Chapter 3

The word Maya frequently found in the names of places in Cuba and Haiti, as Mayaba, Mayanabo, Mayajigua, Cajimaya, Jaimayabon, is doubtless the Ar. negative _ma_, _mân_, _mara_. Some writers have thought it indicative of the extension of the Maya language of Yucatan over the Antilles. Prichard, Squier, Waitz, Brasseur de Bourbourg, Bastian and other ethnologists have felt no hesitation in assigning a large portion of Cuba and Haiti to the Mayas. It is true the first explorers heard in Cuba and Jamaica, vague rumors of the Yucatecan peninsula, and found wax and other products brought from there.[30] This shows that there was some communication between the two races, but all authorities agree that there was but one language over the whole of Cuba. The expressions which would lead to a different opinion are found in Peter Martyr. He relates that in one place on the southern shore of Cuba, the interpreter whom Columbus had with him, a native of San Salvador, was at fault. But the account of the occurrence given by Las Casas, indicates that the native with whom the interpreter tried to converse simply refused to talk at all.[31] Again, in Martyr's account of Grijalva's voyage to Yucatan in 1517, he relates that this captain took with him a native to serve as an interpreter; and to explain how this could be, he adds that this interpreter was one of the Cuban natives "quorum idioma, si non idem, consanguineum tamen," to that of Yucatan. This is a mere fabrication, as the chaplain of Grijalva on this expedition states explicitly in the narrative of it which he wrote, that the interpreter was a native of Yucatan, who had been captured a year before.[32]

Not only is there a very great dissimilarity in sound, words, and structure, between the Arawack and Maya, but the nations were also far asunder in culture. The Mayas were the most civilized on the continent, while the Arawacks possessed little besides the most primitive arts, and precisely that tribe which lived on the extremity of Cuba nearest Yucatan, the Guanataneyes, were the most barbarous on the island.[33]

The natives of the greater Antilles and Bahamas differed little in culture. They cultivated maize, manioc, yams, potatoes, corn, and cotton. The latter they wove into what scanty apparel they required. Their arms were bows with reed arrows, pointed with fish teeth or stones, stone axes, spears, and a war club armed with sharp stones called a _macana_. They were a simple hearted, peaceful, contented race, "all of one language and all friends," says Columbus; "not given to wandering, naked, and satisfied with little," says Peter Martyr; "a people very poor in all things," says Las Casas.

Yet they had some arts. Statues and masks in wood and stone were found, some of them in the opinion of Bishop Las Casas, "very skilfully carved." They hammered the native gold into ornaments, and their rude sculptures on the face of the rocks are still visible in parts of Cuba and Haiti. Their boats were formed of single trunks of trees often of large size, and they managed them adroitly; their houses were of reeds covered with palm leaves, and usually accommodated a large number of families; and in their holy places, they set up rows of large stones like the ancient cromlechs, one of which is still preserved in Hayti, and is known as _la cercada de los Indios_.

Physically they were undersized, less muscular than the Spaniards, light in color, with thick hair and scanty beards. Their foreheads were naturally low and retreating, and they artificially flattened the skull by pressure on the forehead or the occiput.[34]

Three social grades seem to have prevailed, the common herd, the petty chiefs who ruled villages, and the independent chiefs who governed provinces. Of the latter there were in Cuba twenty-nine; in Haiti five, as near as can be now ascertained.[35] Some of those in Cuba had shortly before the arrival of the Spaniards moved there from Haiti, and at the conquest one of the principal chiefs of Haiti was a native of the Lucayos.[36]

The fate of these Indians is something terrible to contemplate. At the discovery there were probably 150,000 on Cuba, Haiti, and the Bahamas.[37] Those on the latter were carried as slaves to Haiti to work in the mines, and all of the Lucayos exterminated in three or four years (1508-1512).[38] The sufferings of the Haitians have been told in a graphic manner by Las Casas in an oft-quoted work.[39] His statements have frequently been condemned as grossly exaggerated, but the official documents of the early history of Cuba prove but too conclusively that the worthy missionary reports correctly what terrible cruelties the Spaniards committed. Cuba was conquered in 1514, and was then quite densely populated. Fourteen years afterwards we find the Governor, Gonzalo de Guzman, complaining that while troops of hunters were formerly traversing the island constantly, asking no other pay than the right of keeping as slaves the natives whom they captured, he now has to pay patrolmen, as the Indians are so scarce.[40] The next year (1529) the treasurer, Lope de Hurtado, writes that the Indians are in such despair that they are hanging themselves twenty and thirty at a time.[41] In 1530 the king is petitioned to relinquish his royalty on the produce of the mines, because nearly all the Indians on the island are dead.[42] And in 1532 the licentiate, Vadillo, estimates the total number of Indians on the island, including the large percentage brought from the mainland by the slavers, at only 4,500.[43]

As a specimen of what the treatment of the Indians was, we have an accusation in 1522 against Vasco Porcallo, afterwards one of the companions of Hernando de Soto. He captured several Indians, cut off their genitals, and forced them to eat them, cramming them down their throats when they could not swallow. When asked for his defence, Porcallo replied that he did it to prevent his own Indians from committing suicide, as he had already lost two-thirds of his slaves in that way. The defence was apparently deemed valid, for he was released![44]

The myths and traditions of the Haitians have fortunately been preserved, though not in so perfect a form as might be wished. When Bartholomew Columbus left Rome for the Indies, he took with him a lay brother of the order of the Hermits of St. Jerome, Ramon Pane by name, a Catalan by birth, a worthy but credulous and ignorant man.[45] On reaching Haiti brother Pane was first sent among the natives of the small province called Macorix de abajo, which had a language peculiar to itself, but he was subsequently transferred to the province of Guarinoex on the southeastern part of the island where the _lengua universal_ prevailed. He remained there two years, and at the request of Columbus collected and wrote down the legends and beliefs of the natives.

He is not a model authority. In the first place, being a Catalan he did not write Spanish correctly; he was very imperfectly acquainted with the native tongue; he wrote hastily, and had not enough paper to write in full; he is not sure that he commences their legends at the right end. Moreover his manuscript is lost, and the only means we have of knowing anything about it is by a very incorrectly printed Italian version, printed in 1571, and two early synopses, one in Latin in the Decades of Peter Martyr, the other in Italian, by Messer Zuane de Strozi of Ferrara, which has been quite recently published for the first time.[46] By comparing these we can arrive at the meaning of Brother Pane with considerable accuracy.

His work contains fragments of two distinct cycles of legends, the one describing the history of the gods, the other the history of the human race.

Earliest of creatures was the woman, Atabéira or Ataves, who also bore the other names Mamóna, Guacarapíta, Iiélla, and Guimazóa. Her son was the supreme ruler of all things, and chiefest of divinities. His names were Yocaúna, Guamaónocon, and Yocahu-vaguaniao-vocoti. He had a brother called Guaca, and a son Iaiael. The latter rebelled against his father, and was exiled for four mouths and then killed. The legend goes on to relate that his bones were placed in a calabash and hung up in his father's house. Here they changed into fishes, and the calabash filled with water. One day four brothers passed that way, who had all been born at one time, and whose mother, Itaba tahuana, had died in bringing them into the world. Seeing the calabash filled with fish the oldest of the four, Caracaracol, the Scabby, lifted it down, and all commenced to eat. While thus occupied, Yocaúna suddenly made his appearance, which so terrified the brothers that they dropped the gourd and broke it into pieces. From it ran all the waters of the world, and formed the oceans, lakes, and rivers as they now are.

At this time there were men but no women, and the men did not dare to venture into the sunlight. Once, as they were out in the rain, they perceived four creatures, swift as eagles and slippery as eels. The men called to their aid Caracaracol and his brothers, who caught these creatures and transformed them into women. In time, these became the mothers of mankind.

The earliest natives of Haiti came under the leadership of the hero-god, Vaguoniona, a name applied by Las Casas to Yocahu, from an island to the south called in the legend Matininó, which all the authors identify, I know not why, with Martinique. They landed first on the banks of the river Bahoboni in the western part of Haiti, and there erected the first house, called Camotéia. This was ever after preserved and regarded with respectful veneration.

Such, in brief, were their national myths. Conspicuously marked in them we note the sacred number four, the four brothers typifying the cardinal points, whose mother, the Dawn, dies in giving them birth, just as in the Algonkin myths. These brothers aid the men in their struggles for life, and bring to them the four women, the rain-bringing winds. Here, too, the first of existences is the woman, whose son is at once highest of divinities and the guide and instructor of their nation. These peculiarities I have elsewhere shown to be general throughout the religions of America.[47]

The myth of the thunder storm also appears among them in its triplicate nature so common to the American mind. God of the storm was Guabancex, whose statue was made of stones. When angry he sent before him as messenger, Guatauva, to gather the winds, and accompanied by Coatrischie, who collected the rain-clouds in the valleys of the mountains, he swept down upon the plain, surrounded by the awful paraphernalia of the thunder storm.[48]

Let us place side by side with these ancient myths the national legend of the Arawacks.[49] They tell of a supreme spiritual being Yauwahu or Yauhahu. Pain and sickness are the invisible shafts he shoots at men, _yauhahu simaira_ the arrows of Yauhahu, and he it is whom the priests invoke in their incantations. Once upon a time, men lived without any means to propitiate this unseen divinity; they knew not how to ward off his anger or conciliate him. At that time the Arawacks did not live in Guiana, but in an island to the north. One day a man named Arawanili walked by the waters grieving over the ignorance and suffering of his nation. Suddenly the spirit of the waters, the woman Orehu, rose from the waves and addressed him. She taught him the mysteries of _semeci_, the sorcery which pleases and controls Yauhahu, and presented him with the _maraka_, the holy calabash containing white pebbles which they rattle during their exorcisms, and the sound of which summons the beings of the unseen world. Arawanili faithfully instructed his people in all that Orehu had said, and thus rescued them from their wretchedness. When after a life of wisdom and good deeds the hour of his departure came, he "did not die, but went up."

Orehu accompanied the Arawacks when they moved to the main, and still dwells in a treeless, desolate spot, on the banks of the Pomeroon. The negroes of the colony have learned of her, and call her in their broken English, the "watra-mamma," the water-mother.

The proper names which occur in these myths, date back to the earliest existence of the Arawacks as an independent tribe, and are not readily analyzed by the language as it now exists. The Haitian Yocauna seems indeed identical with the modern Yauhahu. Atabes or Atabéira is probably from _itabo_, lake, lagoon, and _era_, water, (the latter only in composition, as _hurruru_, mountain, _era_, water, mountain-water, a spring, a source), and in some of her actions corresponds with Orehu. Caracaracol is translated by Brother Pane, as "the Scabby" or the one having ulcers, and in this respect the myth presents a curious analogy with many others in America. In modern Arawack _karrikala_ is a form, in the third person singular, from _karrin_, to be sick, to be pregnant. Arawanili, which one might be tempted to suppose gave the name Arawack to the tribe, did not all writers derive this differently, may be a form of _awawa_, father. In the old language, the termination _el_, is said to have meant son.

Of the two remaining languages said to have been spoken in the small provinces of Macorix de arriba and Macorix de abajo, in Hayti, we have no certain knowledge.[50] Las Casas gives one word from the former. It is _bazca_, no, not. I cannot identify it. There is reason, however, to suppose one of them was the Tupi or "lengua geral," of Brazil. Pane gives at least two words which are pure Tupi, and not Arawack. They are the names of two hideous idols supposed to be inimical to men. The one was Bugi, in Tupi, _ugly_, the other Aiba, in Tupi, _bad_. It is noteworthy, also, that Pigafetta, who accompanied Magellan on his voyage around the world, gives a number of words, ostensibly in the language of the natives of Rio Janeiro, where the Tupi was spoken, which are identical with those of Haiti, as _cacich_, chief, _boi_, house, _hamac_, bed, _canoe_, boat. But Pigafetta acknowledges that he obtained these words not from the natives themselves, but from the pilot Juan Carvalhos, who had been for years sailing over the West Indian seas, and had no doubt learned these words in the Antilles.[51]

The remaining idiom may be supposed to have been Carib, although we have actually no evidence that the Caribs had gained a permanent foothold on any of the Great Antilles at the period of the discovery, some careless assertions of the old authors to the contrary, notwithstanding.

The investigation which I here close, shows that man in his migrations on the Western Continent followed the lead of organic nature around him. For it is well known that the flora and fauna of the Antilles are South American in character, and also, that the geological structure of the archipelago connects it with the southern mainland. So also its earliest known human inhabitants were descended from an ancestry whose homes were in the far south, and who by slow degrees moved from river to river, island to island, until they came within a few miles of the northern continent.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Since reading this article before the Society, Prof. S. S. Haldeman has shown me a copy of a work with the title: "_Die Geschichte von der Marterwoche, Auferstehung und Himmelfahrt unsers Herrn und Heilandes Jesu Christi. Uebersetzt in die Aruwackische Sprache und erklärend umschrieben. Philadelphia: Gedruckt bey Carl List, 1799_," 8vo. pages 213, then one blank leaf, then 40 pages of "Anmerkungen." There is also a second title, in Arawack, and neither title page is included in the pagination. The Arawack title begins: "_Wadaijahun Wüüssada-goanti, Wappussida-goanti baddia Jesus Christus_," etc. The remarks at the end are chiefly grammatical and critical, and contain many valuable hints to the student of the language. I have no doubt this book is the Life of Christ mentioned in the text. The name of the translator or editor is nowhere mentioned, but I have no doubt Mr. Schultz wrote the "Anmerkungen," and read the proof, as not only are his grammatical signs and orthography adopted throughout, but also we know from other sources that he was in Philadelphia at that time.

[2] Brett, _The Indian Tribes of Guiana_, p. 117 (London, 1868).

[3] _Etudes Philologiques sur quelquee[TN-12] Langues Sauvages de l'Amerique_, p. 87 (Montreal, 1866).

[4] _Beiträge zur Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde Amerika's zumal Brasiliens_, B. I., p. 705 (Leipzig, 1867).

[5] De Laet. _Novus Orbis_, lib. xvii., cap. vi.

[6] Martius, _Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde Amerika's_, B. I., S. 687.

[7] Antonio Julian, _La Perla de la America, la Provincia de Santa Marta_, p. 149.

[8] _Ethnographie, etc._, B. I., S. 714.

[9] _The Myths of the New World; a Treatise on the Symbolism and Mythology of the Red Race of America_, p. 32 (New York, 1868).

[10] _The Discoverie of Guiana_, p[TN-13] 4 (Hackluyt, Soc., London, 1842).

[11] _Relation de l'Origine, etc., des Caraibes_, p. 39 (Paris, 1674).

[12] "Havia mas policia entre ellos [los Lucayos,] i mucha diversidad de Lenguas." _Hist. de las Indias_, cap. 41.

[13] Las Casas, in the _Historia General de las Indias Occid[TN-14]_, lib. III, cap. 27, criticizes him severely.

[14] Columbus says of the Bahamas and Cuba: "toda la lengua es una y todos amigos" (Navarrete, _Viages_, Tomo I, p. 46.) The natives of Guanahani conversed with those of Haiti "porque todos tenian una lengua," (_ibid_, p. 86.) In the Bay of Samana a different dialect but the same language was found (p. 135).

[15] Gomara says the language of Cuba is "algo diversa," from that of Espanola. (_Hist. de las Indias_, cap. 41.) Oviedo says that though the natives of the two islands differ in many words, yet they readily understand each other. (_Hist. de las Indias_, lib. XVII. cap. 4.)

[16] The American Nations, chap. VII, (Philadelphia, 1836.)

[17] _Cuba, die Perle der Antillen_, p. 72. (Leipzig, 1831.) The vocabulary contains 33 words, "_aus dem Cubanischen_." Many are incorrect both in spelling and pronunciation.

[18] When Columbus returned from his first voyage, he brought with him ten natives from the Bay of Samana in Haiti, and a few from Guanahani.

[19] See the remarks of Richardo in the Prologo to his _Diccionario Provincial_.

[20] The remarks of Peter Martyr are; "posse omnium illarum linguam nostris literis Latinis, sine ullo discrimine, scribi compertum est," (_De Rebus Oceanicis et Novo Orbe_, Decades Tres, p. 9.) "Advertendum est, nullam inesse adspirationem vocabulis corum, quae non habeat effectum literae consonantis; immo gravius adspirationem proferunt, quam nos f consonantem. Proferendumque est quicquid est adspiratum eodum halitu quo f, sed minime admoto ad superiores dentes inferiore labello, ore aut aperto ha, he hi, ho, hu, et concusso pectore. Hebraeos et Arabicos eodem modo suas proferre adspirationes vides," (id. pp. 285, 286.)

[21] There was a ball-ground in every village. It was "tres veces mas luenga que ancha, cercada de unos lomillos de un palmo o dos de alto." The ball was "como las de viento nuestras mas no cuanto al salto, que era mayor que seis de las de viento." (Las Casas, _Historia Apologetica_, caps. 46, 204.) Perhaps the ball was of India rubber.

[22] "Gue ou Gui, signal de vocativo, mas so empregado pelos homems." Dias _Diccionario da Lingua Tupy chamada Lingua Geral dos Indigenas do Brazil_, p. 60 (Lipsia, 1858).

[23] _De Rebus Oceanicis_, p. 303.

[24] _Hist. de las Indias_, lib. xvii. cap. 4, Las Casas denies the story, and says Oviedo told it in order to prejudice people against the natives (_Hist. Gen. de las Indias_, lib. iii. cap. xxiv). It is, however, probably true.

[25] _Historia Apologetica_, cap. 198.

[26] He compares the signification of _ita_ in Haytian to _ita_ in Latin, and translates the former _ita_ by _no se_; this is plainly an error of the transcriber for _yo se_ (_Hist. Apologetica_, cap. 241).

[27] _Kuba_ in Arawack is the sign of past time and is used as a prefix to nouns, as well as a suffix to verbs. _Kubakanan_ ancestors, those passed away, those who lived in past times.

[28] "Toda la mas de la gente de que estaba poblaba aquella isla [Cuba] era passada y natural desta ysla Espanola, puesto que la mas antigua y natural de aquella ysla era como la de los Lucayos de quien ablamos en el primero y segundo libro ser como los seres que parecia no haber pecado nuestro padre Adan en ellos, gente simplicissima, bonissima, careciente de todos vicios, y beatissima. Esta era la natural y native de aquella ysla, y llamabanse en su lengua, Ciboneyes, la penultima silaba luenga; y los desta por grado o por fuerza se apodearon de aquella ysla y gente della, y los tenian como sirvientes suyos." (Las Casas _Hist. Gen. de las Indias_, MSS. lib. iii, cap. 21). Elsewhere (cap. 23) he says this occurred "mayormente" after the Spaniards had settled in Haiti.

[29] "Lucayos o por mejor decir Yucayos" says Las Casas, (_Hist. Gen._ lib. ii. cap. 44) and after him Herrera. But the correction which was based apparently on some supposed connection of the word with _yuca_, the Haitian name of an esculent plant, is superfluous, and Las Casas himself never employs it, nor a single other writer.

[30] Las Casas. _Hist. Gen. de las Indias_, lib. iv. cap. 48, MSS. Bees were native to Yucatan long before the discovery, but not to the north temperate zone.

[31] "Varia enim esse idiomata in varils Cubae provinelis perpenderunt." (Pet. Martyr, _De Rebus Oceanicis_, v. 42). Las Casas says that a sailor told Columbus that he saw one Indian cacique in a long white tunic who refused to speak, but stalked silently away. (_Hist. de las Indias_, lib. I. cap. 95). Martyr says there were several. Peschel suggests they were tall white flamingoes, that scared the adventurous tar out of his wits. (_Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, p. 253). At any rate the story gives no foundation at all for Peter Martyr's philogical[TN-15] opinion.

[32] Pet. Martyr, _De Insulis Nuper Inventis_, p. 335. "Traia consigo Grisalva un Indio per lengua de los que de aquella tierra habian llevado consigo a la ysla de Cuba Francisco Hernandez.[TN-16] Las Casas _Hist. Gen. de las Indias_, lib. III, cap. 108, MSS. See also the chaplain's account in Terneaux Compans, _Recueil de Pieces rel. a la Conquête de Mexique_, p. 56.

[33] Bernal Dias says the vicinity of cape San Antonio was inhabited by the "Guanataneys que son unos Indias como salvages." He expressly adds that their clothing differed from that of the Mayas, and that the Cuban natives with him could not understand the Maya language. _Historia Verdadera_, cap. II.

[34] "Presso capite, fronte lata" (Nicolaus Syllacius, _De Insulis nuper Inventis_, p. 86. Reprint, New York, 1859. This is the extremely rare account of Columbus' second voyage). Six not very perfect skulls were obtained in 1860, by Col. F. S. Heneken, from a cavern 15 miles south-west from Porto Plata. They are all more or less distorted in a discoidal manner, one by pressure over the frontal sinus, reducing the calvaria to a disk. (J. Barnard Davis, _Thesaurus Craniorum_, p. 236, London, 1867. Mr. Davis erroneously calls them Carib skulls).

[35] The provinces of Cuba are laid down on the _Mapa de la Isla de Cuba segun la division de los Naturales_, por D. Jose Maria de la Torre y de la Torre, in the _Memorias de la Sociedad Patriotica de la Habana_, 1841. See also Felipe Poey, _Geografia de la Isla de Cuba_, Habana, 1853. _Apendice sobre la Geografia Antigua._ Las Casas gives the five provinces of Hayti by the names of their chiefs, Guarinox, Guacanagari, Behechio, Caonabo and Higuey. For their relative position see the map in Charlevoix's _Histoire de l'Isle San Domingue_, Paris, 1740, and in Baumgarten's _Geschichte von Amerika_, B. II.