CHAPTER VII.

AFRICA (WITH MALTA).

I. SOUTH AFRICA.

A Boer rebellion instigated by Germany is the outstanding fact of the year in the South African Union. It was, however, confined to a section of the rural population, and, thanks to the loyalty and energy of General Botha and his supporters, was suppressed by the end of December. Authority for the statement that the origin of the revolt is to be sought in German intrigue is to be found in the proclamation of martial law throughout the Union, though this was not issued until October 12. The first overt act of treachery was known on the 8th, when Lieutenant-Colonel S. G. Maritz, commanding the force in the North-West of the Cape Province, being suspected by the Government, was relieved of his command and ordered by his successor, Colonel Conraad Britz, to come in and report to him. He replied, according to Lord Buxton's despatch to the Secretary of State, that "all he wanted was his discharge and Colonel Britz must come himself and take over his command." Colonel Britz sent Major Ben Bouwer to take charge. Maritz made him and his companions prisoners, but then sent him back alone with an ultimatum to the effect that unless the Union Government "guaranteed to him that before 11 o'clock on Sunday morning, October 11, they would allow Generals Hertzog, De Wet, Beyers, Kemp, and Muller to meet him where he was, in order that he might receive instructions from them, he would forthwith make an attack on Colonel Britz's forces and proceed further to invade the Union." Major Bouwer reported that Maritz had German guns and a German force with his command, that he held the rank of General commanding the enemy troops, and that he had sent as prisoners into German South-West Africa all of the Union officers and men who had refused to betray their oath. Major Bouwer had also seen an agreement between Maritz and the Governor of German South-West Africa "guaranteeing the independence of the Union as a Republic, ceding Walfisch Bay and certain other portions of the Union to the Germans, and undertaking that the Germans would only invade the Union on the invitation of Maritz." He had also been shown German telegrams and helio messages dating from the beginning of September, and Maritz boasted that he had ample guns, ammunition and money from the Germans and that he would over-run South Africa. On these facts, and presumably on others not disclosed by the Government, the proclamation justified the imposition of martial law under three heads: (1) "a widespread secret propaganda" by Germany "to seduce citizens of the Union and the officers and members of the Defence forces of the Union, from their allegiance and to cause rebellion and civil war"; (2) that Maritz and a portion of his forces "had shamefully and traitorously gone over to the enemy" and with the enemy forces "had invaded the northern portions of Cape Province"; and (3) there was "grave reason to think that the Government of German South-West Africa had, through its numerous spies and agents, communicated with and corrupted also other citizens of the Union under the false and treacherous pretext of favouring the establishment of a Republic in South Africa." Therefore it was "necessary to take effective measures to protect and defend the interests of the Union and its loyal and law-abiding citizens against these insidious and treacherous attacks from within and without and to that end to declare martial law."

That being the evidence of a German plot to seduce the Boers from their allegiance, the optimistic news from South Africa between August 4 and October 12 was discounted by events. Scanty as the news was it gave the impression, at least until mid-September, that though the Hertzogite party in Parliament opposed military attack upon the German territory, Dutch patriotism was sound. The line taken by General Hertzog was that the Union should commit no act of aggression; and there were some supporters of General Botha who had to be won over by their leader to the view that a neutral attitude was impossible. The Government had at once made up their minds to act with the Imperial authorities. In reply to the King's Message to the Dominions they declared that "the Message had been received with great enthusiasm and deep loyalty in all parts of the Union" and that His Majesty's subjects there were "firmly resolved to fulfil their sacred duty of assisting with all resources at their disposal to bring the terrible war which has been forced on His Majesty to a speedy and successful conclusion." But this resolve was not universal in Parliament or in the country. The sacred duty was disputed by the Hertzogites, and General Botha's lead was apparently accepted with reluctance by some of those who were opposed on other grounds to General Hertzog. It seems to have been assumed that as the Germans had not then attacked, non-intervention was the preferable course. This issue was, however, brought to a head on September 12 by a declaration by General Botha in the Senate that South Africa, being part of the Empire, could not remain neutral, and that the Government had therefore decided to accede to the request of the Imperial authorities to occupy for strategic reasons certain parts of German West Africa. "The Government had come to this decision (according to _The Times_ report) because they wished to preserve the name and reputation of South Africa for uprightness. They were under the British flag and had all the freedom they could have.... Let them assume their responsibilities in the fullest sense of the word. It had been stated that the reports of the German invasion of the Union were baseless, but he declared with authority that the Union had been invaded. Their English-speaking friends must not expect quite the same enthusiasm amongst the Dutch-speaking section about the war as among themselves. There was not, however, the slightest disloyalty, and even among those who perhaps were least enthusiastic, there was no idea of preferring to live under the German flag." In saying that "there was not the slightest disloyalty" General Botha was probably affecting to ignore reports to the contrary and refraining from attaching any sinister significance to the parliamentary action of the Hertzogites, or to those among his own supporters who deemed it impolitic and unnecessary to take the offensive against the Germans. On September 15 General Beyers, Commandant General of the Union Defence Forces, resigned his post. In a letter to General Smuts, the Minister of Defence, he complained that Parliament should by resolutions have confirmed the decision of the Government "to conquer German South-West Africa without any provocation towards the Union," and asserted that the majority of the Dutch-speaking people decidedly disapproved of crossing that frontier. He cited the resignations of three English Ministers (p. 173) as evidence that there was a minority in England not convinced of the righteousness of the war with Germany: "It was said that war was being waged against the barbarity of the Germans. He had forgiven, but not forgotten, all the barbarities perpetrated during the South African War.... At this critical moment it was made known in Parliament that their Government was granted a loan of 7,000,000_l._ by the British Government. This was very significant."

In accepting his resignation General Smuts pointed out that the plan of operations decided upon had been recommended by General Beyers, and the officers who were to carry it out were appointed on his advice. It was well understood between them that he (General Beyers) was to take chief command in German South-West Africa. Yet he (General Smuts) never received the impression that resignation was intended, though he knew General Beyers entertained objections against the war. He rebuked General Beyers for his "bitter attack" on Great Britain, and for having first communicated his resignation in a letter of political argument to the Press. "The attack was not only entirely baseless but the more unjustifiable coming as it does in the midst of a great war from the Commandant General of one of the British Dominions. Your reference to barbarous acts during the South African War ... can only be calculated to sow hatred and division among the people of South Africa." After further castigation of General Beyers, General Smuts characterised the insinuation about the loan of 7,000,000_l._ to the Union Government "as of such a despicable nature" that it needed no comment. "It only shows to what extent your mind has been obscured by political bias." General Smuts could not conceive anything more fatal and humiliating for the Dutch-speaking people than a policy of lip-loyalty in fair weather and of neutrality and pro-German sentiment in days of storm and stress. He was convinced that the people would support the Government in carrying out the mandate of Parliament, and would fulfil their duty to South Africa and to the Empire.

By that time, September 15, a strong German force had advanced on Raman's Drift (on the Orange River) and had garrisoned a blockhouse commanding the drift. Thus the report of an invasion early in August was confirmed. A force of South African Mounted Rifles under Colonel Dawson crossed the waterless region and captured the blockhouse. On the next day the Germans, who were in force in the Uppington Kopjes within the British side, attacked the Union frontier post at Nakob and overpowered the small garrison. Swakopmund, on Walfisch Bay, had been seized, without resistance, by Union forces coming by steamer, and on the 19th Lüderitzbucht, midway between Walfisch Bay and Capetown, had also been surrendered to the Union, after the enemy had destroyed the wireless station there. The Union successes on the coast were counterbalanced by German captures of frontier posts. General Botha decided to take the field himself against the enemy and made a call for volunteers. The response was reported to be all that could be desired, particularly in the district where General Beyers had influence; but, in the language of Lord Buxton to the Secretary of State, "ever since the resignation" of General Beyers "there have been indications that something was wrong with the forces on the north-west of Cape Province" under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Maritz. What was wrong has been told in the opening paragraph; whether General Beyers was a party to the conduct of Maritz at this time may be judged by the use of his name by Maritz and by the circumstances of his resignation. Of Maritz it was reported that, after serving in the South African War, he had taken service with the Germans, and had fought for them against the Herreros. Returning to the Union he was said to have made himself conspicuous by ostentatious dislike of the Germans. On the outbreak of war he was given a commando of irregulars on the strength of his knowledge of the frontier. He was believed to have 500 men with him near Uppington. One effect of the rebellion was to rally opinion to the support of General Botha and to demonstrate that the bulk of the Dutch population had little sympathy with Maritz. Recruiting was vigorously stimulated. On the other hand there was evidence of a seditious propaganda among the backveld Boers, notwithstanding very drastic regulations under the proclamation of martial law, which included in the definition of sedition opposition to the policy of hostilities against the enemy. The rebellion appeared to have profoundly stirred the people. On the native population it had no discernible and immediate effects. As Minister for Native Affairs General Botha sent a message urging on them prompt obedience and cheerful submission to the restrictions of martial law.

According to a correspondent of the _Cape Times_, who had been travelling in German West Africa just before the war, the Germans had a force of 10,000 mounted infantry and artillery, many machine guns and sixty-six gun batteries. They had also a Camel Corps of 500 for use in the desert region. The correspondent saw 192 guns at Keetmanshoop and described the country as being dotted with police posts, with two guns in each and manned by artillerymen. Railways and roads had been made to facilitate the invasion of the Union and this account of the enemy suggested long and costly preparation for war.

Obviously the military situation was difficult enough for General Botha without the complication of internal rebellion. Thus far it seemed, on such news as the censorship permitted to come through, that Maritz stood alone. On October 26 it was announced that he had been completely defeated at Kakamas, was wounded, and had fled into German territory. Colonel Britz sent to Pretoria an agreement which Maritz had asked him to sign. It was a pact between the Governor of German South-West Africa, as representing the Emperor, and traitors prepared to declare the independence of South Africa. The German Emperor undertook to take all possible measures to get the independence of any State or States of the Union recognised under the terms of peace. On the other side, the middle of the Orange River was to be the boundary between German South-West Africa and the Cape Province. Maritz had himself entered into this agreement. It was reported that before the engagement of the 26th, Maritz, being hard pressed, had offered to surrender on condition of a free pardon for himself and his followers, the Germans with him to be sent across the border. No reply was made. On the 27th many of Maritz's followers surrendered.

At the moment of the collapse of his commando rebellion broke out in the Northern Orange Free State and in the Western Transvaal. On October 28 the Union Government announced "with deep regret" that "at the instigation of certain prominent individuals," burghers in these districts had been "misguided enough to defy the authority of the Government and to make preparations for armed resistance and rebellion." Armed rebellious commandoes, under the authority of General Christian de Wet in the Orange Free State, and of General Beyers in the Western Transvaal, were in existence. The town of Heilbron had been seized and the Government officials imprisoned. A train had been stopped at Reitz and armed citizens of the Defence force seized and disarmed. "The very great majority of the citizens in every province are thoroughly loyal," said the Government statement, "and detest the very idea of rebellion." The Government had been aware of the rebel preparations and had "spared no efforts to preserve the peace without bloodshed." They called upon all loyal citizens to be on the alert and give the Government every assistance. "Citizens who have been, for some reason or other, guilty of disobedience under the Defence Act"--continued the announcement--"need not fear any action against them on that ground on the part of the Government so long as they remain quietly at home and abstain from acts of violence or hostility against the authority of the Government of the Union." The former Commandant-General of the Union forces had thus taken the field, in concert with General Christian de Wet, the Commander-in-Chief of the Orange Free State forces during the three years' war. De Wet was one of the signatories to the peace of Vereeniging, and had since held Ministerial office. Action had preceded the issue of the Government statement, for there was published on the 29th a telegram from Lord Buxton to the effect that General Botha had on the 27th searched out Beyers' commando and "driven them in headlong pursuit the whole of the day, capturing eighty of them fully armed." The engagement took place near Rustenburg and was a flight, not a battle. "General" Kemp--one of the names mentioned by Maritz--escaped into the Lichtenburg district, where there appear to have been many rebels under a Boer named Claussen; but the gathering here was put to flight by a force under Colonel Alberts. In the Calvinia district also there were bodies of rebels, who, however, made no serious fight against Colonel van der Venter's forces. General Botha followed the rebel commandoes to Zoutspansdrift and they were there again scattered. Early in November the Minister of Defence stated that the Maritz rebellion was over and in the Transvaal the movement was then quite insignificant. Only in the northern district of the Free State had the rebellion "assumed certain dimensions." On October 29 De Wet had entered Vrede with a body of rebels and addressed the townspeople in front of the Dutch Church. He spoke of "the miserable, pestilential English" and described the attack on German South-West Africa as a dastardly act of robbery. "Some of my friends," he was reported to have said, "have advised me to wait a little longer until England received a bigger knock, but it is beneath me and my people to kick a dead dog." He ordered the commandeering of supplies and threatened obstructives with the sjambok. At another place he was reported as saying: "I am going through to Maritz, where we will receive arms and ammunition, and from there we are going through to Pretoria to pull down the British flag and proclaim a free South African Republic." On November 12 it was announced that General Botha had got into touch with De Wet's forces and soundly defeated them. The rebels numbered 2,000. There were losses on both sides, but the rebels did not make a serious stand. They lost 255 prisoners here, among them Commandant Muller--also named in Maritz's message--and most of their transport.

The Government issued a proclamation calling upon all rebels to surrender voluntarily, and saying that all persons who did so would not be criminally prosecuted but allowed to return to their homes on condition that they took no further part in rebellion, and gave no information or assistance to rebels, and did and said nothing likely to disturb the peace. But the amnesty would not apply to those who had violated the rules of civilised warfare. All rebels who did not surrender forthwith would be liable to be dealt with according to the rigour of the law. The notification was signed by General Botha and was an appeal to good sense rather than a menace. On November 8 a rebel commando believed to be under the leadership of an ex-Major on the Union Defence Staff, was heavily defeated some thirty miles west of Warmbaths, the rebels losing 120 killed and wounded. At Winburg (Nov. 9) De Wet is alleged to have behaved with brutality towards the Mayor. He had lost his son in a fight a few days earlier and seemed to be out of control. The rebels looted the chief store. His commando numbered about 2,000, and were frequently harried by the Union forces. Meanwhile Beyers was severely handled to the south of the Vaal River, east of Bloemhof, and in an engagement on December 7 lost 364 prisoners, besides killed and wounded. It is impossible to keep count of the commandoes; the cables during November are too scanty and confusing. The rebel forces were daily suffering attrition by captures and surrenders and minor fighting. On December 2 Colonel Britz reported that he had captured De Wet at a farm at Wartenburg, 100 miles east of Mafeking. De Wet had crossed the Vaal as a fugitive on November 21, but had got together a small commando. Though pursued by motor cars, he managed to escape hither and thither for several days, until his commando was broken up and he was run to earth by Colonel Britz. There were four others in the farm where he took refuge. Finding themselves surrounded they surrendered. De Wet was taken to Pretoria. With his capture the Free State rebellion collapsed. The operations directed by General Botha had brought in over 800 prisoners.

In the Transvaal Beyers was caught and his force driven towards the Vaal at Greyling (Dec. 7). Beyers and others tried to cross the Vaal, and were fired on. Beyers was seen to fall from his horse, but managed to grasp another by the tail. He was next seen drifting down stream, shouting for help. His body was recovered. Lord Buxton reported that the rebellion was everywhere practically at an end. A few small bodies might continue to give a little trouble. De Wet, Muller, Wessel Wessels, as well as other leaders (including three members of the Union Parliament and members of the Provincial Councils) had been captured or had surrendered. Beyers was dead and Maritz and Kemp--the latter erroneously reported captured--had joined the Germans. About 7,000 rebels had been captured or had surrendered--an official figure which for the first time gave a clue to the extent of the rebel movement. General Botha issued a statement on December 9. He said that "the speedy and successful termination of what promised at one time to be a formidable and widespread rebellion, led by some of the best known South Africans," was due to the energy and ceaseless efforts of the forces in the fields. He then thanked them on behalf of the Government and people of South Africa. "Our sacrifices in blood, treasure and losses of population have been considerable, but I believe they are not out of proportion to the great results already achieved or which will accrue to South Africa in coming years. For this and much more let us be reverently thankful to Providence, which has once more guided our country through the gravest perils, and let that spirit of gratitude drive from our minds all bitterness caused by the wrongs suffered and the loss and anguish which has been caused by this senseless rebellion." He spoke of the rebellion as "a quarrel in our own South African household," and urged the cultivation of a spirit of tolerance and "merciful oblivion of the errors and misdeeds of those misguided people, many of whom took up arms against the State without any criminal intention and without any clear perception of the consequences of their action. While just and fair punishment should be meted out, let us also remember that now more than ever it is for the people of South Africa to practise the wise policy of forgive and forget." Their next duty was to deal with the German danger and make it impossible for German South-West Africa to be again used as a base from which to threaten the peace and liberties of the Union. "I hope and trust the people will deal with this danger as energetically as they have done with the internal rebellion."

During the rebellion little information had been forthcoming about the situation on the frontier. Presumably the Union forces had been sufficiently engaged in suppressing the rebellion, the extent and gravity of which are measurable by General Botha's language when the peril had been surmounted. What activity the Germans displayed, if any, in co-operation with the rebels was not disclosed by the authorities. The position of affairs as it presented itself to General Botha was thus described by him in an interview given on December 17: "In suppressing the rebellion the Government have had the most hearty co-operation of both races. Let us have the same co-operation in German South-West Africa. The undertaking before us is difficult, but if we all do our duty it will be carried to a successful conclusion. Now that German territory has become a refuge for Maritz and the other rebels it is more than ever necessary that we should persist in our operations there. We cannot tolerate the existence of a nest of outlaws on our frontier, a menace to the peace of the Union." In that interview General Botha paid a warm tribute to General Smuts, whose "brilliant intellect, calm judgment, amazing energy and undaunted courage had been assets of inestimable value to the Union in her hour of trial." His own services to the Union and to the Empire cannot fitly be appraised until events have fallen into perspective; but the language applied to General Smuts, generous and eloquent as it is, would be inadequate as an expression of gratitude for the labours of General Botha. To review the events of the rebellion is to wonder whether South Africa would not temporarily have ceased to be a British Dominion in 1914 had not General Botha given a strong lead in loyalty and policy, and had the frustration of the German plot fallen to a man less influential than himself with the Dutch-speaking people or to one less skilful in military generalship.

The total casualties in the Union Defence Forces up to December 23 were 755--334 during the fighting with rebels and 369 from the fighting with the Germans. The killed in the rebel campaign numbered seventy-eight and in the German engagements sixteen. The rebels killed in action numbered 170. The rounding up of rebel parties was still going on. On December 30, however, it was reported that Maritz, with Kemp second in command, had successfully attacked a Union force, 480 strong, near Schuit Drift on the 22nd, and had compelled it, with its reinforcements, to retire with the loss of ninety prisoners, a maxim, 80,000 rounds of ammunition, an ambulance and twenty-six empty waggons. As Maritz's force was described as 800 rebels, with four field guns and four maxims, and as the Union force lost only one man killed and one wounded, though it offered "a vigorous resistance," the despatch was clearly incomplete. On December 31 the Government put in force the provisions of the Defence Act, empowering them to commandeer men for military service, and it was officially admitted that dependence on voluntary service was inadequate in view of the German menace.

The war and the rebellion have reduced other events of the South African Union to relative insignificance. But there are matters of permanent interest which cannot here be left aside; and first in importance is the renewal of the strife between white Labour and Capital, a strife which shook Johannesburg to its foundations in the summer of 1913 (A.R., 1913, p. 416 _sq._). The superficial cause of the renewal in January was the dismissal of sixty men from the Government railways, men paid by the day and subject to twenty-four hours' notice of dismissal. The real question, however, was whether the Trades Federation should control such dismissals and the administration of the railways. The dismissals were due to a policy of retrenchment. Mr. Poutsma, the secretary of the Railwaymen's Union, failing to get satisfaction at the hands of Mr. Burton, the Minister for Railways, threatened a strike. The Railway Union resolved to strike and the Executive of the Federation of Trades called upon all unionists and non-unionists to support them. Much anxiety was felt in view of the previous riots, when Imperial troops had to be brought into Johannesburg and there was serious rioting and loss of life; but by this time the Union Defence Forces had been organised and when the plans of the strikers were put into operation on January 9 the Government were prepared for emergencies. Simultaneously with the stoppage of the railways they called up the Citizen Defence Force in certain areas and let it be known they would call out the entire force if needs be. They also arrested a number of labour leaders, including Mr. Poutsma, on charges of having used seditious language, and lodged them in jail. By the following day there were 60,000 burghers under arms. The Trades Federation threatened a general strike of all trades and ordered a ballot to be taken. The Government, through the Railway Minister, reiterated their refusal to reinstate the men and drop the policy of retrenchment. They attempted to run a partial service, with which the strikers interfered where it was possible. The trouble spread throughout the Union and was complicated by an outbreak of Basutos at Jagersfontein Mine, the cause being the death of a Basuto, the result, it was alleged, of a kick by a white man employed by the management. The dismissal of the man was demanded and refused. The Basutos broke out of the compound, which they wrecked, and caused a panic in the town. Troops were brought on the scene and in the fighting eleven Basutos were killed and thirty-six wounded. A Committee of Public Safety was set up in Johannesburg, and the Government took a very serious view of the situation. There was a two-thirds majority of the Federated Trades for a general strike, which was proclaimed on the 13th. The miners were to come out the following day. The Government at once proclaimed martial law and mobilised 20,000 men on the Rand. Trouble was apprehended in the native compounds. The town was full of troops. Ministers went about with armed guards. Business was suspended. The president and secretary of the Federation of Trades, with some 200 of their supporters, barricaded themselves in the Trades Hall and successfully resisted arrest. There was an affray outside the hall in which the police used bayonets. The Trades Hall was besieged by a force of burghers with machine guns, and means were taken to impress the besieged with the Government's determination to effect the arrest of the leaders. On a field gun being placed in position the secretary of the Federation appeared at a window and after protesting against the display of force offered an unconditional surrender. With the arrests thus accomplished the situation became less alarming and in a few days the strike collapsed. Normal industrial conditions were quickly resumed and the citizen force demobilised. On the 21st the general strike was formally declared "off." By this time there was scarcely a Labour leader anywhere in the Union who was not under arrest. Among those arrested was Mr. Cresswell, a member of Parliament, who was sentenced to a month's imprisonment and a fine of 20_l._ for publishing a pamphlet; but this sentence was remitted on the ground that the Government did not desire to deprive the Labour party of its spokesmen in Parliament in the coming discussions. On the 27th it was announced that the Government had decided to deport ten of the principal labour leaders, Mr. Watson, president of the federation, Mr. Poutsma, secretary of the Railway Men's Society, Messrs. Bain, Mason, Crawford, Waterson, Kendall, McKerrell, Livingstone and Morgan. The men were secretly conveyed to Natal and put on board a steamer--the _Umgeni_--which sailed forthwith for England (pp. 12, 24, 35). Application on behalf of the men was made to the courts but without result. The deportation had taken place and the restraining power of the courts forestalled. The illegality caused profound resentment in South Africa.

The South African Parliament was opened by Lord Gladstone on January 30. The Governor-General's inaugural speech dealt with the strike in cautious but yet definite language. The extension of the trouble to all trades "finally convinced my Ministers that the safety and well-being of the whole Union made the declaration of martial law imperative.... The measures taken and the effective display of force by the citizens of the Union happily succeeded in preventing any serious disturbance and in restoring order without bloodshed. Certain measures will be submitted to you in connexion with the action taken by my Ministers during the exceptional conditions to which I have referred." Nothing, however, was said of the deportations. On February 2 a Bill was introduced by General Smuts indemnifying the Government and its servants for all acts done under martial law and prohibiting the return of the deported persons. Sir Thomas Smartt, the leader of the Opposition, who had supported the Administration during the trouble, asked for an explanation of the Government's acts. Mr. Cresswell, the leader of the Labour party, condemned the deportations and accused the Government of a conspiracy with the capitalists to run the country in their own interests. A Ministerial statement was made on the second reading, which was moved by General Smuts. It occupied several hours in delivery. As to the first part it was an elaborate and rhetorical survey of the industrial troubles of the country and an indictment of the Labour party as "Syndicalists." General Smuts suggested that the natives on the Rand had been drawn into the movement. On one mine 1,500 assegais had been found. He made no attempt to dispute the illegality of the deportations. There had been three revolutionary attempts within six months, and after anxious consideration Ministers resolved to strike down by deportation ringleaders whose acts and speeches and associations showed they had committed themselves to a conspiracy against constituted order. Why not a trial? His reply to that was that the situation was novel and not less treasonable and perilous because the acts had not come within the law of treason. Having regard to the supreme interests of the State the Government "could not run the ordinary risks of the law courts." He acquitted Lord Gladstone of any responsibility for the deportations; the decision to deport was that of the Cabinet alone. At a later stage General Smuts issued a return of thirty-eight outrages during the January disturbances, in several instances dynamite and other explosives being used. The leader of the Opposition, while criticising the Government, declined the responsibility, seeing that deportation was accomplished, of giving a vote which would enable the deportees to return to the country. The debates were continued until February 24, when, after an all-night sitting, the second reading was carried by 95 votes to 11. Meanwhile the deportees had landed in England (p. 35). After a hard fight in Committee the Indemnity Bill was passed.

Among other legislation passed were a Riotous Assemblies Act, an Act for the Protection of Workmen's Weekly Wages and an Industrial Dispute Act, setting up a system of conciliation. During the Session the Report was issued of the Commission on labour, wages and economic conditions in the Union. This document showed that the cost of living on the Rand was 40 per cent. higher than in the United States and 80 per cent. higher than anywhere in Europe; wages were put at 40 per cent. higher, than in the United States and 225 per cent. higher than in any European country. The Commission recommended the establishment of an Advisory Council to deal with native questions, and an Industrial Commission to administer labour legislation, the extension of which was advised. The Commission found that competition of skilled white workers with natives and Indians is negligible, and advised that barriers should not be placed in the way of non-white labour by the State. They concluded that the Government ought not to lay down a minimum subsistence wage and that employers should "recognise" trade unions. They advised legal protection for non-unionists and declared that strikes among the white workers had caused unrest among the natives. One effect of the deportations and the debates on the Indemnity Bill was to be seen in the stimulation of political activity among the Labour men, who gained a majority of one in the elections for the Transvaal Provincial Council.

At a Party Congress in January General Hertzog, who seceded with his followers from the National party, decided to form a new party. This was done. A general election is due in 1915. General Hertzog's position as a party leader was unassailable in the Orange Free State until the time of the war.

The Budget of the Union showed that the expenditure for 1913-14 was 16,481,000_l._ and the revenue 15,794,000_l._, a deficit of 687,000_l._ The Finance Minister said the funded debt on March 31, 1914, amounted to 117,671,000_l._, and the floating debt to 7,308,000_l._, against 105,856,000_l._ and 11,972,000_l._ respectively. On March 31, 1913, the total debt was 124,980,000_l._, as compared with 116,502,000_l._ at the time of the Union. He estimated the expenditure for 1914-15 at 16,668,000_l._, an increase of 187,000_l._ as compared with 1913-14, for which the service of the public debt and the provincial administrations were largely responsible. He estimated the revenue at 15,707,000_l._, excluding the Bewaarplaatsen, leaving a deficit of 961,000_l._ Half of the Bewaarplaatsen, however, would be available to meet this, and the actual deficit would be 711,000_l._ These estimates were made in April--before the war, when the finances of the Union were strengthened by a loan of 7,000,000_l._ from the Imperial Government. The Government policy of economy and retrenchment was checked by the January industrial troubles and later in the year by war and rebellion.

_The Times_ Capetown correspondent reported on December 26 that Treasury figures indicated that the deficit at the end of the financial year 1915 would be between 2,500,000_l._ and 3,000,000_l._, apart from war expenditure. The deficit was mainly due to the stoppage of the diamond industry and the heavy fall in customs and other revenue. The cost of the war and the rebellion in November was over 1,000,000_l._, and the 2,000,000_l._ voted in September for operations against German South-West Africa had been exhausted by the end of that month.

The Indian grievances, which assumed dangerous proportions towards the end of 1913 and continued to be an embarrassment during the early months of 1914, were composed by the passing of a relief measure through the Union Parliament before the Prorogation in July. The Bill was founded on the recommendations of the Commission appointed in consequence of the strike disorders in Natal and the passive resistance movement under the leadership of Mr. Gandhi. At the outset the Commission met with Indian hostility, Mr. Gandhi taking the view that some of its members were partisans; but he modified this attitude when Lord Hardinge welcomed the appointment of the Commission and sent an Anglo-Indian of distinction, Sir Benjamin Robertson, to follow the proceedings in the interests of India. The Report advised the abolition of the 3_l._ licence and made recommendations on the marriage question and administrative matters. It created a favourable impression in India as well as in South Africa and the Act founded upon it was regarded by Mr. Gandhi as the Magna Carta of Indian liberty in South Africa. On leaving Africa in July he told the Indians that their difficulties were not over, but spoke of the settlement as "generous." He appealed to Europeans to take a humanitarian view of the Indian question and told the Indians that their future under the settlement depended on themselves. There was no further news, the war obliterating the subject.

In _Rhodesia_ the elections to the Legislative Council in March resulted in the return of pro-Charter candidates. As the six non-elected members are appointed by the British South Africa Company the Council was thus pledged to the maintenance of the existing form of Government, subject to the action of the Imperial authorities, who had the right to review, on October 29, 1914, the administrative powers of the Company. The anti-Charterists were composed of groups in favour of responsible Government, or of Crown Colony Government as a step to that, or of inclusion in the South Africa Union, though this last expedient had few advocates. The groups combined on a "common platform," the chief feature of which was "to make an immediate and definite move in favour of responsible Government by urging the Imperial Government as an initial step to assume provisional control of the Executive, preliminary to arranging with the British South Africa Company the price to be paid for such public works and buildings as would be required, and granting a Constitution, in accordance with the wishes of the people." The pro-Charter candidates received 3,324 votes and their opponents 1,733. The elections were a complete victory for the Company and were held to demonstrate the unripeness of the country for a responsible system. On October 8 the Secretary of State for the Colonies issued a document saying that the question of the future administration of the territories had been under the careful consideration of His Majesty's Government. The Charter, dated October 29, 1889, reserved to the Crown the power at the end of twenty-five years, and at the end of every successive period of ten years, to add to or repeal any of the provisions, but only in relation to so much of the Charter as related to administrative and public matters. Failing the exercise of this power the Charter was automatically extended for another ten years. His Majesty's Government were advised that there was no power in the Charter or elsewhere to shorten or vary the periods. The Directors of the Company had, however, informed the Secretary of State that they would not regard the non-exercise of the right to review by His Majesty's Government as any bar to the establishment of responsible Government should the time appear to be ripe for such a step within the ten years ensuing, and that if, during those ten years, the inhabitants of Southern Rhodesia should find that they were, financially and in other respects, strong enough to assume, with the concurrence of the Imperial Government, the burden of administration, they, the directors, "would be most willing that effect be given to that desire." In view of that statement and the desire of the newly elected Legislative Council for a continuance of the Company's administration, His Majesty's Government had decided not to advise His Majesty to exercise the powers reserved under Article 33 of the Charter, and its provisions would not accordingly be modified. His Majesty would, however, in due course be advised to issue a Supplemental Charter giving effect to the arrangement to which the Directors had agreed and to render possible the establishment of responsible Government in Southern Rhodesia, should the Legislative Council desire it and the Imperial Government concur within the ten years. This announcement closed the controversy, with what satisfaction to Rhodesians is not yet known. The settlers have since had more important matters in hand. Some returned to this country to join the forces of the Crown and many were formed into contingents for the prosecution with the Union of the war in South Africa.

The vexed question of the Chartered Company's claim to the ownership of all land not already transferred to other proprietors, and the contrary claim that the Company holds such land only as trustee for administrative purposes, was put in the way of judicial settlement. The Imperial Government had declined to pronounce on the matter, holding that it was one of the laws determinable only by the courts. In March, however, Mr. Harcourt, the Secretary of State for the Colonies, proposed to the Company that the claim should be referred to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. The newly elected Legislative Council of Southern Rhodesia therefore passed a resolution on April 17 contesting the Company's claim to all unalienated land. It appointed a Committee of three to collect evidence and voted 5,000_l._ for Counsel's fees and other expenses. On July 16 the Order of Reference to the Judicial Committee was published. It recited that the Secretary of State for the Colonies had that day communicated the resolution passed by the Legislative Council of Southern Rhodesia on April 17, 1914, claiming on behalf of the inhabitants and people: (1) that the ownership of the unalienated land in Southern Rhodesia was not vested in and had never been acquired by the British South Africa Company as their commercial or private property, and that any powers of dealing with land that were possessed by it belonged to it solely as the governing body of the territory; (2) that any ownership of the said land that the Company might have acquired was vested in them as an administrative and public asset only; and (3) that on the Company ceasing to be the Government of the territory, all unalienated lands should become the property of the Government, taking the place of the Company as public domain.

According to the Parliamentary White Paper [Cd. 7,325] the administrative accounts of the Company for the year ending March 31, 1913, showed that the Customs receipts and native tax for Southern Rhodesia amounted to 769,978_l._ and the expenditure 889_l._ in excess of that sum. The revenue of Northern Rhodesia was 126,336_l._, and expenditure 178,044_l._ The total deficit was therefore 52,597_l._ The annual meeting of the Company was deferred pending the decision of the Government as to the Charter and was held on December 17. The report referred with satisfaction to the action of the Government and the prospect of a decision by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council as to the ownership of the unalienated lands. The accounts for the year ending March 31, 1914, showed a credit balance of 102,271_l._ as compared with 85,882_l._ the previous year. The Southern Rhodesia administrative account showed a surplus revenue of 17,125_l._ The administrative accounts for Northern Rhodesia showed a deficit of 48,177_l._ The Directors were of opinion that steady progress was being made in building up a stable and growing revenue. The total receipts from land from all sources were 134,700_l._, "likely to be largely increased in future years." The mineral estate yielded 63,041_l._, and the total gross income, exclusive of administrative revenue but inclusive of net receipts from land, amounted to 422,532_l._ While it was impossible to predict what the effects of the war might be the Directors thought that the disturbance of the Company's operations in certain directions and the shrinkage of the capital value of its investments were not likely to do more than "retard the fulfilment of their hopes."

The total gold production of Rhodesia in 1914 was of the value of 3,580,207_l._, as against 2,903,267_l._ in 1913.

II. EGYPT AND THE SUDAN.

At the outbreak of the war the Khedive Abbas Hilmi was at Constantinople, the guest of the Sultan, and Lord Kitchener was home on leave in England. Up to that time the affairs of Egypt had followed a normal course. The Khedive did not return to Cairo. Such information as was permitted to reach England indicated that agents of enemy Powers were engaged in intrigue against us in Egypt, and that emissaries of Turkey were also actively hostile. No news was forthcoming of military changes. There was an ominous silence, broken by occasional messages of reassurance as to the friendly attitude of the Egyptian people. With the advent of Turkey among the combatant Powers at the end of October a new situation arose which had swift and dramatic results. Martial law was proclaimed at Cairo and wholesale arrests of Turkish agents were made. It appeared that Germans and Austrians had been interned and the crews of enemy vessels at Alexandria deported to Malta. Egyptians of dangerous tendencies had also been restrained. On November 2 Lieut.-General Sir John Maxwell assembled at the British Agency a number of Bedouin Sheikhs and informed them that Germany had been successful in inducing the men in power at Constantinople to quarrel with the Allies. "The Government," he is reported to have added, "has therefore convoked the Arab notables, enjoining them that their duty is to remain calm and enjoy the peace and tranquillity on Egyptian soil which the British forces ensure. If the Government finds it necessary to appeal to their devotion to serve the country the Government is fully confident of their reply to its appeal." The notables assured Sir John of their loyalty. By this time it had become known that British Territorial regiments and Indian and Australian troops were in the country, and were being reinforced, and it also appeared that a Turkish Army had entered Egyptian territory in the Sinai Peninsula. British patrols were in touch with advance parties of the enemy thirty miles east of the Suez Canal in December, and nothing further was reported by the close of the year. On December 2 the censorship permitted an official statement that Australian and New Zealand contingents "had disembarked in Egypt to assist in the defence of that country and to complete their training there. When their training is completed they will go direct to the front to fight with other British troops in Europe." These arrivals increased the forces in Egypt by about 20,000, but how many troops we had in the country was not discovered.

A period of official silence and strict censorship of news was broken by a Foreign Office announcement in London, through the censorship, that in view of the state of war arising out of the action of Turkey "Egypt is placed under the protection of His Majesty and will henceforth constitute a Protectorate. The suzerainty of Turkey over Egypt is thus terminated and His Majesty's Government will adopt all measures necessary for the defence of Egypt and the protection of its inhabitants and interests." Lieut.-Colonel Sir Arthur Henry McMahon was appointed High Commissioner. Next day there was a further announcement that, in view of the action of Abbas Hilmi, "lately Khedive of Egypt," who had adhered to the King's enemies, His Majesty's Government had seen fit to depose him from the Khediviate and had offered that high dignity, with the title of Sultan of Egypt, to his Highness Prince Hussein Kamel Pasha, eldest living Prince of the family of Mehemet Ali. The Foreign Office also announced that the French Republic having recognised the British Protectorate over Egypt, His Majesty's Government gave notice of adherence to the Franco-Moroccan Treaty of March 30, 1912. The Foreign Office published simultaneously a letter addressed to the new Sultan by the Acting High Commissioner, dated Cairo, December 19. It was a review of the circumstances preceding the outbreak of war with Turkey, and the consequent changes in the status of Egypt. The letter drew Prince Hussein's attention to the fact that there were two parties in the Turkish Cabinet--a moderate and reforming party who welcomed the assurances of His Majesty and his Allies that neither in Egypt nor elsewhere would the war in Europe be used as a pretext for any action injurious to Ottoman interests, and "a band of unscrupulous military adventurers" who looked to find in a war of aggression waged in concert with His Majesty's enemies, "means of retrieving the disasters, military, financial, and economic into which they had already plunged their country." His Majesty and his Allies, in spite of repeated violation of their rights, had abstained from retaliatory action until the crossing of the Egyptian frontier and the unprovoked attack on Russian ports by Turkish naval forces under German officers. His Majesty's Government possessed ample evidence that since the outbreak of the war with Germany Abbas Hilmi Pasha, the late Khedive, had definitely thrown in his lot with His Majesty's enemies. The rights of the Sultan and the Khedive over the Egyptian Executive were therefore forfeited to His Majesty, whose Government, through the General Officer commanding the Forces, "accepted exclusive responsibility for the defence of Egypt during the present war. It remains to lay down the form of the future Government of the country, freed from all rights of Suzerainty or other rights heretofore claimed by the Ottoman Government." For thirty years His Majesty's Government had regarded themselves as trustees for the inhabitants of Egypt, and they now decided that Great Britain could best fulfil the responsibilities incurred by the formal declaration of a British Protectorate and by the government of the country under such a Protectorate by a Prince of the Khedivial family. "By reason of your age and experience," the letter proceeded, "you have been chosen as the Prince of the family of Mehemet Ali most worthy to occupy the Khedivial position with the title and style of the Sultan of Egypt.... With Ottoman Suzerainty there will disappear the restrictions heretofore placed by Ottoman _firmans_ upon the numbers and organisation of Your Highness's Army.... As regards foreign relations His Majesty's Government deem it most consistent with the new responsibilities assumed by Great Britain that the relations between Your Highness's Government and the Representatives of Foreign Powers should be henceforth conducted through His Majesty's representative at Cairo." With regard to the system of treaties known as the Capitulations, "revision may most conveniently be postponed until the end of the present war." It was the intention of His Majesty's Government to remain faithful, in internal administration, to the policy of reform and economic progress and to associate the governed in the task of government in such measure as the enlightenment of public opinion permitted. They were convinced that the clearer definition of Great Britain's position in the country would accelerate progress towards self-government. Religious convictions would be scrupulously respected; "nor need I affirm," added Sir Arthur McMahon, "that in declaring Egypt free from any duty of obedience to those who have usurped political power at Constantinople, His Majesty's Government are animated by no hostility towards the Khalifate. The past history of Egypt shows indeed that the loyalty of Egyptian Mohammedans towards the Khalifate is independent of any political bonds between Egypt and Constantinople." His Majesty's Government relied with confidence upon the loyalty, good sense, and self-restraint of Egyptian subjects to facilitate the task of the General Officer commanding the forces, who is "entrusted with the maintenance of internal order and with the prevention of the rendering of aid to the enemy."

His Majesty appointed Prince Hussein honorary Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath and also of the Order of St. Michael and St. George, and sent to him the following message:--

On the occasion when your Highness enters upon your high office I desire to convey to your Highness the expression of my most sincere friendship and the assurance of my unfailing support in safeguarding the integrity of Egypt and in securing her future well-being and prosperity.

Your Highness has been called upon to undertake the responsibilities of your high office at a grave crisis in the national life of Egypt, and I feel convinced that you will be able, with the co-operation of your Ministers and the Protectorate of Great Britain, successfully to overcome all the influences which are seeking to destroy the independence of Egypt and the wealth, liberty, and happiness of its people.

GEORGE R. AND I.

The Sultan replied as follows:--

To His Majesty the King, London.

I present to your Majesty an expression of my deepest gratitude for the sentiments of friendship with which you have so kindly honoured me, and for the valuable support which assures me of the safety and integrity of the independence of Egypt. Conscious of the responsibilities that I have just assumed, and determined to devote myself entirely to the Protectorate, and to the progress and welfare of my people, I am glad to be able to rely in this task upon the goodwill of your Majesty, and upon the assistance of your Government.

HUSSEIN KEMIL.

A Rome message stated that the proclamation of the deposition of the Khedive and the elevation of the Sultan on December 19 was made the occasion of an imposing military display. Cairo was tranquil. In a rescript addressed to the Prime Minister the Sultan said that he himself had aspired to repose after a life of service. But it was his duty in the particularly delicate situation events had created "to assume the weighty charge and, faithful to our past, to continue to place our energy at the service of the country. We owe it to Egypt and to our glorious ancestor Mehemet Ali, whose dynasty we desire to perpetuate." He outlined an internal policy of reform and progress, and on that subject and on representative institutions, paraphrased the language of the Foreign Office letter summarised above. Rushdy Pasha was asked to continue in office as Prime Minister and consented to do so.

Prince Hussein, the second son of Ismail Pasha, was born on December 20, 1853, and was educated in France, where he enjoyed the friendship of Napoleon III. and his family. He was Chamberlain to the Empress Eugenie at the opening of the Suez Canal. Returning finally to Egypt during the Franco-Prussian War, he became Inspector-General and held successive administrative offices. He accompanied his father to Naples on the latter's abdication in 1878, and was abroad for three years. Returning to Egypt after Arabi's rebellion he identified himself with Egyptian interests under the British regime and held various offices. He made a special study of the economic conditions of the peasantry and of Egyptian agriculture and thus earned the name of "the Father of the Fellah." He has a son, Kamel-el-Din, now in his thirtieth year. The new High Commissioner took up his duties late in December.

Events antecedent to the war need only a brief narration. In January the late Khedive opened the first session of the New Legislative Assembly (A.R., 1913, pp. 434, 435), amid great public interest. The inaugural speech expressed satisfaction that the representative institutions of Egypt had been brought into conformity with the needs of the country and now offered opportunities to men of ability. It emphasised the duty laid upon the new Legislature to prepare and suggest laws for economic development, and advised that this right of initiation be used with prudence. The Khedive counselled members to regard the welfare of all classes and especially that of the peasant cultivators, and declared that the exercise of their functions would determine the future of representative government.

The day was regarded as opening a new epoch in the history of Egypt. The session concluded in June and the Assembly was prorogued till November. Sixteen Bills were discussed, of which twelve were passed, dealing with matters of administrative reform and economic questions. Many interrogations to Ministers were made and answered. There were forty-five sittings. An Opposition was developed early in the session and showed aptitude for tactical obstruction. The Cairo correspondent of _The Times_, giving his impressions of the Assembly at the close of the session, observed that the debates had at times been conspicuous for a lack of dignity, an outspoken disrespect for Ministers and a general excitability. But it was premature, he admitted, to attempt to pass judgment. The majority of the delegates were new to public life and inexperienced in the arts of debate. If the Opposition would adopt a more reasonable attitude towards the Government and bring an unbiased mind to bear upon its labour, there was little doubt that the Assembly would realise the hopes of its founders, for it included many men who had in them the making of good legislators. The composition of the Assembly was: Landowners forty-nine, Lawyers eight, Merchants four, Ulemas and heads of religious sects three; and one Engineer.

The Budget showed receipts for 1913 of E. 17,703,898_l._ and expenditure E. 17,659,961_l._ The extraordinary expenditure, on remunerative work of public utility, was E. 2,776,032_l._ The keystone of financial policy had been the prosecution of such schemes and the remission of anomalous and oppressive taxation. Lord Kitchener claimed that the policy had been justified both by the increase of national wealth and the provision of security against a low Nile. He deprecated the undertaking of capital expenditure by means of loans, especially in a country entirely dependent on agriculture and to a large extent on a single crop. The Budget for 1914-15 estimated the expenditure at E. 18,162,000_l._ and the revenue at a like figure. The balance at Reserve on January 1, 1914, was E. 5,848,000_l._ and the outstanding capital of the Egyptian debt E. 94,202,540_l._, of which E. 88,742,620_l._ was in the hands of the public. The total annual charge was E. 3,552,000_l._ The Customs receipts for 1913 amounted to E. 3,939,885_l._ The value of the imports was E. 27,865,195_l._; exports showed a decrease of 8.89 per cent., the total being E. 31,662,200_l._ The share of the United Kingdom was 43.1 per cent. of the exports. The export of phosphates from the Red Sea mining area increases yearly. The Nile flood in 1913 was abnormally low and late--the lowest on record; and the report suggested that but for the irrigation works and organised distribution of the available supply economic disaster would have been caused. The Nile was again low in 1914. A dam is to be constructed on the White Nile about forty miles south of Khartoum. The probable cost is 1,000,000_l._ It will serve the double purpose of a storage reservoir and control of excessive floods; but it was intimated that resort would ultimately be made "to regulation on the Great Lakes as a final settlement of the problem of Egypt's summer water when all available areas are developed." The educational section of the Report is of an encouraging tenour. Note is taken of the fact that about 750 Egyptians were completing their education in Europe, chiefly in England and France. Concerning the Khedivial Library mention is made of the appointment as Director of Dr. Schaade, "a distinguished Orientalist, who has been for some years an editor of 'The Encyclopædia of Islam' and latterly a lecturer on Oriental languages at Breslau." Among the new acquisitions of the library was a series of works on Islam printed by order of the ex-Sultan of Morocco, Mulai Abd el Hafiz, and presented by His Majesty.

The Report again gives a disturbing account of the increase of crime, despite the new Arms Act. Lord Kitchener points out that the main responsibility for public security rests with the Mudirs and hints that if there is not a better discharge the system must be considered.

A strong light on the social condition of Egypt was thrown by the Report of the Judicial Adviser (Sir Malcolm McIlwraith) for the year 1913. Crimes and serious misdemeanours showed a continuous increase. Poverty was not the cause. Food and shelter were within reach of all. Cold was unknown. Habitual charity was such that the terrors of complete destitution were not to be found. But rapacity and greed were rife and had been stimulated by economic conditions and the rise in the standard of living. Emulation in extravagance was a cause of crime, thirst for revenge a still more potent cause. Murder on the spur of the moment was common in Egypt, especially in the south. A change in the temperament of the people, such as education might be expected to produce, could alone diminish the number of these murders. In past times communal responsibility was enforced, but with the advance of civilisation repression had to be confined within the law. Far from having a particular interest in the suppression of crime, the Fellah knew from experience that to volunteer evidence often entailed long absence from work and exposed him to the danger of retaliation by friends of the accused. He therefore showed strong disinclination to have anything to do with criminal law and administration.

Touching the creation at the close of 1913 of the Ministry of Waffs Lord Kitchener says that the Ministry is assisted by a Council which includes the Sheikh El Azhar and the Grand Mufti of Egypt, the highest dignitaries of the Mohammedan religion. The other members are Moslems. The new organisation was expected to result in an improved administration of the funds and properties of the religious trusts. The ill-effects of yet another low Nile caused some uneasiness as the year passed. The economic disaster of war was met for the time by a general moratorium. Since August 4 there has been a strict censorship in Egypt.

Lord Kitchener made a tour of the Sudan in January and his report was thus written with fresh knowledge. So far as is known there have since been no untoward developments, though in March Major Conry, in charge of an Arab battalion, lost his life in an encounter with a party of outlaws on the Atbara River. The Report speaks of 1913 as an uneventful year except for the Imperial guarantee of a loan of E. 3,000,000_l._ for the development of the Sudan as a cotton-growing country. The Nile flood was the lowest known in the Soudan for a hundred years. The area cultivated was 2,303 feddans as against 1,937,000 in 1912. There was a decrease in the area of cotton, due entirely to climatic reasons, "not to the indifference of the natives, among whom there is a marked revival of interest in all forms of agriculture." At the Tayiba demonstration station, which is now being managed by the Sudan Plantations Syndicate on a commercial basis, the cotton yield was good and the quality of a high order. The working of the Tokar cotton area "has more than justified the policy of the Government. A marked improvement in the cultivation of the land and in the handling of cotton has taken place and consequently higher average yields and better prices have been obtained. The sale of cotton by public auction, after estimation by Government classifiers, has ensured a fair market price to the cultivators." The revenue for 1913 was E. 1,644,000_l._ and there was a surplus over expenditure of E. 29,000_l._ The estimates for 1914 were for a revenue of E. 1,644,000_l._ also with expenditure of a like sum. There was E. 65,000_l._ in reserve on January 1, 1914. There are brief but instructive administrative reports. In the Sudan, as in Egypt, a considerable increase in serious crime is recorded. The slave traffic has been made "almost impossible." The population continues to increase, but there is excessive infant mortality. Health was "satisfactory," malaria being less frequent owing to the dryness of the year; but sleeping sickness was prevalent in the Yei River district and is now found over a large area in Western Mongalla and Western Bahr-el-Ghazal; it was also reported to be prevalent in the Congo to the west and south-west of Tembara. Cattle disease had been exceptionally prevalent. The opening of new districts had increased the territorial responsibility of the Army. The British garrison at Khartoum consisted at the time of the Report of six companies of infantry and a detachment of garrison artillery. A list is given of nine military operations in as many different districts for the suppression of raiding parties and tribal disturbances. A new general map of the Sudan on a scale of 1:5,000,000 is nearing completion. The condition of the south-eastern frontier is described as "not altogether satisfactory." An extensive trade in arms was carried on between Abyssinia and the Nuer country. Financial considerations precluded the Government from setting up an effective administration between the Khor Yabus and Lake Rudolph, and from occupying the Boma plateau. Something had been done by the construction of posts after the expedition to the Anuak country in 1912. These are at Khobo Bonjak and Nasser; "but the problem will never be satisfactorily solved until the whole country up to the frontier is effectively occupied. The political situation at Adis Ababa, and the apparent inability of the Abyssinian Government to put a stop to the smuggling of arms from the coast, also make for unrest in the outlying districts bordering on the Sudan, which do not appear to be under the full control of the central Government."

The war had had no apparent disturbing effect on the Sudan and the scanty news from Khartoum and beyond by the end of the year was reassuring as to the attitude of the inhabitants. Sir Reginald Wingate, the Governor-General and also Sirdar of the Egyptian Army, which was believed to be for the most part in the Sudan when war was declared, was in England on leave in August but returned immediately. After spending some time in Cairo he visited the Sudan and held receptions of Sheikhs and notables at various centres. The most important gathering was at Khartoum on November 8. The _Sudan Gazette_ of the previous day had contained a Proclamation announcing that, at the instigation of Germany, Turkey had violated the Egyptian frontier and that a state of war existed between Turkey and Great Britain, and calling upon the inhabitants of the Sudan to render to the British, Egyptian and Sudanese forces all the assistance that might be required of them. The private receptions prior to this proclamation had already made the Sheikhs and Notables cognisant of the situation as regards Turkey. The gathering of Sheikhs and Ulema at Khartoum was addressed by Sir Reginald Wingate. After announcing the state of war with Turkey, as from November 7, he told them that in order that they should fully understand the causes of this new war he would call upon the Grand Mufti to read an Address from him--Sir Reginald--to themselves and to other religious leaders in the Sudan. The Grand Mufti read the Address in Arabic. Addressing the company as men of intelligence and education, possessing a good influence over the people, the Governor-General appealed to their knowledge of the regenerative work the English had done in the Sudan, and emphasised our non-interference with any man in the exercise of his religion. With this knowledge in his mind and in theirs he was, he said, able to talk to them candidly and without reservation. He then described to them the condition of Turkey on the eve of and since the overthrow of the Sultan Abdul Hamid--how the men who had arrogated to themselves the direction of affairs had mismanaged the Empire, and had now gone to war with the one Power which by her actions and the sentiments of her people had ever been a true and sympathetic friend to the Moslems and to Islam. "These men--this syndicate of Jews, financiers and low-born intriguers, like broken gamblers staking their last coin, and in deference to the urgent demands of Germany and our enemies," had gone to war. After an argument that England had thus been forced to war by the Turkish adventurers and that it was not her object to gain territory or advantage at the expense of a Mohammedan State, the Address assured the gathering that the world policy of Great Britain would remain unchanged. The sanctity and inviolability of the Holy Places would be maintained and enforced on others. She would shelter and protect all Mohammedan mosques on her borders, as she had done for a hundred and fifty years in India, where she had guarded the interests of 62,000,000 Mohammedans, "many thousands of whom are now fighting alongside their British fellow-subjects against the German Army." The Sudan Sheikhs and Ulema knew the evils of Turkish rule, said the Address, from bitter experience. But they might feel--and Sir Reginald sympathised with them--"a certain sorrow at this war." Some might fear that the result might affect the situation of Mohammedans in other parts of the world. He assured them before God that their fears were groundless. The position of no single Mohammedan in the British Empire would be changed one iota nor a single privilege granted to Islam repudiated. The Address concluded thus:--

Now I ask you at this present time, you, men of religion, learning, and experience, to give honourable and wise counsels to the people who will listen to you; for here in the Sudan, as elsewhere in the world, the fools will listen to the wise, the ignorant to the learned, and the common people to men of wisdom and education. I ask you, then, and I rely upon you, to publish true reports, to be careful and wise in your words, and by your example to allay baseless and ignorant fears, to contradict false or alarmist rumours, and by all means in your power to ensure a sane and reasonable judgment of events by your co-religionists and the natives of this country.

The Address was received with enthusiasm and many speakers publicly protested their loyalty, among them the Mahdi's eldest son. The document was circulated throughout the country and "it is said there is hardly a noteworthy person in the Sudan who has not written or telegraphed to the Governor-General." Offers of assistance were almost embarrassing in their generosity. Until the end of the year not so much as a whisper of disaffection had reached England from the Sudan--or, if that should prove to be inaccurate, had passed the Censor. Despatches published on December 30 confirmed the unofficial accounts of the satisfactory attitude of all classes of Sudanese.

III. NORTH-EAST AFRICA AND THE PROTECTORATES.

In the _Somaliland_ Protectorate the action at Dul Madoba in August, 1913, had serious consequences and a state of war prevailed throughout 1914. Among Supplementary Estimates submitted to the House of Commons in February was one for 25,000_l._ "to meet additional expenditure entailed upon Somaliland in connexion with the activity of the Mullah." At that time he was believed to be preparing for an attack on Burao, where, however, we had no garrison, the force having been withdrawn after the disaster to Captain Corfield and his camelry. He had been raiding friendly tribes in the interior and there was a risk that he might attack Berbera. Our garrison there consisted of 260 Carnatic infantry and a body of camelry and about the same number at Sheikh. Further troops were on their way from Aden. It appeared that the Secretary of State for the Colonies had ordered the camel corps to be increased from 150 to 300, and this had been done; and in February he ordered a further increase to 500. The policy was to reoccupy Burao, about eighty miles from the coast, and to occupy Sheikh, midway between Burao and Berbera, but not to occupy the interior nor send a punitive force against the Mullah. The forts at Burao and Sheikh would be strengthened and the Indian contingent kept at 400 instead of 200 as before. The estimates for 1914 showed that the recurrent cost of these permanent defence forces--Indians and camelry--would be 58,800_l._ Mr. Harcourt claimed that these measures met the requirements of the men on the spot. The Mullah was an old man, he said, in an advanced stage of dropsy, physically immovable and incapable of leading the Dervish forays. He had no probable or possible successor. Since he had been ex-communicated from Mecca he had been left enfeebled--a robber, but not a prophet. With a little patience and endurance Somaliland might yet be comparatively peaceful. The policy, therefore, was to go no farther than Burao and wait for the death of the Mullah. The Dervish reply to it was an attack in March on Berbera itself, a body of horsemen dashing to within firing distance of the town and making good their escape. In July there were disturbing reports of Dervish activity and it was telegraphed from Aden that more troops had been requisitioned. The war in Europe closed the usual channels of knowledge, but in December the Press Bureau issued a short review of what had occurred. Burao was to be the base of the enlarged camel corps. Major F. A. Cubitt, D.S.O., had been put in command of the troops and had arrived in the Protectorate in August. On November 20 the camelry were patrolling the grazing grounds of the tribesmen at Burao as far as the Ain Valley, and Colonel Cubitt "encountered strong opposition at Shimberberris, where the dervishes were in a strong position." He attacked them and again on the 23rd when all their forts were captured. "The dervishes, overcome by the moral effect of shell fire"--there had been no previous mention of artillery in Somaliland--took to flight and suffered material loss. The forts were demolished as far as practicable. The walls were over six feet thick. One of the British officers--Captain H. W. Symons--was killed and two others wounded. The camelry returned to Burao and the Commissioner reported that "he could not overestimate the excellent effect which this success will have throughout the Protectorate." It appears that naval airmen were employed in these operations--the first time aircraft could have been seen in this region of Africa. The Colonial Office, while not denying the statement, declined to throw any light upon its plans for the future.

_British East Africa_ was at once drawn into the vortex of the war. The Secretary of State for the Colonies announced early in October that during the previous month there had been considerable activity along the Anglo-German border because of attempts to raid British territory and cut the Uganda Railway. All the attempts, with one unimportant exception--a frontier post whose occupation by the enemy it was not at the time convenient to oppose--had been repulsed and the raiding parties forced to retire. The normal garrisons of the Protectorate and also of _Uganda_ had been increased by "a strong body of troops from India and also by mounted and unmounted volunteer forces locally raised; and no anxiety was felt as to the military situation." One of the earliest moves of the enemy was to send a small party under white officers to blow up the Uganda Railway near Maungu, but the party was broken up and its dynamite and outfit captured. At Tsavo on September 6 there was "a hot engagement" between a strong force of the enemy and Indian troops and King's Royal Rifles. The enemy were severely handled and repulsed. The enemy had Maxim guns, which the Punjabis made "a gallant effort to rush with the bayonet," and our losses were not slight. On the 10th there was another engagement with an invading force 400 strong including fifty Europeans. This force occupied Kisi on the 11th, and was attacked on the 12th by a British column which was, however, compelled to retire. On the 13th the enemy abandoned Kisi, which the British occupied, finding there ten dead Germans (Europeans) and six wounded. The Germans had retired to Karungu. Meanwhile German and British steamers on the Victoria Nyanza had been engaged and German dhows sunk. On the 20th the Germans attacked a British post at Campi ya Marabu and after two hours' fighting retired into their own territory, leaving thirteen dead. Lieut. A. C. H. Forster, in command of the King's African Rifles there, was killed. The officer who took over the command reported that the conduct of the King's African Rifles was splendid and that the success had "materially encouraged the Masai who lived in the neighbourhood." The British outpost at Majoreni was attacked on the 23rd, but the enemy again repulsed. On the 25th a German force of thirty-five Europeans and 150 natives, with two maxims, attacked a mounted squadron of the Rifles, and after an hour's bush fighting retreated, leaving eleven dead and many wounded. The next day a strong force of the enemy, including fifty Europeans, attacked the Rifles at Mzirna, but were repulsed, leaving seventeen dead. During November and December the published casualty lists showed that fighting had been actively continued and occasional letters home suggested that it was severe. On November 19 complaint was made in the House of Lords by Lord Curzon of the secretiveness of the Government, which had merely issued "a very extensive list of casualties." Lord Crewe pointed out that German East Africa covered some 350,000 square miles and had a white German population of between 5,000 and 6,000. The German force there had been reinforced by reservists and he believed that some naval force had also been brought from the Far East. The Germans were well provided with weapons and had machine guns and constituted a formidable force. While the white population of British East Africa equalled the German (Lord Crewe was in error here) it had not the same military element in it. The native infantry and police force in the German Protectorate numbered 2,000. In the British there was a considerable force of native police and a military force--the Rifles--which, though not so large, was extremely efficient and well officered. It was clear that at the beginning of the war our position in East Africa could not be altogether secure and it was necessary to send reinforcements at an early date. The fighting had been in a good many parts, with varying results and considerable losses. The total casualties in two months were about 900. It had become necessary to send reinforcements from India. The fate of the German possessions, Lord Crewe pointed out, would depend on the ultimate settlement of the war; but it was necessary to preserve the position of Great Britain as the paramount Power in Central Africa where she would repel the German attacks with all the force she could muster. That was the position of affairs when the year closed. In the earlier months of the year there had been serious trouble in Jubaland Province, owing to an incursion of Somalis, armed with rifles. They had probably been fighting against us in Northern Somaliland. A new post had just been set up at Seremli with Lieut. Lloyd Jones and a few men in charge. The Somalis--of the Marehan tribe--said they had not come to fight and were told that they must give up their rifles, which had apparently been obtained from Abyssinia, which does a large trade in arms and ammunition--a trade which it has been found impossible to keep out of Jubaland and Somaliland as also out of the Sudan border country. The Somalis would not give up their arms and went away, but returned and attacked the station. Lieut. Lloyd Jones was severely wounded. Troops had been telegraphed for through the Italian Marconi station at Bardera and companies of Rifles hurriedly sent from Uganda and Nyasaland. There was severe fighting, the Somalis abandoning their bush tactics and charging down on the troops. They failed to break the square, owing in part to the maxim fire. A midnight attack was also repulsed. Our losses were slight and that of the Somalis heavy. Other operations followed later for the disarmament of the invaders. Two British officers lost their lives in the fighting and the affair illustrated the extreme difficulty of maintaining authority in Jubaland, notwithstanding the co-operation of the Italians on the other side of the Juba. Until the traffic in arms can be stopped Somali incursions could be checked only by a chain of posts or the constant use of a mobile force. The Protectorate was making good progress until the war plunged African affairs everywhere into confusion. One effect of the war was to suspend the agitation at Nairobi and in the settled districts for some form of self-government, beginning with representation on the Legislative Council. Nor has the question of the reservation of the Highlands for European settlement advanced. A Bill was passed without opposition--scarcely without criticism--in the Imperial Parliament guaranteeing a loan of 3,000,000_l._ for the Protectorates of British East Africa, Uganda, and Nyasaland. In East Africa the money was to be disbursed upon harbour works and wharves at Kililundi, on roads and bridges, improvements of the Uganda Railway, additional rolling stock and more steamers for Lake Nyanza; and on roads and railways in Nyasa. Repayment of the loan is to be made within forty years. No charge on the British Treasury was involved.

_Abyssinia_ seems to have had more trouble than usual with her border peoples, especially on the South. The Italians in _Eritrea_ strengthened their forces and this in conjunction with the gathering of Abyssinian troops, sent for the purpose of suppressing border troubles, gave rise to a suspicion that Italy had ambitions hostile to the Emperor Lidj Iassu; but these were dissipated by Signor Martini, the Minister for the Colonies in Rome. Italy's policy, he declared, was restricted to protecting the frontier and holding aloof from Abyssinia's internal affairs. Lidj Iassu has made his father, Ras Michael, King of Wotto and Tigre. Ras Michael is the husband of a daughter of the late Emperor Menelik, and Lidj Iassu is a youth.

Concerning _German East Africa_ the prosperity of 1913 continued up to the outbreak of war, and it appeared that the completion of the trunk line from the coast to Kigoma, on Lake Tanganyika, several months in advance of the scheduled time, stimulated the energies of the administration and the settlers. The effect of this completion on the traffic of the Uganda Railway had not developed and will not be injurious if German Africa passes into British hands as the result of the war. The line is an achievement scarcely less remarkable than the Uganda Railway, and must in any event have great influence upon African commerce. Two trains a week were at first run to the Lake, the journey taking rather less than one hundred hours.

A glance at a map will show that for the trade of Central Africa the German line enters into competition both with the British lines to the south and east and the Belgian Central Railway through the Valley of the Lukuga to the Congo shore of the Lake. The Belgian line was expected to be completed in June; but goods by it must be transhipped before they reach the west coast, whereas the German railway carries them through to the east coast, at Dar-es-Salaam, now one of the best-equipped ports on the continent. In connexion with the completion of this railway the Germans had intended to hold an exhibition at Dar-es-Salaam, the capital, in August and elaborate preparations had been made. German scientists have for many years worked actively in the Protectorate. Dr. Hans Reck, of Berlin University, discovered in the north of the region the skeleton of a man of the diluvial period of Africa. Dr. Reck estimated the age of the skull at 150,000 years. It was found with mammoth fossils and resembled that of the primitive Bushman. The rest of the skeleton was on its way to Europe.

In _Nyasaland_ (British Central Africa) where part of the Lake forms the German frontier, the war had serious consequences. The Germans invaded the country and on September 8 a British force was launched against a body some 400 strong. The enemy evaded this force and attacked the post at Karonga, held by an officer with fifty African Rifles and a few police and civilians. Resistance was kept up until the main body arrived and drove the enemy back. The fighting lasted through the day and the Governor reported to the Colonial Office that "the enemy fought with great determination and had to be dislodged by repeated bayonet charges." They were ultimately driven towards Songwe, the British being too exhausted to pursue. Two field and two machine guns were captured by our force and the enemy lost seven officers killed and two captured. Karonga is the principal station in the north of the Protectorate and Songwe is the German frontier post farther north. On that day (Sept. 13) there was a sharp engagement on the Kisu Kenu Road between the King's African Rifles and about 400 Germans, including fifty whites. The German losses throughout were heavy and of the nineteen officers engaged at Karonga eleven were accounted for, and of those who escaped three were known to have been wounded. The Secretary of State telegraphed "his sincere appreciation of the loyal and valuable assistance rendered by all sections of the community." Later news was lacking. _Zanzibar_, which is now administered by a Resident under the authority of the Governor of British East Africa, had, as far as was known in England, an uneventful year.

IV. NORTH AND WEST AFRICA.

Until the outbreak of war France had pursued with success her policy of consolidating her interests in _Morocco_. Practically all that is known of the condition of the Protectorate since July is that Moorish and Senegalese troops, in numbers not disclosed, were withdrawn and employed in the fighting in France, as were French and native troops in Algeria and Tunis. An indication that the internal state of the country was satisfactory, and that the Turkish Sultan's proclamation of a Holy War had not then had any overt effect in North-West Africa, was afforded--for what it may be worth--by a congratulatory message from the Sultan of Morocco to his troops with the Allies. This applauded them for the help they were giving "against the enemies of humanity, liberty and civilisation," exhorted them to steadfastness and expressed entire confidence in an ultimate triumph. Germans and Austrians were expelled from the Protectorate, and many who were believed to be concerned in hostile intrigues were arrested. A batch of German merchants were accused of plotting for a native rising and were put on trial by court martial, with what result is not known. There had been some native trouble in the Zaian district in June, where a detachment of troops guarding telegraphist workers were attacked between Mekinez and Rabat, and there was evidence that in the mountains of the Middle Atlas there was much tribal unrest. An expedition was sent to reduce the clans to subjection. No particulars were forthcoming of German political activity within the Protectorate, and there is reason to believe that the Zaian difficulties were merely part of the general problem of pacification in the less accessible regions of the country. Substantial progress was made in this direction in May by the French occupation of Taza, which lies, roughly, midway between Fez and the Algerian frontier. Stout resistance had been expected, but the French surprised the tribesmen by a forced night march and the town was seized with little loss. It was believed that this easy mastery of the Beni-Udjam clans would finally pacify the inhabitants of the northern region, who were said to have accepted the situation willingly. There still remained an immense triangular area to the south comprising the Middle and Great Atlas ranges, where chains of military posts had yet to be established; but with the subjugation of the marauding tribes of the North it was assumed that the way was cleared for the railway between Fez and Guersif, on the Algerian frontier, thus linking up Tunis by an unbroken line, _via_ Ujda, to Rabat and Casablanca on the Atlantic. Further fighting was reported, however, in the Taza region late in July, the enemy attacking a strong French force under General Gouraud. They were beaten off, but the French lost fifty killed and ninety wounded. On August 4 the curtain fell and the true condition of Morocco, and the whole of North Africa, is not likely to be ascertainable until Peace. As a consequence of the Franco-Spanish treaty of Madrid there was entire co-operation between the two Powers in Morocco, and the advance on Taza was taken in conjunction with Spanish activity in the Mediterranean zone and after a visit by General Lyantey, the French Resident General, to Madrid. An incidental result of this visit was the abolition of the Capitulations providing for Consular jurisdiction over French and British subjects, who now come under the ordinary tribunals in each Protectorate. The Convention was also ratified for the construction of a railway from Tangier to Fez, and engineers and surveyors were at work in the belief that the tribesmen in that part of the Protectorates were sufficiently pacified to permit of the laying of the rails. There was the usual sporadic fighting in the Riff. In _Algeria_ a financial difficulty arose from a request by the French Government for a contribution to the cost of military defence in France. No demand was made, but it was pointed out that other French colonies contribute, and it was suggested that Algeria could spare 5,000,000 francs. Though acceding to the request on patriotic grounds, the _Delegations Financières_, in view of the heavy development expenses of the country, offered 4,000,000 francs, and to raise this sum additional taxation had to be imposed. Authority was asked for a loan of 55,000,000 francs, secured on the State railways, the money to be expended on improving and extending the system; but the war appears to have put this project in abeyance.

_Tripoli_ and _Cyrenaica_, within the range of the Italian coastal occupation, appear to have continued in the quiescent condition produced by the Italian successes in the early part of 1913. From a Treasury statement issued in Rome the cost of the acquisition was 45,200,000_l._ On the outbreak of war there were reports of a recrudescence of native trouble, which was attributed to German intrigue. Allegations were made against the German Consul in Tripoli, who was arrested, with other Germans, said to be army officers and believed to be engaged in native dealings hostile to Italy. According to Rome newspapers the object of the Germans was to instigate a Holy War. A mysterious incident, conjectured to be in connexion with the affairs of the Tripolitaine, was a visit of a Senussi Sheikh--El Sayed Idris El Senussi, a cousin of the Sheikh El Senussi--to the Khedive at Cairo in June. He was to proceed to Constantinople, and the report was that he sought to arrange with the Porte and Italy a pact under which, by the payment of a tribute to Italy, the hinterland would not be entered by that Power. Whatever the object of the visit the events of August and September made it the more significant. No reports of other activity by the Senussi were forthcoming.

The war had extended but slightly to _Nigeria_ by the end of the year. Small raids by Germans from the Cameroons--presumably with native troops--had been made, but in each case, said the Colonial Office, the parties were either quickly withdrawn or driven back. On November 16 there was a fight near Bakundi in which District Officer Glenny was killed. "The German force was subsequently driven back and dispersed." On the next day there was an encounter near Marna, and Lieutenant A. R. Peel and Mr. M. Percival, a mining engineer who had volunteered, lost their lives. In August the Colonial Office announced temporary reductions in the railway rates and scale of royalties affecting the tin mining industry. A further reduction was possible in 1915. It appeared from the speech of the chairman of the Niger Company (the Earl of Scarborough) that cash trade has now displaced barter trade in all but the outlying districts, and that competing firms, British and foreign, are contesting the commercial supremacy of the Company, especially at Kano. The tin industry has not realised the extravagant expectations of the "boom" period; but there are proved areas which are being worked with success. The Colonial Office issued in December a Report dealing chiefly with the setting up by Sir Frederick Lugard of a native judiciary for the administration of tribal laws. The amalgamation of the North and South Protectorates took effect on January 1, but sufficient time has not yet passed for the full benefits of the unification to be appraised. At the outset His Majesty sent a message of good wishes to the Emirs and chiefs and other inhabitants, and Sir Frederick Lugard replied on their behalf, saying that he had taken steps to communicate the message, and asked the Colonial Secretary to assure His Majesty of an abiding loyalty.

The war was vigorously prosecuted in the _Cameroons_. On August 25 a Nigerian force under Colonel P. Maclear moved out from Yola, crossed the frontier and attacked and occupied Tepe, but lost two officers killed and two wounded. Pushing on to Saratse Colonel Maclear attacked the German station at Garua, but, after capturing a fort, was heavily attacked at dawn, and, after suffering considerable loss, was compelled to retire into British territory. Colonel Maclear and four other officers were killed and two medical officers captured. Meanwhile two other British columns had crossed the frontier and left a garrison at Nsanakang, which on September 6 at 2 A.M. was "suddenly attacked by the enemy, who had received strong reinforcements. This attack was repulsed, but a second one, made at 5 A.M., proved successful after a stubborn resistance. The report of this engagement states that our troops fought magnificently, as even the Germans admitted. The casualties were heavy and Nsanakang was neutralised in order that the wounded might be attended to." Meanwhile French troops from Libreville had landed in Corisco Bay from a warship, which sunk two German auxiliaries, and on September 26 successfully attacked Ukoko; and H.M.S. _Cumberland_ and _Dwarf_, having reconnoitred the mouth of the Cameroons River, landed an Anglo-French force under cover of a bombardment and entered Duala, the capital, and Bonaberi, which both surrendered unconditionally. The joint force was under the command of Brigadier-General C. M. Dobell. The wireless station had been destroyed. Little damage had been done by the bombardment. Forty thousand tons of German shipping was captured in the harbour. The German forces had retreated inland in three directions and the Allies were pursuing. On December 21 the Colonial Office announced the opening of the port of Duala to trade. The German tariff would be enforced for the present, but trade with the enemy was prohibited, and limited to such areas as the military authorities thought fit. The latest news of the fighting was from a French source and showed that there had been severe conflicts at Edea, some fifty-six miles from Duala, on the railway running south-east from that port.

In _Togoland_ the Germans made an unconditional submission. Lieut.-Colonel Bryant, commanding our forces which had passed into Togoland from the Gold Coast, reported on August 24 that the German wireless station at Kamina had been destroyed by the enemy, and that they had sent a flag of truce offering to capitulate if given the honours of war and certain conditions. They were told they were not in a position to ask for terms and must capitulate, which they did after some hours' delay. The Allied force--French native troops acting with a Gold Coast frontier force--thereupon occupied Kamina. The cost of these operations was 60,000_l._ and the Legislative Council of the Gold Coast Colony passed a resolution offering to pay it as "a tangible expression of the widely manifested wishes of the inhabitants to afford their loyal support to His Majesty's Government, and to manifest their sympathy with it in the righteous war in which the Empire is engaged." On December 2 the Governor telegraphed that the Revenue Estimates having disclosed a much more favourable position than was expected he had inserted, "at the earnestly expressed wish of the unofficial members of the Council," a sum of 80,000_l._ as a contribution by the Gold Coast during 1915 to the expenses of the war, this in addition to the Togoland payment. Mr. Harcourt replied that the offer would be gladly accepted "if it should appear that the financial position of the Gold Coast allows of so large a contribution."

From the _Belgian Congo_ news was very scanty, and such fighting as occurred took place on the frontier in mid-Africa, chiefly it seems south of Tanganyika. A report from the Governor-General of Katanga Province spoke of "a complete defeat" of the Germans at Ki Senei, on the Lake. But no sufficient information is yet available to show how far the Congo was affected by the war. The Congo Estimates settled at Brussels in March disclosed a deficit of 856,000_l._ It was expected by M. Renkin, Minister for the Colonies, that the Central Railway would reach Lake Tanganyika in June. Touching the competition of the German line from the Lake to the east coast, he admitted that it would modify transport conditions in the Congo by attracting traffic which would otherwise flow to the west; but he deprecated exaggeration about German influence in Africa and thought it an advantage to Belgium that the Great African lines should meet in the Congo. New railway projects for the Congo, extending over 2,000 miles, were submitted to Parliament; but the war has deferred them indefinitely. Diamonds are now among the exports of the Congo, and the consignments to Brussels, on account of the Société Internationale Forestière et Minère, were reported to be of good quality. German enterprise, in Africa extended to _Portuguese West Africa_ before the war, a powerful financial group entering upon the preliminaries of railway construction from the coast. When war was declared enterprise took the form of a military violation of Portuguese territory, a small body of Germans entering South Angola. Portuguese marines were landed and there was a frontier fight. There were engagements on two other points of the frontier and the Germans were represented to have been defeated. The addition of Portugal to the combatants in Europe was, however, prevented at the time by a formal apology through the German Consul at Loanda, and apparently the incursion over the frontier was a military error outside the limits of German war policy in Africa. It was an obscure incident of the war, especially as fighting was renewed in Angola. On December 22 Portugal resolved to take vigorous measures "for the military defence of the Colonies and also preparations for our intervention in the war in Europe on the side of Great Britain." The Labour difficulty on the coast and the islands brought trouble to a Baptist missionary, the Rev. J. S. Bowskill, who had been active in the native interest. He was arrested at San Salvador, and the Baptist Missionary Society made energetic representations to the Foreign Office. Sir Edward Grey, having received information that Mr. Bowskill was to be tried by the military authorities, telegraphed to Lisbon that it was absolutely essential that a British Consular officer should be present at the trial, and that the trial should be before a properly constituted civil tribunal; and he urged that immediate orders to this effect be sent to the local authorities. The result was that Mr. Bowskill was liberated on parole, pending inquiry.

Except for the visit of a squadron of Austrian battleships in May, and for such changes as the war may have brought, there is little to record concerning _Malta_. It was used as a place of internment for deportees from Egypt.