein was seized by John de Haliburton, who let him go immediately when he saw who he was. The difficulty about recognition was due to the fact that Bruce showed no coat of arms, having on a white tunic (_un chemys blank._--_Scalacronica_, p. 131). Hemingburgh says that all the mounted Scots, in their approach to Perth, had these white overalls (_super omnia arma vestem lineam_), so that they could not be identified (ii., p. 248).

438 _corn-but._ This reading for the obscure _torn-but_ of E (_t_ and _c_ are often indistinguishable in MS.) and _combat_ of H is due to Mr. George Neilson, basing on a passage in the _Morte Arthure_ (_Scottish Antiquary_, July, 1902, p. 51). The “heathen king” is down with a mortal wound from Sir Cador, who exclaims:

“Thow has _corne botte_, sir kynge, there God gyfe the sorowe, Thow killyde my cosyn, my kare is the less” (1837-8).

Though the general meaning of “revenge,” “tit-for-tat,” is clear, no satisfactory analysis of the phrase has been offered. Skeat and Gollancz think that the first part of the term is French--_corne_, a horn “as the symbol of pride”--and that the compound signifies “a requital for pride, a taking down.” The passages will scarcely bear this. Moreover, _bōt_ is admittedly old English--“remedy, atonement”--and one shies at a solitary compound in such a case. _Mann-bōt_ was a fine paid to the lord of a murdered man; _brycgbot_ was a levy for the repair of bridges; _corn-gesc(e)ot_ was a contribution of corn. _Corn-bot_ may thus have been a fine for the destruction of corn, and have taken on a general sense of requital or revenge. It does not seem to require the force of a specially intense revenge (_auserlessene busse._ Holshausen), but appears to have been a slang term, whence its rare occurrence in literature. It is not given in the _New English Dic._ (See further _Scottish Antiquary_. June, 1903, pp. 121-123; _Notes and Queries_, 9 Series, x. 61, 115, 253).

463 _Thomas Randell._ He was given in ward to Sir Adam de Gordon to be kept till the King’s arrival in Inverkip Castle (_Bain_, ii., No. 1807). Gray says he was released at the instance of Gordon, when he remained English till his recapture (_Scala._, p. 131).

467 _sum thai hangyt._ See on 235, 239.

471 _will of wane._ “Astray in thought (weening); distracted, at a loss. _Will_ = modern English _wild_, astray, bewildered (Icel. _villr_). _Cf._ in the _Gest. Hystoriale_: “All wery I wex and _wyll of my gate_” = out of my way (line 2369).

479 _the Boroundoun._ This name has puzzled editors and given rise to a good deal of conjecture. But a Sir Walter de Borondone was constable of Carstairs Castle in 1305-1306 (_Bain_, ii., No. 1880), and he is the same person as Sir Walter de Bourghdon, constable there in 1301-1302 (_ibid._, No. 1290), of Roxburghshire (_ibid._, p. 199). He was an English officer.

482 _The Erle of the Levenax wes away._ Fordun, however, says that Lennox and De la Hay alone followed Bruce, and became “his inseparable companions (_comites individui_) in every tribulation” (_Gesta Annal._, cxxi.). _Cf._ _Bk._ III. 591.

491 _Schir Nele Cambell._ Ancestor of the Campbells of Lochow, or Loch Awe, and so of the Argyll family. He married Mary Bruce, the King’s sister, but not, it would seem, before 1312 (_Scots Peerage_, i., p. 323; but see on xvi. 119). The grant of “Lauchaw” was to their son Colin (Robertson’s _Index_, pp. 16, 18).

494 _the Month._ “The mountain which is called the Mound, which stretches from the western to the eastern sea” (_De Situ Albaniae_, MS. Paris; cited in _Historians of Scotland, Innes’ Essay_, p. 412). The modern Grampians.

513 _Nele the Bruys ... and the Queyn._ _Neil_ or Nigel (Nigellus) Bruce was the King’s brother. His Queen was Bruce’s second wife, a daughter of Richard de Burgh Earl of Ulster.

514 _othir ladyis._ Fordun says all the ladies went with their husbands and the King, hiding in the woods, etc. (_Gesta Annal._, cxix.).

529 _King Adrastus._ One of “the Seven against Thebes,” and the only one who returned home in safety. Barbour follows neither the Greek sources nor the Thebaid of Statius, but one of the many French romances on the subject. See _Appendix_ F.

534 _Campaneus._ Properly _Capaneus_, who was struck with lightning by Zeus, whom he had defied, while attempting to scale the walls of Thebes.

542 _the tour._ See note on _Bk._ XVII. 224.