Chapter IV. The History of the Lydians.

The kings who first reigned over the Lydians, are by Herodotus called Atyadæ, that is, descendants from Atys.(1089) These, he tells us, derived their origin from Lydus, the son of Atys; and Lydus gave the name of Lydians to that people, who before this time were called Mœonians.

These Atyadæ were succeeded by the Heraclidæ, or descendants of Hercules, who possessed this kingdom for the space of five hundred and five years.

(M189) ARGO, great grandson of Alcæus, son of Hercules, was the first of the Heraclidæ who reigned in Lydia.

(M190) The last was CANDAULES. This prince was married to a lady of exquisite beauty; and, being infatuated by his passion for her, was perpetually boasting of her charms to others. Nothing would serve him, but that Gyges, one of his chief officers, should see, and judge of them by his own eyes; as if the husband’s own knowledge of them was not sufficient for his happiness, or the beauty of his wife would have been impaired by his silence.(1090) The king to this end placed Gyges secretly in a convenient place; but notwithstanding that precaution, the queen perceived him when he retired, yet took no manner of notice of it. Judging, as the historian represents it, that the most valuable treasure of a woman is her modesty, she studied a signal revenge for the injury she had received; and, to punish the fault of her husband, committed a still greater crime. Possibly, a secret passion for Gyges had as great a share in that action, as her resentment for the dishonour done her. Be that as it will, she sent for Gyges, and obliged him to expiate his crime, either by his own death, or the king’s, at his own option. After some remonstrances to no purpose, he resolved upon the latter, and by the murder of Candaules became master of his queen and his throne.(M191) By this means the kingdom passed from the family of the Heraclidæ into that of the Mermnadæ.

Archilochus, the poet, lived at this time, and, as Herodotus informs us, spoke of this adventure of Gyges in his poems.

I cannot forbear mentioning in this place what is related by Herodotus, that amongst the Lydians, and almost all other Barbarians, it was reckoned shameful and infamous even for a man to appear naked. These footsteps of modesty, which are met with amongst pagans, ought to be reckoned valuable.(1091) We are assured, that among the Romans, a son, who was come to the age of maturity, never went into the baths with his father, nor even a son-in-law with his father-in-law; and this modesty and decency were looked upon by them as enjoined by the law of nature, the violation whereof was criminal. It is astonishing, that amongst us our magistrates take no care to prevent this disorder, which, in the midst of Paris, at the season of bathing, is openly committed with impunity; a disorder so visibly contrary to the rules of common decency, so dangerous to young persons of both sexes, and so severely condemned by paganism itself.

Plato relates the story of Gyges in a different manner from Herodotus.(1092) He tells us that Gyges wore a ring, the stone of which, when turned towards him, rendered him invisible; so that he had the advantage of seeing others, without being seen himself; and that by means of this ring, with the concurrence of the queen, he deprived Candaules of his life and throne. This probably signifies, that in order to compass his criminal design, he used all the tricks and stratagems, which the world calls subtle and refined policy, which penetrates into the most secret purposes of others, without making the least discovery of its own. The story, thus explained, carries in it a greater appearance of truth, than what we read in Herodotus.

Cicero, after having related this fable of Gyges’s famous ring, adds, that if a wise man had such a ring, he would not use it to any wicked purpose; because virtue considers what is honourable and just, and has no occasion for darkness.(1093)

(M192) GYGES reigned thirty-eight years.(1094) The murder of Candaules raised a sedition among the Lydians. The two parties, instead of coming to blows, agreed to refer the matter to the decision of the Delphic oracle, which declared in favour of Gyges. The king made large presents to the temple of Delphi, which undoubtedly preceded, and had no little influence upon, the oracle’s answer. Among other things of value, Herodotus mentions six golden cups, weighing thirty talents, amounting to near a million of French money, which is about forty-eight thousand pounds sterling.

As soon as he was in peaceable possession of the throne, he made war against Miletus, Smyrna, and Colophon, three powerful cities belonging to the neighbouring states.

After he had reigned thirty-eight years, he died, and was succeeded by his son

ARDYS, who reigned forty-nine years.(1095) It was in the reign of(M193) this prince, that the Cimmerians, driven out of their country by the Scythæ Nomades, went into Asia, and took the city of Sardis, with the exception of the citadel.

(M194) SADYATTES reigned twelve years.(1096) This prince declared war against the Milesians, and laid siege to their city. In those days the sieges, which were generally nothing more than blockades, were carried on very slowly, and lasted many years. This king died before he had finished that of Miletus, and was succeeded by his son.

(M195) HALYATTES reigned fifty-seven years.(1097) This is the prince who made war against Cyaxares, king of Media. He likewise drove the Cimmerians out of Asia. He attacked and took the cities of Smyrna and Clazomenæ. He vigorously prosecuted the war against the Milesians, begun by his father; and continued the siege of their city, which had lasted six years under his father, and continued as many under him. It ended at length in the following manner: Halyattes, upon an answer he received from the Delphic oracle, had sent an ambassador into the city, to propose a truce for some months. Thrasybulus, Tyrant of Miletus, having notice of his coming, ordered all the corn, and other provisions, assembled by him and his subjects for their support, to be brought into the public market; and commanded the citizens, at the sight of a signal that should be given, to be all in a general humour of feasting and jollity. The thing was executed according to his orders. The Lydian ambassador at his arrival was in the utmost surprise to see such plenty in the market, and such cheerfulness in the city. His master, to whom he gave an account of what he had seen, concluding that his project of reducing the place by famine would never succeed, preferred peace to so apparently fruitless a war, and immediately raised the siege.

(M196) CRŒSUS. His very name, which is become a proverb, conveys an idea of immense riches. The wealth of this prince, to judge of it only by the presents he made to the temple of Delphi, must have been excessively great. Most of those presents were still to be seen in the time of Herodotus, and were worth several millions. We may partly account for the treasures of this prince, from certain mines that he had, situate, according to Strabo, between Pergamus and Atarna;(1098) as also from the little river Pactolus, the sand of which was gold. But in Strabo’s time this river had no longer the same advantage.

What is very extraordinary, this affluence did not enervate or soften the courage of Crœsus.(1099) He thought it unworthy of a prince to spend his time in idleness and pleasure. For his part, he was perpetually in arms, made several conquests, and enlarged his dominions by the addition of all the contiguous provinces, as Phrygia, Mysia, Paphlagonia, Bithynia, Pamphylia, and all the country of the Carians, Ionians, Dorians, and Æolians. Herodotus observes, that he was the first conqueror of the Greeks, who till then had never been subject to a foreign power. Doubtless he must mean the Greeks settled in Asia Minor.

But what is still more extraordinary in this prince, though he was so immensely rich, and so great a warrior, yet his chief delight was in literature and the sciences. His court was the ordinary residence of those famous learned men, so revered by antiquity, and distinguished by the name of the Seven Wise Men of Greece.

Solon, one of the most celebrated amongst them, after having established new laws at Athens, thought he might absent himself for some years, and improve that time by travelling.(1100) He went to Sardis, where he was received in a manner suitable to the reputation of so great a man. The king, attended with a numerous court, appeared in all his regal pomp and splendour, dressed in the most magnificent apparel, which was all over enriched with gold, and glittered with diamonds. Notwithstanding the novelty of this spectacle to Solon, it did not appear that he was the least moved at it, nor did he utter a word which discovered the least surprise or admiration; on the contrary, people of sense might sufficiently discern from his behaviour, that he looked upon all this outward pomp, as an indication of a little mind, which knows not in what true greatness and dignity consist. This coldness and indifference in Solon’s first approach, gave the king no favourable opinion of his new guest.

He afterwards ordered that all his treasures, his magnificent apartments, and costly furniture, should be showed him; as if he expected, by the multitude of his fine vessels, jewels, statues, and paintings, to conquer the philosopher’s indifference. But these things were not the king; and it was the king that Solon was come to visit, and not the walls and chambers of his palace. He had no notion of making a judgment of the king, or an estimate of his worth, by these outward appendages, but by himself and his own personal qualities. Were we to judge at present by the same rule, we should find many of our great men wretchedly naked and desolate.

When Solon had seen all, he was brought back to the king. Crœsus then asked him, which of mankind in all his travels he had found the most truly happy? “One Tellus,” replied Solon, “a citizen of Athens, a very honest and good man, who, after having lived all his days without indigence, having always seen his country in a flourishing condition, has left children that are universally esteemed, has had the satisfaction of seeing those children’s children, and at last died gloriously in fighting for his country.”

Such an answer as this, in which gold and silver were accounted as nothing, seemed to Crœsus to denote a strange ignorance and stupidity. However, as he flattered himself that he should be ranked at least in the second degree of happiness, he asked him, “Who, of all those he had seen, was the next in felicity to Tellus?” Solon answered, “Cleobis and Biton, of Argos, two brothers,(1101) who had left behind them a perfect pattern of fraternal affection, and of the respect due from children to their parents. Upon a solemn festival, when their mother, a priestess of Juno, was to go to the temple, the oxen that were to draw her not being ready, the two sons put themselves to the yoke, and drew their mother’s chariot thither, which was above five miles distant. All the mothers of the place, ravished with admiration, congratulated the priestess on being the mother of such sons. She, in the transports of her joy and thankfulness, earnestly entreated the goddess to reward her children with the best thing that heaven can give to man. Her prayers were heard. When the sacrifice was over, her two sons fell asleep in the very temple, and there died(1102) in a soft and peaceful slumber. In honour of their piety, the people of Argos consecrated statues to them in the temple of Delphi.”

“What then,” says Crœsus, in a tone that showed his discontent, “you do not reckon me in the number of the happy?” Solon, who was not willing either to flatter or exasperate him any further, replied calmly: “King of Lydia, besides many other advantages, the gods have given us Grecians a spirit of moderation and reserve, which has produced amongst us a plain, popular kind of philosophy, accompanied with a certain generous freedom, void of pride or ostentation, and therefore not well suited to the courts of kings: this philosophy, considering what an infinite number of vicissitudes and accidents the life of man is liable to, does not allow us either to glory in any prosperity we enjoy ourselves, or to admire happiness in others, which perhaps may prove only transient, or superficial.” From hence he took occasion to represent to him further, “That the life of man seldom exceeds seventy years, which make up in all six thousand two hundred and fifty days, of which no two are exactly alike; so that the time to come is nothing but a series of various accidents, which cannot be foreseen. Therefore, in our opinion,” continued he, “no man can be esteemed happy, but he whose happiness God continues to the end of his life: as for others, who are perpetually exposed to a thousand dangers, we account their happiness as uncertain as the crown is to a person that is still engaged in battle, and has not yet obtained the victory.” Solon retired, when he had spoken these words,(1103) which served only to mortify Crœsus, but not to reform him.

Æsop, the author of the Fables, was then at the court of this prince, by whom he was very kindly entertained. He was concerned at the unhandsome treatment Solon received, and said to him by way of advice: “Solon, we must either not come near princes at all, or speak things that are agreeable to them.” “Say rather,” replied Solon, “that we should either never come near them at all, or else speak such things as may be for their good.”(1104)

In Plutarch’s time some of the learned were of opinion, that this interview between Solon and Crœsus did not agree with the dates of chronology. But as those dates are very uncertain, that judicious author did not think this objection ought to prevail against the authority of several credible writers, by whom this story is attested.

What we have now related of Crœsus is a very natural picture of the behaviour of kings and great men, who for the most part are seduced by flattery; and shows us at the same time the two sources from whence that blindness generally proceeds. The one is, a secret inclination which all men have, but especially the great, of receiving praise without any precaution, and of judging favourably of all that admire them, and show an unlimited submission and complaisance to their humours. The other is, the great resemblance there is between flattery and a sincere affection, or a reasonable respect; which is sometimes counterfeited so exactly, that the wisest may be deceived, if they are not very much upon their guard.

Crœsus, if we judge of him by the character he bears in history, was a very good prince, and worthy of esteem in many respects. He had a great deal of good-nature, affability, and humanity. His palace was a receptacle for men of wit and learning, which shows that he himself was a person of learning, and had a taste for the sciences. His weakness was, that he laid too great stress upon riches and magnificence, thought himself great and happy in proportion to his possessions, mistook regal pomp and splendour for true and solid greatness, and fed his vanity with the excessive submissions of those that stood in a kind of adoration before him.

Those learned men, those wits and other courtiers, that surrounded this prince, ate at his table, partook of his pleasures, shared his confidence, and enriched themselves by his bounty and liberality, took care not to thwart the prince’s taste, and never thought of undeceiving him with respect to his errors or false ideas. On the contrary, they made it their business to cherish and fortify them in him, extolling him perpetually as the most opulent prince of his age, and never speaking of his wealth, or the magnificence of his palace, but in terms of admiration and rapture; because they knew this was the sure way to please him, and to secure his favour. For flattery is nothing else but a commerce of falsehood and lying, founded upon interest on one side, and vanity on the other. The flatterer desirous to advance himself, and make his fortune; the prince to be praised and admired, because he is his own first flatterer, and carries within himself a more subtile and better prepared poison than any adulation gives him.

That maxim of Æsop, who had formerly been a slave, and still retained somewhat of the spirit and character of slavery, though he had varnished it over with the address of an artful courtier; that maxim of his, I say, which recommended to Solon, “That we should either not come near kings, or say what is agreeable to them,” shows us with what kind of men Crœsus had filled his court, and by what means he had banished all sincerity, integrity, and duty, from his presence. In consequence of which, we see he could not bear that noble and generous freedom in the philosopher, upon which he ought to have set an infinite value; as he would have done, had he but understood the worth of a friend, who, attaching himself to the person, and not to the fortune of a prince, has the courage to tell him disagreeable truths; truths unpalatable, and bitter to self-love at the present, but that may prove very salutary and serviceable for the future. _Dic illis, non quod volunt audire, sed quod audisse semper volent._ These are Seneca’s own words, where he is endeavouring to show of what great use a faithful and sincere friend may be to a prince; and what he adds further seems to be written on purpose for Crœsus: “Give him,”(1105) says he, “wholesome advice. Let a word of truth once reach those ears, which are perpetually fed and entertained with flattery. You will ask me, what service can be done to a person arrived at the highest pitch of felicity? That of teaching him not to trust in his prosperity; of removing that vain confidence he has in his power and greatness, as if they were to endure for ever; of making him understand, that every thing which belongs to and depends upon fortune, is as unstable as herself; and that there is often but the space of a moment between the highest elevation and the most unhappy downfall.”

It was not long before Crœsus experienced the truth of what Solon had told him.(1106) He had two sons, one of which, being dumb, was a perpetual subject of affliction to him; the other, named Atys, was distinguished by every good quality, and his great consolation and delight. The father one night had a dream, which made a great impression upon his mind, that this beloved son of his was to perish by iron. This became a new source of anxiety and trouble, and care is taken to remove out of the young prince’s way every thing made of iron, as partisans, lances, javelins, &c. No mention is made of armies, wars, or sieges, before him. But one day there was to be an extraordinary hunting-match, for the killing of a wild boar, which had committed great ravage in the neighbourhood. All the young lords of the court were to be at this hunting. Atys very earnestly importuned his father that he would give him leave to be present, at least as a spectator. The king could not refuse him that request, but intrusted him to the care of a discreet young prince, who had taken refuge in his court, and was named Adrastus. And this very Adrastus, as he was aiming his javelin at the boar, unfortunately killed Atys. It is impossible to express either the affliction of the father, when he heard of this fatal accident, or of the unhappy prince, the innocent author of the murder, who expiated his fault with his blood, stabbing himself in the breast with his own sword, upon the funeral pile of the unfortunate Atys.

Two years were spent on this occasion in deep mourning,(1107) the afflicted father’s thoughts being wholly taken up with the loss he had sustained. But the growing reputation, and great qualities of Cyrus, who began to make himself known, roused him out of his lethargy. He thought it behoved him to put a stop to the power of the Persians, which was enlarging itself every day. As he was very religious in his way, he would never enter upon any enterprise without consulting the gods. But, that he might not act blindly, and in order to be able to form a certain judgment on the answers he should receive, he was willing to assure himself beforehand of the truth of the oracles. For which purpose, he sent messengers to all the most celebrated oracles both of Greece and Africa, with orders to inquire, every one at his respective oracle, what Crœsus was doing on such a day, and such an hour, before agreed on. His orders were punctually observed; and of all the oracles none gave a true answer but that of Delphi. The answer was given in Greek hexameter verses, and was in substance as follows: “I know the number of the grains of sand on the sea-shore, and the measure of the ocean’s vast extent. I can hear the dumb, and him that has not yet learnt to speak. A strong smell of a tortoise boiled in brass, together with sheep’s flesh, has reached my nostrils, brass beneath, brass above.” And indeed the king, thinking to invent something that could not possibly be guessed at, had employed himself on the day and hour set down, in boiling a tortoise and a lamb in a brass pot, which had a brass cover. St. Austin observes in several places, that God, to punish the blindness of the Pagans, sometimes permitted the devils to give answers conformable to the truth.

Crœsus, thus assured of the veracity of the god whom he designed to consult, offered three thousand victims to his honour, and ordered an infinite number of vessels, tripods, and golden tables, to be melted down, and converted into ingots of gold, to the number of a hundred and seventeen, to augment the treasures of the temple of Delphi. Each of these ingots weighed at least two talents; besides which, he made several other presents: amongst others Herodotus mentions a golden lion, weighing ten talents, and two vessels of an extraordinary size, one of gold, which weighed eight talents and a half and twelve minæ; the other of silver, which contained six hundred of the measures called amphoræ. All these presents, and many more, which for brevity’s sake I omit, were to be seen in the time of Herodotus.

The messengers were ordered to consult the god upon two points: first, whether Crœsus should undertake a war against the Persians; secondly, if he did, whether he should require the succour of any auxiliary troops. The oracle answered, upon the first article, that if he carried his arms against the Persians, he would subvert a great empire; upon the second, that he would do well to make alliances with the most powerful states of Greece. He consulted the oracle again, to know how long the duration of his empire would be. The answer was, that it should subsist till a mule came to possess the throne of Media; which he considered as an assurance of the perpetual duration of his kingdom.

Pursuant to the direction of the oracle, Crœsus entered into alliance with the Athenians, who at that time had Pisistratus at their head, and with the Lacedæmonians, who were indisputably the two most powerful states of Greece.

A certain Lydian, much esteemed for his prudence, gave Crœsus, on this occasion, very judicious advice.(1108) “O prince, (says he to him,) why do you think of turning your arms against such a people as the Persians, who, being born in a wild, rugged country, are inured from their infancy to every kind of hardship and fatigue, who, being coarsely clad, and coarsely fed, can content themselves with bread and water; who are absolute strangers to all the delicacies and conveniencies of life; who, in a word, have nothing to lose if you conquer them, and every thing to gain if they conquer you; and whom it would be difficult to drive out of our country, if they should once come to taste the sweets and advantages of it? So far therefore from thinking of beginning a war against them, it is my opinion we ought to thank the gods that they have never put it into the heads of the Persians to come and attack the Lydians.” But Crœsus had taken his resolution and would not be diverted from it.

What remains of the history of Crœsus will be found in that of Cyrus, which I am now going to begin.

MAPS.

[Map: The World.]

Plate I, part A.

[Map: The World.]

Plate I, part B.

[Map: Egypt with Lybia.]

Plate II, part A.

[Map: Egypt with Lybia.]

Plate II, part B.

[Map: The Carthaginian Empire in Africa.]

Plate III, part A.

[Map: The Carthaginian Empire in Africa.]

Plate III, part B.

[Map: The Carthaginian Empire in Africa.]

Plate III, part C.

[Map: The Expedition of Hannibal.]

Plate IV, part A.

[Map: The Expedition of Hannibal.]

Plate IV, part B.

[Map: The Expedition of Hannibal.]

Plate IV, part B.

[Map: The Assyrians, Babylonians, Medes and Persians.]

Plate V, part A.

[Map: The Assyrians, Babylonians, Medes and Persians.]

Plate V, part B.

FOOTNOTES

_ 1 Of the Method of Teaching and Studying the Belles Lettres_, &c. vol. iii. and iv.—Trans.

2 Pietate ac religione, atque hâc unâ sapientiâ quòd deorum immortalium numine omnia regi gubernarique perspeximus, omnes gentes nationesque superavimus. _Orat. de Arusp. resp._ n. 19.—Trans.

3 Ecclus. x. 8

4 The ancients themselves, according to Pindar, (_Olymp. Od._ vii.) had retained some idea, that the dispersion of men was not the effect of chance, but that they had been settled in different countries by the appointment of Providence.—Trans.

5 Gen. xi. 8, 9.

6 “When the Most High divided the nations, and separated the sons of Adam, he set the bounds of the people according to the number of the children of Israel” (whom he had in view.) This is one of the interpretations (which appears very natural) that is given to this passage. Deut. xxxii. 8.—Trans.

7 Ecclus. xxxvi. 17, xxxix. 19.

8 Acts xv. 18.

9 I will bring you out from under the burdens of the Egyptians, and I will rid you out of their bondage. Exod. vi. 6. Out of the iron furnace, even out of Egypt. Deut. iv. 20.—Trans.

10 Isaiah v. 26, 30, x. 28, 34, xiii. 4, 5.

11 Sennacherib.—Trans.

12 Ibid. x. 13, 14.

13 Isaiah x. 5.

14 Ibid. ver. 7.

15 Ibid. ver. 12.

16 Because thy rage against me, and thy tumult is come up into mine ears, therefore I will put my hook into thy nose, and my bridle in thy lips, and I will turn thee back by the way by which thou camest. 2 Kings xix. 28.—Trans.

17 Ezek. xxi. 19, 23.

18 Ibid. xxvi. xxvii. xxviii.

19 Ezek. xxviii. 2.

20 Ibid. xxix. 18, 20.

21 Dan. iv. 1-34.

22 This incident is related more at large in the history of the Egyptians, under the reign of Amasis.—Trans.

23 Ibid. iv. 30.

24 Dan. iv. 31, 32.

25 Thus saith the Lord to his anointed, to Cyrus, whose right hand I have holden, to subdue nations before him and I will loose the loins of kings to open before him the two-leaved gates, and the gates shall not be shut.

I will go before thee, and make the crooked places straight: will break in pieces the gates of brass, and cut in sunder the bars of iron.

And I will give thee the treasures of darkness, and hidden riches of secret places, that thou mayest know, that I the Lord which shall call _thee_ by thy name, _am_ the God of Israel. Isa. xlv. 1-3.—Trans.

26 Isa. xlv. 13, 14.

27 Ibid. 13, 4.

28 Ibid. 4, 5.

29 Dan. iv. 7, 9.

30 Ἐδυνήθη ἐπιθυμίαν ἐμβαλεῖν τοσαύτην τοῦ πάντας αὐτῷ χαριζεσθαι, ὤσι ἀεὶ τ᾽ αὐτοῦ γνώμη ἀξιοῦν κυβερνᾶσθαι.—Trans.

31 Dan. vii.

32 Ezek. xix. 3, 7.

33 Joseph. 1. iii. c. 46.

34 Gen. i. 2.

35 Ibid. vi. 11.

36 Psal. cxliv. 15.

37 Laus ipsa, quâ Platonem vel Platonicos seu Academicos philosophos tantùm extuli, quantùm impios homines non oportuit, non immeritò mihi displicuit; præsertim quorum contra errores magnes defendenda est Christiana doctrina. _Retract._ 1. i. c. 1.—Trans.

38 Id in quoque corrigendum, quod pravum est; quod autem rectum est, approbandum. _De Bapt. cont. Donat._ 1. vii. c. 16.—Trans.

39 Lib. v. c. 19, 21, &c.

_ 40 De Civitate Dei_, 1. v. c. 19.

41 Vol. iv. p. 385.

42 This Mr Rollin has done admirably in the several volumes of his Ancient History.—Trans.

_ 43 The Method of Teaching and Studying the Belles Lettres_, &c. The English translation (in four volumes) of this excellent piece of criticism, was first printed for A. Bettesworth and C. Hitch, in Paternoster-Row.—Trans.

44 Arborum flos, est pleni veris indicium, et anni renascentis; flos gaudium arborum. Tunc se novas, aliasque quàm sunt, ostendunt, tunc variis colorum picturis in certamen usque luxuriant. Sed hoc negatum plerisque. Non enim omnes florent, et sunt tristes quædam, quæque non sentiant guadia annorum; nec ullo flore exhilarantur, natalesve pomorum recursus annuos versicolori nuntio promittunt. Plin. _Hist. Nat._ 1. xvi. c. 25.—Trans.

45 As the fig-trees.—Trans.

46 Mons. Bossuet.—Trans.

47 Former editions of this Work were printed in ten volumes.—Trans.

48 Xenoph. _in Cyrop._ 1. i. p. 25, 27.—Trans.

49 Quos ad fastigium nujus majestatis non ambitio popularis, sed spectata inter bonos moderatio provebebat. Justin, 1. i. c. 1.—Trans.

50 Fines imperii tueri magis quàm proferre mos erat. Intra suam cuique patriam regna finiebantur. Justin, 1. i. c. 1.—Trans.

51 Domitis proximis, cum accessione virium fortior ad alios transiret, et proxima quæque victoria instrumentum sequentis esset, totius orientis populos subegit. Justin, 1. i. c. 1.—Trans.

52 Sit hoc jam à principio persuasum civibus: dominos esse omnium rerum ac moderatores deos, eaque quæ geruntur eorum geri judicio ac numine; eosdemque optimè de genere hominum mereri; et, qualis quisque sit, quid agat, quid in se admittat, quâ mente, quâ pietate religiones colat, intueri; piorumque et impiorem habere rationem—Ad divos adeunto castè. Pietatem adhibento, opes amovento. Cic. _de leg._ l. ii. n. 15, 19.—Trans.

_ 53 Manner of Teaching_, &c. vol. i.—Trans.

54 Ἀθήνη.—Trans.

55 Οὐχὶ προειρημένον ἡμερῶν ἀριθμὸν ἁγνεύειν μόνον, ἀλλὰ τὸν βιον ὅλον ἡγνευκέναι. Demost. _in extrema Aristocratia_.—Trans.

56 Vol. ii. c. 3. § 2.—Trans.

57 Ληνός.

58 Dionysius.

59 Goats were sacrificed, because they spoiled the vines.—Trans.

60 From this fury of the Bacchanalians these feasts were distinguished by the name of Orgia, Ὀργὴ, _ira, furor_.—Trans.

61 Πάσαν ἐθεασάμην τὴν πόλιν περὶ τὰ Διονύσια μεθύουσαν. Lib. i. _de leg._ p. 637.—Trans.

62 Liv. 1. xxxix. n. 8, 18.

63 Nihil in speciem fallacius est quàm prava religio, ubi deorum numen prætenditur sceleribus. Liv. xxxix. n. 16.—Trans.

64 Multa eximia divinaque videntur Athenæ tuæ peperisse, atque in vitam hominum attulisse; tum nihil melius illis mysteriis, quibus ex agresti immanique vitâ, exculti ad humanitatem et mitigati sumus, initiaque ut appellautur, ita re vera principia vitæ cognovimus. Cic. 1. ii. _de leg._ n. 36.

Teque Ceres, et Libera, quarum sacra, sicut opiniones hominum ac religiones ferunt, longè maximis atque occultissimis ceremoniis continentur: à quibus initia vitæ atque victùs, legum, morum, mansuetudinis, humanitatis exempla hominibus et civitatibus data ac dispertita esse dicuntur. Cic. _in Verr. de supplic._ n. 186.—Trans.

65 Οἴδεν Ἐλευσὶν ταῦτα, καὶ οἱ τῶν σιωπωένων καὶ σιωπῆς; ὄντων ἀξιον ἐτόπται. _Orat de sacr. lumin._—Trans.

66 Δαδοῦχος.

67 Κῆρυξ.

68 Βασιλεὺς

69 Ἐπιμελήται

70 Ἱεροποιοὶ.

71 Diogen. Laërt. l. vi. p. 389.

72 Liv. l. xxxi. n. 14.

73 Est et fideli tuta silentio Merces. Vetabo, qui Cereris sacrum Vulgârit arcana, sub iisdem Sit trabibus, fragilemque mecum Solvat phaselum.

Hor. _Od._ 2. l. iii.

Safe is the silent tongue, which none can blame The faithful secret merit fame; Beneath one roof ne’er let him rest with me, Who “Ceres’ mysteries” reveals; In one frail bark ne’er let us put to sea, Nor tempt the jarring winds with spreading sails.

—Trans.

74 Lib. i. p. 26, 71.

75 Tardaque Eleusinæ matris volventia plaustra.

Virg. _Georg._ l. i. ver. 163.

The Eleusinian mother’s mystic car Slow rolling——

—Trans.

76 Herod. l. viii. c. 65.

77 Lib. ix. p. 305.

78 Plut. _in vit. Alex._ p. 671.

79 Zosim. _Hist._ l. iv.

_ 80 Sympos._ l. ii. quæst. 3. p. 635.

81 Errabat multis in rebus antiquitas: quam vel usu jam, vel doctrinâ, vel vetustate immutatam videmus. Retinetur autem et ad opinionem vulgi, et ad magnas utilitates reip. mos, religio, disciplina, jus augurum, collegii auctoritas. Nec verò non omni supplicio digni P. Claudius, L. Junius consules, qui contra auspicia navigârunt. Parendum enim fuit religioni, nec patrius mos tam contumaciter repudiandus _Divin._ l. ii. n. 70, 71.—Trans.

82 Certain instruments were fastened to the tops of oaks, which, being shaken by the wind, or by some other means, gave a confused sound. Servius observes, that the same word, in the Thessalian language, signifies _dove_ and _prophetess_, which had given room for the fabulous tradition of doves that spoke. It was easy to make those brazen basins sound by some secret means, and to give what signification they pleased to a confused and inarticulate note.—Trans.

83 Pausan. l. ix. p. 602, 604.

84 Plut. _de gen. Socr._ p. 590.

85 Herod, l. i. c. 157. Strab. l. xiv p. 634.

86 Tacit. _Annal._ l. ii. c. 54.

87 Lib. xiv. p. 427, 428.

88 Corium.

89 Προφήται.

90 Ἀνίκητος εἶ, ὦ παῖ.—Trans.

91 ——Cui talia fanti Ante fores, subitò non vultus, non color unus, Non comptæ mansere comæ: sed pectus anhelum, Et rabie fera corda tument; majorque videri, Nec mortale sonans: afflata est numine quando Jam propiore dei.

Virg. _Æn._ l. vi. v. 46-51.—Trans.

92 Among the various marks which God has given us in the Scriptures to distinguish his oracles from those of the devil, the fury or madness, attributed by Virgil to the Pythia, _et rabie fera corda tument_, is one. It is I, saith God, that show the falsehood of the diviners’ predictions, and give to such as divine, the motions of fury and madness; or according to Isa. xliv. 25, “That frustrateth the tokens of the liar, and maketh diviners mad.” Instead of which, the prophets of the true God constantly gave the divine answers in an equal and calm tone of voice, and with a noble tranquillity of behaviour. Another distinguishing mark is, that the dæmons gave their oracles in secret places, by-ways, and in the obscurity of caves; whereas God gave his in open day, and before all the world. “I have not spoken in secret, in a dark place of the earth,” Isa. xlv. 19. “I have not spoken in secret from the beginning,” Isa. xlviii. 16. So that God did not permit the devil to imitate his oracles, without imposing such conditions upon him, as might distinguish between the true and false inspiration.—Trans.

93 Lib. v.

94 Ἐγγαστρίμυθος.

95 Quòd si aliquis dixerit multa ab idolis esse prædicta; hoc sciendum, quòd semper mendacium junxerint veritati, et sic sententias temperârint, ut, seu boni seu mali quid accidisset, utrumque possit intelligi. Hieronym. in cap. xlii. Isaiæ. He cites the two examples of Crœsus and Pyrrhus.—Trans.

96 One method of consulting the oracle was by sealed letters, which were laid upon the altar of the god unopened.—Trans.

97 Macrob. l. i. _Saturnal._ c. 23.

98 Omnis spiritus ales. Hoc et angeli et dæmones. Igitur momento ubique sunt; totus orbis illis locus unus est: quid ubi geratur tam facilè sciunt, quàm enuntiant. Velocitas divinitas creditur, quia substantia ignoratur.—Cæterùm testudinem decoqui cum carnibus pecudis Pythius eo modo renunciavit, quo suprà diximus. Momento apud Lydiam fuerat. Tertul _in Apolog._—Trans.

99 Plut. _in Demosth._ p. 854.

100 Tertull. _in Apolog._

101 Lib. _de verà sapient._, c. 27.

102 Tam barbaros, tam immanes fuisse homines, ut parricidium suum, id est tetrum atque execrabib humano generi facinus, sacrificium vocarent. Cùm teneras atque innocentes animas, quæ maximè est ætas parentibus dulcior, sine ullo respectu pietatis extinguerunt, immanitatemque omnium bestiarum, quæ tamen fœtus suos amant, seritate superarent. O dementiam insanabilem! Quid illis isti dii ampliùs facere possent si essent iratissimi, quàm faciunt propitii? Cùm suos cultores parricidiis inquinant, orbitatibus mactant, humanis sensibus spoliant. Lactant. l. i. c. 21.—Trans.

103 Herod l. ii. c 180; l. v. c. 62.

104 About 44,428_l._ sterling.—Trans.

105 Ibid. l. i. c. 50, 51.

106 About 33,500_l._ sterling.—Trans.

107 Diod. l. xvi p. 453.

108 About 1,300,000_l._—Trans.

109 Plut. _de Pyth. orac._ p. 401.

110 Vol. iii.

111 Several reasons are given for this name.—Trans.

112 Pausan. l. ii. p. 88.

113 Apium.

114 Herod. l. viii. c. 26.

115 Παπαὶ, Μαρδόνιε, κόιους ἐπ᾽ ἄνδρας ἤγαγες μαχησομένους ἡμέας, οἵ οὐ περ᾽ χρημάσων τὸν αγῶνα ποιεῦνται, ἀλλά περὶ ἀρετῆς.—Trans.

116 Plin. l. xvi. c. 4.

117 Pausan. l. v. p. 297.

118 Pausan. l. vi. p. 382.

119 Olympiorum victoria, Græcis consulatus ille antiquus videbatur. _Tuscul. Quæst._ l. ii. n. 41.—Trans.

120 Olympionicam esse apud Græcos propè majus fuit et gloriosius quàm Romæ triumphâsse. _Pro Flacco_, n. 31.—Trans.

121 ——Palmaque nobilis Terrarum dominos evehit ad deos.

_Od._ i. l. i.

Sive quos Elea domum reducit Palma cœlestes

_Od._ ii. l. i.—Trans.

_ 122 Art. Poet._ v. 412.

123 Nempe enim et Athletæ segregantur ad strictiorem disciplinam, ut robori ædificando vacent; continentui à luxuriâ, à cibis lætioribus, à potu jucundiore; coguntur, cruciantur, fatigantur. Tertul. _ad Martyr._—Trans.

124 The persons employed in this office were called _Aliptæ_.—Trans.

125 Dolus an virtus, quis in noste requirat?—Trans.

126 Gen. xxxii. 24.

127 Captat pedes primùm, luctator dolosus est.—Trans.

_ 128 Iliad_. l. xxiii v. 708, &c. Ovid. _Metam._ l. ix. v. 31, &c. _Phars._ l. iv. v. 612. Stat. l. vi. v. 847.

129 Dioscoi. _Idyl._ xxii. _Argonautic_, l. ii. _Æneid._ l. v. _Thebaid._ l. vii. _Argonaut._ l. iv.

130 Πᾶν κράτος.

131 Quid tam distortum et elaboratum, quàm est ille Discobolos Myronis? Quintil. l. ii. c. 13.—Trans.

132 The Stadium was a measure of distance among the Greeks, and was, according to Herodotus, l. ii. c. 149, six hundred feet in length. Pliny says, l. ii. c. 23, that it was six hundred and twenty-five. Those two authors may be reconciled by considering the difference between the Greek and Roman foot; besides which, the length of the Stadium varies, according to the difference of times and places.—Trans.

_ 133 Hom._ lv. _in Matth._ c. 16.—Trans.

134 ——Tunc ritè citatos Explorant, acuuntque gradus, variasque per artes Instimulant docto languentia membra tumultu. Poplite nunc flexo sidunt, nunc lubrica forti Pectora collidunt plausu; nunc ignea tollunt Crura, brevemque fugam nec opino fine reponunt.

Stat. _Theb._ l. vi v. 587, &c.

They try, they rouse their speed, with various arts; Their languid limbs they prompt to act their parts. Now with bent hams, amidst the practis’d crowd, They sit; now strain their lungs, and shout aloud Now a short flight with fiery steps they trace, And with a sudden stop abridge the mimic race.

—Trans.

135 Plin. l. vii. c. 20.

136 57 leagues.

137 60 leagues.

138 Herod. l. vi. c. 106.

139 30 leagues.

140 More than 53 leagues.

141 Val. Max. l. v. c. 5.

142 67 leagues.

143 He had only a guide and one officer with him.—Trans.

144 Nec omnes Numidæ in dextro locati cornu, sed quibus desultorum in modum binos trahentibus equos, inter acerrimam sæpe pugnam, in recentem equum ex fesso armatis transultare mos erat; tanta velocitas ipsis, tamque docile equorum genus est. Liv. l. xxiii.—Trans.

145 Plut. _in Alex._ p. 666.

146 Metaque fervidis Evitata rotis. Horat. _Od._ i. 1. i.

The goal shunn’d by the burning wheels.

—Trans.

147 Hom. _Il._ l. xxiii. v. 334, &c.

148 Plut. _in Alex._ p. 666.

149 Ibid. _in Themist._ p. 124.

150 Ibid. _in Alcib._ p. 196.

151 Pausan. l. iii. p. 172.

152 Ibid. p. 188.

153 Ibid. p. 172.

154 Ibid. l. v. p. 309.

155 Pausan. l. vi. p. 344.

_ 156 Sympos._ l. viii. _quæst._ 4.

157 Plut. _in Alcib._ p. 196.

158 Lib. i. p. 3.

159 Diog. Laërt. _in Solon_, p. 37.

160 About 11_l._

161 About 2_l._

162 Cic. _de Orat._ l. ii. n. 352, 353. Phæd. l. ii. _fab._ 24. Quintil. l. xi. c 2.

163 Lib. vi. p. 368.

164 Lucian. _in vit. Demonact._ p. 1014.

165 It was Demonax, a celebrated philosopher, whose disciple Lucian had been. He flourished in the reign of Marcus Aurelius.—Trans.

166 Plut. _in Quæst. Rom._ p. 273.

167 Ὅτι τοῦ χρόνου τἀ σεμεῖα τῆς πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους διαφορᾶς ἀμαυροῦντος, αὐτοὺς ἀν λαμβάνειν καὶ καινοποιεῖν ἐπιφθονόν ἐστι καὶ φιλαπεχθῆμον.—Trans.

168 Plut. _in Lacon. Apophthegm_. p. 211.

169 Lucian. _in Herod._ p. 622.

170 Plut. _de vit Orat._ p. 836.

171 Diod. l. xiv. p. 318.

172 Ibid. l. xv. p. 384.

173 Attica anus Theophrastum, hominem alioqui disertissimum, annotatâ unius affectatione verbi, hospitem dixit. Quint. l. viii. c. 1.—Trans.

174 Ælian, l ii. c. 8.

175 Boileau, _Art. Poët._ chant. iii.

176 Ignotum tragicæ genus invenisse camœnæ Dicitur, et plaustris vexisse poëmata Thespis, Quæ canerent agerentque peruncti fæcibus ora.

Hor. _de Art. Poët._

When Thespis first expos’d the tragic Muse, Rude were the actors, and a cart the scene, Where ghastly faces, smear’d with lees of wine, Frighted the children, and amus’d the crowd.

Roscom. _Art of Poet._

—Trans.

177 Boileau, _Art. Poet._ chant. iii.

M1 A.M. 3440. Ant. J.C. 564.

178 Plut. _in Solon_ p. 95.

M2 A.M. 3464. Ant. J.C. 540. M3 A.M. 3514. Ant. J.C. 490.

179 Post hunc personæ pallæque repertor honestæ Æschylus, et modicis instravit pulpita tignis, Et docuit magnumque loqui, nitique cothurno.

Hor. _de Art. Poët._

This, Æschylus (with indignation) saw, And built a stage, found out a decent dress, Brought vizards in (a civiler disguise), And taught men how to speak and how to act.

Roscom. _Art of Poet._—Trans.

180 Boileau, _Art. Poet._

181 Actoris partes chorus officiumque virile Defendat, neu quid medios intercinat actus, Quod non proposito conducat, et hæreat apté. Ille bonis faveatque, et concilietur amicis, Et regat iratos, et amet peccare timentes. Ille dapes laudet mensæ brevis; ille salubrem Justitiam, legesque, et apertis otia portis. Ille tegat commissa, deosque precetur et oret, Ut redeat miseris, abeat fortuna superbis.

Hor. _de Art. Poët._

The chorus should supply what action wants, And hath a generous and manly part; Bridles wild rage, loves rigid honesty, And strict observance of impartial laws, Sobriety, security, and peace, And begs the gods to turn blind Fortune’s wheel, To raise the wretched, and pull down the proud; But nothing must be sung between the acts, But what someway conduces to the plot.

Roscom. _Art of Poet_. translat.—Trans.

182 Vol. iv.

_ 183 Manner of Teaching_, &c. vol. iv.

184 Quo meliùs nostri illi senes, qui personatum, ne Roscium quidem, magnoperé laudabant. Lib. iii. _de Orat._ n. 221.—Trans.

M4 A.M. 3509. Ant. J.C. 495. M5 A.M. 3534. Ant. J.C. 470. M6 A.M. 3599. Ant. J.C. 405. M7 A.M. 3524. Ant. J.C. 480.

185 Sententiis densus, et in iis quæ à sapientibus sunt, penè ipsis est par. Quintil. l. x. c. 1.—Trans.

186 Cui (Euripidi) tu quantum credas nescio; ego certè singulos ejus versus singula testimonia puto. _Epist._ viii. l. 14. _ad Famil._—Trans.

187 Ipse autem socer (Cæsar) in ore semper Græcos versus Euripidis de Phœnissis habebat, quos dicam ut potero, inconditè fortasse, sed tamen ut res possit intelligi:

Nam, si violandum est jus, regnandi gratià Violandum est; aliis rebus pietatem colas.

Capitalis Eteocles, vel potiùs Euripides, qui id unum, quod omnium sceleratissimum fuerat, exceperit. _Offic._ l. iii. n. 82.—Trans.

188 Plut. _in vit._ x. _orat._ p. 841.

189 I know not whether the idea of “a canal, that flows gently through delicious gardens,” is well adapted to designate the character of Sophocles, which is peculiarly distinguished by nobleness, grandeur, and elevation. That of an impetuous and rapid stream, whose waves, from the violence of their motion, are loud, and to be heard afar off, seems to me a more suitable image of that poet.—Trans.

190 Tragædias primus in lucem Æschylus protulit: sublimis et gravis, et grandiloquus sæpe usque ad vitium; sed rudis in plerisque et incompositus. Quintil. l. x. c. 1.—Trans.

191 Corneille and Racine.—Trans.

192 Φόβος καὶ ἔλεος.

193 Homo sum: humani nihil à me alienum puto. Ter.—Trans.

194 Successit vetus his comœdia non sinc multâ Laude. Hor. _in Art. Poët._—Trans.

_ 195 Plutus._

_ 196 The Birds._

_ 197 The Knights._

_ 198 The Peace._

199 Quem illa non attigit, vel potiùs quem non vexavit? Esto, populares homines, improbos, in remp. seditiosos, Cleonem, Cleophontem, Hyperbolum læsit: patiamur—Sed Periclem, cùm jam suæ civitati maximâ auctoritate plurimos annos domi et belli præfuisset, violari versibus, et eos agi in scenâ, non plùs decuit, quam si Plautus noster voluisset, aut Nævius, P. et Cn. Scipioni, aut Cæcilius M. Catoni maledicere. Ex fragm. Cic. _de Rep._ l. iv.—Trans.

200 Aristophan. _in Acharn._

201 Eupolis, atque Cratinus, Aristophanesque poëtæ, Atque alii, quorum comœdia prisca virorum est, Si quis erat dignus describi, quòd malus, aut fur, Quòd mœchus foret, aut sicarius, aut alioqui Famosus; multâ cum libertate notabant.

Hor. _Sat._ iv. l. i.

With Aristophanes’ satiric rage, When ancient comedy amus’d the age, Or Eupolis’s or Cratinus’ wit, And others that all-licens’d poem writ; None, worthy to be shown, escap’d the scene, No public knave, or thief of lofty mien; The loose adult’rer was drawn forth to sight; The secret murd’rer trembling lurk’d the night; Vice play’d itself, and each ambitious spark; All boldly branded with the poet’s mark.

—Trans.

202 Antiqua comœdia sinceram illam sermonis Attici gratiam propè sola retinet. Quintil.—Trans.

203 Nimium risûs pretium est, si probitatis impendio constat. Quintil. l. vi. c. 3.—Trans.

204 Non pejus duxerim tardi ingenii esse, quàm mali. Quintil. l. i. c. 3.—Trans.

205 Boileau, _Art. Poet._, chant. iii.

206 Atque ille quidem omnibus ejusdem operis auctoribus abstulit nomen, et fulgore quodam suæ claritatis tenebras obduxit. Quintil. l. x. c. 1.—Trans.

207 Quidam, sicut Menander, justiora posterorum quàm suæ ætatis, judicia sunt consecuti. Quintil. l. iii. c. 6.—Trans.

_ 208 Memoirs of the Acad. of Inscript._ &c. vol i. p. 136, &c.

209 Strab. l. ix. p. 395. Herod. l. viii. c. 65.

210 Ὀρχεῖσθαι.

211 It is not certain whether this piece was prior or posterior to the death of Socrates.—Trans.

212 Plut. _in Aristid._ p. 320.

213 Plut. _in Philipœm._ p. 362.

214 Cic. _in Orat. pro. Sext._ n. 120, 123.

215 O ingratifici Argivi, inanes Graii, immemores beneficii, Exulare sivistis, sivistis pelli, pulsum patimini.

—Trans.

216 Cic. _ad Attic._ l. ii. _Epist._ 19. Val. Max. l. vi. c. 2.

217 Justin, l. vi. c. 9.

218 Plut. _de glor. Athen._ p. 349.

219 Plut. _Sympos._ l. vii. _quæst._ vii. p. 719.

220 Ἀμαρτάνουσιν Ἀθηναῖοι μεγάλα. τὴν σπουδὴν εὶς τὴν παιδιὰν καταναλίσκοντες, τουτεστι μεγάλων ἀποστόλων δαπάνας καὶ στρατευμάτων ἐφύδια καταχορηγοῦντες εἰς τὸ θέατρον.—Trans.

221 Quibus rebus effectum est, ut inter otia Græecorum, sordidum et obscurum antea Macedonum nomen emergeret; et Philippus, obses triennio Thebis habitus, Epaminondæ et Pelopidæ virtutibus eruditus, regnum Macedoniæ, Græciæ et Asiæ cervicibus, velut jugum servitutis, imponeret. Just. l. vi. c. 9.—Trans.

222 Atheniensium res gestæ, sicuti ego existimo, satis amplæ magnificæque fuerunt verùm aliquanto minores tamen, quàm famâ feruntur. Sed quia provenere ibi scriptorum magna ingenia, per terrarum orbem Atheniensiam facta pro maximis celeorantur. Ita eorum, quæ fecere, virtus tanta habetur, quantum eam verbis potuere extollere præclara ingenia. Sallust. _in Bell. Catilin._—Trans.

223 In _Cim._ p. 479, 480.

224 Ἐλλείμματα μᾶλλον ἀρετῆς τινος ἢ κακίας πόνηρεύματα.—Trans.

225 Habet in picturâ speciem tota facies. Apelles tamen imaginem Antigoni latere tantùm altero ostendit, ut amissi oculi deformitas lateret. Quintil. l. ii. c. 13.—Trans.

226 Exequi sententias haud institui, nisi insignes per honestum, aut notabili dedecore: quod præcipuum munus annalium reor, ne virtutes sileantur, utque pravis dictis factisque ex posteritate et infamiâ motus sit. Tacit. _Annal._ l. iii. c. 65.—Trans.

M8 A.M. 2900. Ant. J.C. 1104.

227 Lib. vi. c. 52.

228 Lib. viii. p. 365. Plut. _in Lycurg._ p. 40.

229 Plut. _in Lycurg._ p. 40.

230 Herod. l. i. c. 82.

M9 A.M. 3261. Ant. J.C. 743.

231 Pausan. l. iv. p. 216-242. Justin, l. iii. c. 4.

232 Pausan. l. iv. p. 225, 226.

233 Ibid. l. iv. 227-234.

234 Diod. l. xv. p. 378.

235 Et regnata petam Laconi rura Phalanto. Hor. _Od._ vi. l. 2.—Trans.

236 Pausan. l. iv. p. 234, 235. Diod. _in Frag._

237 Pausan. l. iv. p. 235, 241.

_ 238 Memoirs of the Academy of Inscriptions_, vol. ii. p. 84-113.—Trans.

239 Clem. Alex. _in Protrep._ p. 20. Euseb. _in Prœp._ l. iv. c. 16.

240 Pausan. l. iv. p. 241-242.

M10 A.M. 3281. Ant. J.C. 723.

241 Ibid. p. 242, 261. Justin, l. iii. c. 5.

242 Cùm per complures annos gravia servitutis verbera, plerumque ac vincula, cæteraque captivitatis mala perpessi essent, post longam pænarum patientiam bellum instaurant. Justin, l. iii. c. 5.—Trans.

M11 A.M. 3320. Ant. J.C. 684.

243 According to several historians, there was another Aristomenes in the first Messenian war. Diod. l. xv. p. 378.—Trans.

244 Plat. l. i. _de Legib._ p. 629. Plut. _in Agid. et Cleom._ p. 805.

245 Tyrtæusque mares animos in martia bella Versibus exacuit.

Hor. _in Art. Poët._—Trans.

M12 A.M. 3334. Ant. J.C. 670. M13 A.M. 3704. Ant. J.C. 300. M14 A.M. 3680. M15 A.M. 3718. M16 3758. M17 3783. M18 3800. M19 3824. M20 A.M. 3704. M21 3724. M22 3743. M23 3758. M24 3778. M25 3781. M26 3817. M27 3829. M28 A.M. 3707. M29 3710. M30 A.M. 3723. M31 3724. M32 3726. M33 3728. M34 3762. M35 3772. M36 3784. M37 3824. M38 3686.

246 Lib. v. p. 310.—Trans.

M39 A.M. 3726. M40 3820. M41 A.M. 3721. Ant. J.C. 283. M42 A.M. 3741. Ant. J.C. 263. M43 A.M. 3763. Ant. J.C. 241. M44 A.M. 3807. Ant. J.C. 197. M45 A.M. 3845. Ant. J.C. 159. M46 A.M. 3866. Ant. J.C. 138. M47 A.M. 3871. Ant. J.C. 133. M48 A.M. 3490. Ant. J.C. 514. M49 A.M. 3600. Ant. J.C. 404. M50 A.M. 3641. Ant. J.C. 363. M51 A.M. 3667. Ant. J.C. 337. M52 A.M. 3702. Ant. J.C. 302. M53 A.M. 3819. Ant. J.C. 185. M54 A.M. 3880. Ant. J.C. 124.

247 Strab. l. xii. p. 534.

M55 A.M. 3682. Ant. J.C. 322.

248 Diod. l. xvi. p. 465. Justin, l. viii. c. 6. Plut. _in Pyrrho_.

249 Quanto doctior majoribus, tanto et gratioi populo fuit. Justin, l. xvii. c. 3.—Trans.

M56 A.M. 3733. Ant. J.C. 271.

250 Justin, l. xvi. c. 3-5. Diod. l. xv. p. 390.

251 Heraclienses honestiorem beneficii, quàm ultionis occasionem rati, instructos commeatibus auxiliisque aimittunt; bene agrorum suorum populationem impensam existimantes, si, quos hostes habuerant, amicos reddidissent. Justin.—Trans.

M57 A.M. 3640. Ant. J.C. 364. M58 A.M. 3652. Ant. J.C. 352.

252 l. xvi. p. 435.

M59 A.M. 3667. Ant. J.C. 337.

253 Ibid. p. 478.

M60 A.M. 3700. Ant. J.C. 304.

254 Diod. l. xx. p. 833.

M61 A.M. 3735. Ant. J.C. 269. M62 A.M. 3789. Ant. J.C. 215. M63 A.M. 3791. Ant. J.C. 213.

255 It is related, that under Amasis there were twenty thousand inhabited cities in Egypt. Herod 1. ii c. 177.—Trans.

256 A day’s journey is twenty-four eastern, or thirty-three English miles and a quarter.—Trans.

257 Strabo, 1 xvii. p. 787.

258 Hom. _Il._ i. ver. 381.

259 Strab. 1. xvii. p. 816.

260 Tacit. _Ann._ 1. ii. c. 60.

261 Thevenot’s _Travels_.

262 Lib. xvii. p. 805.

263 P. 816.

264 Germanicus alus quoque miraculis intendit animum, quorum præcipua fuere Memnonis saxea effigies, ubi radiis solis icta est, vocalem sonum reddens, &c. Tacit _Annal._ 1. ii. c. 61.—Trans.

265 Thevenot.

266 L. xvii. p. 807.

267 Diod. lib. i. p. 37.

268 It is proper to observe, once for all, that an Egyptian cubit, according to Mr. Greaves, was one foot nine inches, and about 3/4 of our measure.—Trans.

269 Plin. l. xxxvi. c. 8, 9.

270 Plin. l. xxxvi c. 9.

271 Rafts are pieces of flat timber put together to carry goods on rivers.—Trans.

272 Herod. l. ii c. 124, &c. Diod. l. i. p. 39-41. Plin. lib. xxxvi. c. 12.

273 About 200,000_l._ sterl.—Trans.

274 Strabo mentions the sepulchre, lib. xvii. p. 808.—Trans.

275 Diod. lib. i. p. 40.

276 Lib. xxxvi. c. 12.

277 Herod. l. ii. c. 148. Diod. l. i. p. 42. Plin. l. xxxvi. c. 13. Strab. l. xvii. p. 811.

278 Æneid, l. v. ver. 588, &c.

279 l. vi. ver. 27, &c.

280 Herod. l. ii. c. 140. Strab. l. xvii. p. 787. Diod. l. i p. 47. Plin. l. v. c. 9. Pomp. _Mela_, l. i.

_ 281 Vide Herod. et Diod._ Pliny agrees almost with them.—Trans.

282 Mela, l. i.

283 Eighty-five _stadia_.—Trans.

284 11,250_l._ sterling.—Trans.

285 Seneca (_Nat. Quæst._ l. iv. c. 2.) ascribes these verses to Ovid, but they are Tibullus’s.—Trans.

286 Excipiunt eum (Nilum) cataractæ, nobilis insigni spectaculo locus.—Illic excitatis primùm aquis, quas sine tumultu leni alveo duxerat, violentus et toriens per malignos transitus prosilit, dissimilis sibi—tandemque eluctatus obstantia, in vastam altitudinem subito destitutus cadit, cum ingenti circumjacentium regionum strepitu; quem perferre gens ibi à Persis collocata non potuit, obtusis assiduo fragore auribus, et ob hoc sedibus ad quietiora translatis. Inter miracula fluminis incredibilem incolarum audaciam accepi. Bini parvula navigia conscendunt, quorum alter navem regit, alter exhaurit. Deinde multùm inter rapidam insaniam Nili et reciprocos fluctus volutati, tandem tenuissimos canales tenent, per quos angusta rupium effugiunt: et cum toto flumine effusi navigium ruens manu temperant, magnoque spectantium metu in caput nixi, cum jam adploraveris, mersosque atque obrutos tantâ mole credideris, longè ab eo in quem ceciderant loco navigant, tormenti modo missi. Nec mergit cadens unda, sed planis aquis tradit. Senec. _Nat. Quæst._ l. iv. c. 2.—Trans.

287 Herod. l. ii. c. 19-27. Diod. l. i. p. 35-39. Senec. _Nat. Quæst._ l. iv. 1 & 2.

288 Lib. xvii. p. 789.

289 Herod. l. ii. c. 19. Diod. l. i. p 32.

290 Justum incrementum est cubitorum xvi. Minores aquæ non omnia rigant: ampliores detinent tardiùs recedendo. Hæ serendi tempora absumunt solo madente: illæ non dant sitiente. Utrumque reputat provincia. In duodecim cubitis famem sentit, in tredecim etiamnum esurit: quatuordecim cubita hilaritatem afferunt, quindecim securitatem, sexdecim delicias. Plin. l. v. c. 9.—Trans.

291 Jul. _Epist._ 50.

292 Diod. l. i. p 33.

293 Lib. xvii. p. 817.

294 Socrat. l. i. c. 18. Sozom. l. v. c. 3.

295 Lib. i. p. 30. & lib. v. p. 313.

296 Cùm cæteri amnes abluant terras et eviscerent; Nilus adeò nihil exedit nec abradit, ut contrà adjiciat vires.—Ita juvat agros duabus ex causis, et quòd inundat, et quòd oblimat. Senec. _Nat. Quæst._ l. iv. c. 2.—Trans.

297 Vol. ii.

298 Multiformis sapientia. Eph. iii. 10.

299 Deut. xi. 10-13.

300 Illa facies pulcherrima est, cùm jam se in agros Nilus ingessit. Latent campi, opertæque sunt valles: oppida insularum modo extant. Nullum in mediterraneis, nisi per navigia, commercium est: majorque est lætitia in gentibus, quo minus terrarum suarum vident. Senec. _Nat. Quæst._ l. iv. c. 2.—Trans.

301 Herod. l. ii. c. 158. Strab. l. xvii. p. 804. Plin l. vi. c. 29. Diod. l. i p. 29.

302 Plutar. _de Isid._ p. 354.

303 Strab. l. xvii. p. 805. Herod l. ii. c. 73. Plin. l. x. c. 2. Tacit. _Ann._ l. vi. c. 28.

_ 304 Sat._ vi.

305 Vir bonus tam citò nec fieri potest, nec intelligi—tanquam Phœnix, semel anno quingentesimo nascitur. _Ep._ 40.—Trans.

_ 306 Od._ iii. l. iv.

307 Strab. l. xvii. p. 805.

308 Or Myos Hormos.—Trans.

309 Strab. l. xvi p. 781.

310 2 Sam. viii. 14.

311 1 Kings ix. 26.

312 He got in one voyage 450 talents of gold, 2 Chron. viii. 18, which amounts to three millions two hundred and forty thousand pounds sterling. Prid. _Connect._, vol. i. _ad ann._ 740, _not._—Trans.

313 Strab. l. xvi. p. 481.

314 Part I. i. p. 9.

315 Strab. l. xvii. p. 791. Plin. l. xxxvi. c. 12.

316 Eight hundred thousand crowns, or 180,000_l_. sterling.—Trans.

317 Magno animo Ptolemæi regis, quòd in eà permiserit Sostrati Cnidii architecti structuræ nomen inscribi. Plin.—Trans.

_ 318 De scribend. Hist._ p. 706.

319 Ne Alexandrinis quidem permittenda deliciis. Quintil.—Trans.

320 A quarter or division of the city of Alexandria.—Trans.

321 Plut. _in Cæs._ p. 731. Seneca, _de Tranquill. Amm._ c. 9.

322 Acts vii. 22.

323 Diod. l. i. p. 63, &c.

_ 324 De Isid. et Osir._ p. 354.

325 Plat. _in Tim._ p. 656.

326 Diod. l. i. p. 70.

327 Pag. 69.

328 Ibid.

329 Ibid.

330 Ibid.

331 Herod. l. ii. c. 136

332 This law put the whole sepulchre of the debtor into the power of the creditor, who removed to his own house the body of the father: the debtor refusing to discharge his obligation, was to be deprived of burial, either in his father’s sepulchre or any other; and whilst he lived, he was not permitted to bury any person descended from him. Μηδὲ αὐτῷ ἐκείνῳ τελευτήσαντι εἶναι ταφῆς κυρῆσαι—μήτ᾽ ἄλλον μηδένα τὸν ἑαυτοῦ ἀπὸ γενόμενον θάψαι. Herod.—Trans.

333 Diod. l. i. p. 71.

334 Ibid. p. 72.

335 Diod. l. i. p. 22.

336 Herod. l. ii. c. 20.

337 Gen. xlvii. 26.

338 Herod. l. ii. c. 60.

339 Ibid. c. 39.

340 Diod. l. i. p. 88.

341 Plut. _de Isid. et Osir._ p. 354.

342 Plut. _Sympos._ l. iv. p. 670

343 Id. _de Isid._ p. 355.

344 Or Egyptian stork.—Trans.

_ 345 De Nat. Deor._ l. i. n. 82. _Tusc. Quæst._ l. v. n. 78.

346 Herod. l. ii. c. 65.

347 Diod. l. i. p. 74. 75.

348 Herod. l. iii. c. 27, &c. Diod. l. i. p. 76. Plin. l. viii. c. 46.

349 Pliny affirms, that he was not allowed to exceed a certain term of years; and was drowned in the priests’ well. Non est fas eum certos vitæ excedere annos, mersumque in sacerdotum fonte enecant. _Nat. Hist._ l. viii. c. 46.—Trans.

350 Above 11,250_l._ sterling.—Trans.

351 Quis nescit, Volusi Bithynice, qualia demens Ægyptus portenta colat? Crocodilon adorat Pars hæc: illa pavet saturam serpentibus Ibin. Effigies sacri nitet aurea Cercopitheci, Dimidio magicæ resonant ubi Memnone chordæ, Atque vetus Thebe centum jacet obruta portis. Illic cœruleos, hic piscem fluminis, illic Oppida tota canem venerantur, nemo Dianam. Porrum et cœpe nefas violare, ac frangere morsu. O sanctas gentes, quibus hæc nascuntur in hortis Numina!

Juven. _Sat._ xv.—Trans.

352 Diodorus affirms, that in his time, the expense amounted to no less than one hundred thousand crowns, or 22,500_l._ sterling. Lib. i. p. 76.—Trans.

_ 353 Imag._

354 Diod. l. i. p. 77, &c.

355 Ipsi qui irridentur Ægyptii, nullam belluam nisi ob aliquam utilitatem, quam ex eâ caperent, consecraverunt. Cic. lib. i. _De Nat. Deor._ n. 101.—Trans.

356 Which, according to Herodotus, is more than 17 cubits in length: l. ii. c. 68.—Trans.

357 P. 382.

358 P. 377 and 378.

359 Rom. i. ver. 22, 25.

360 Tom. v. pp. 25, 26.

361 Herod. l. ii. c. 85, &c.

362 About 137_l._ 10_s._ sterling.—Trans.

363 Diod. l. i. p. 81.

364 Twelve _Arouræ_. An _Egyptian Aroura_ was 10,000 square cubits, equal to three roods, two perches, 55-1/4 square feet of our measure.—Trans.

365 The Greek is, οἴνου τέσσαρες ἀρυστῆρες, which some have made to signify a determinate quantity of wine, or any other liquid: others, regarding the etymology of the word ἀρυστὴρ, have translated it by _haustrum_, a bucket, as Lucretius, lib. v. 51, others by _haustus_, a draught or sup. Herodotus says, this allowance was given only to the two thousand guards who attended annually on the kings. Lib. ii. c. 168.—Trans.

366 Lib. i. p. 67.

367 Herod. l. ii. c. 164, 168.

368 Cant. i. 8. Isa. xxxvi. 9.

369 Diod. p. 76.

370 Ψυχῆς ἰατρεῖον.—Trans.

371 It will not seem surprising that the Egyptians, who were the most ancient observers of the celestial motions, should have arrived to this knowledge, when it is considered, that the lunar year, made use of by the Greeks and Romans, though it appears so inconvenient and irregular, supposed nevertheless a knowledge of the solar year, such as Diodorus Siculus ascribes to the Egyptians. It will appear at first sight, by calculating their intercalations, that those who first divided the year in this manner, were not ignorant, that, to three hundred sixty-five days, some hours were to be added, to keep pace with the sun. Their only error lay in the supposition, that only six hours were wanting; whereas an addition of almost eleven minutes more was requisite.—Trans.

372 Lib. ii. c. 84.

373 Diod. l. i. p. 73.

374 Τὴν δὲ μουσικὴν νομίζουειν οὐ μόνον ἄχρηστον ὑπάρχειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ βλαβερὰν, ὡς ἄι ἐκθηλύνουσαν τὰς τῶν ἀνδρῶν ψυχάς.—Trans.

375 Diod. l. i. pp. 67, 68.

376 Or Ham.—Trans.

377 Diod. l. i. p. 67.

378 Tom. ii. p. 64.

379 Lib. x. c. 54.

380 Swineherds, in particular, had a general ill name throughout Egypt, as they had the care of so impure an animal. Herodotus (l. ii. c. 47.) tells us, that they were not permitted to enter the Egyptian Temples, nor would any man give them his daughter in marriage.—Trans.

381 Xiphilin. _in Apophthegm_. _Tib. Cæs._ Κείρεσθαί μου τὰ πρόβατα, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἀπαξύρεσθαι βούλομκι.

382 Plin. l. xiii. c. 11.

383 The Papyrus was divided into thin flakes, (into which it naturally parted,) which being laid on a table, and moistened with the glutinous waters of the Nile, were afterwards pressed together, and dried in the sun.—Trans.

384 Posteà promiscuè patuit usus rei, quâ cons ... immortalitas hominum.—Chartæ ... maxime humanitas constat in memoriâ.—Trans.

385 Plin. l. xix. c. 1.

386 Isa. xiv. 9.

387 Exod. ix. 31.

388 Plin. lib. xix. c. 1.

389 Proximus Byssino mulierum maximè deliciis genito: inventum jam est etiam [scilicet Linum] quod ignibus non absumetur, vivum id vocant, ardentesque in focis conviviorum ex eo vidimus mappas, sordibus exustis splendescentes igni magis, quàm possent aquis: _i.e._ A flax is now found out, which is proof against the violence of fire; it is called living flax; and we have seen table napkins of it glowing in the fires of our dining rooms; and receiving a lustre and a cleanness from flames, which no water could have given it.—Trans.

390 Ezek. xxvii. 7.

391 Των δ οστις λωτοιο φαγοι μελιηδεα καρπον, Ουκ ετ απαγγειλαι παλιν ηθελεν, ουδε νεεσθαι. Μη πω τις λωτοιο φαγων, νοστοιο λαθηται.

_Odyss._ ix. ver. 94, 95, 102.

—Trans.

392 Ægyptus frugum quidem fertilissima, sed ut propè sola iis carere possit, tanta est ciborum ex herbis abundantia. Plin. l. xxi. c. 15.—Trans.

393 Numb. xi. 4, 5.

394 Exod. xvi. 3.

395 Inundatione, id est, ubertate regio fraudata, sic opem Cæsaris invocavit, ut solet amnem suum.—Trans.

396 Percrebuerat antiquitùs urbem nostram nisi opibus Ægypti ali sustentarique non posse. Superbiebat ventosa et insolens natio, quòd victorem quidem populum pasceret tamen, quòdque in suo flumine, in suis manibus, vel abundantia nostra vel fames esset. Refudimus Nilo suas copias. Recepit frumenta quæ miserat, deportatasque messes revexit.—Trans.

397 Nilus Ægypto quidem sæpe. sed gloriæ nostræ nuaquam largior fluxit.—Trans.

398 Ezek. xxix. 3, 9.

399 Gen. xii. 10-26.

400 Diod. l. i. p. 41.

401 An historian of Cyrene.—Trans.

402 Sir John Marsham’s _Canon Chronic_. Father Pezron; the Dissertations of F. Tournemine, and Abbé Sevin, &c.—Trans.

403 Or Ham.

M64 A.M. 1816. Ant. J.C. 2188.

404 Or Cush, Gen. x. 6.

405 The footsteps of its old name (Mesraim) remain to this day among the Arabians, who call it Mesre; by the testimony of Plutarch, it was called χημία, Chemia, by an easy corruption of Chamia, and this for Cham or Ham.—Trans.

406 Herod. l. ii. p. 99. Diod. l. i. p. 42.

407 Diod. l. i. pp. 44, 45.

408 Three thousand two hundred myriads of Minæ.—Trans.

409 See Sir Isaac Newton’s _Chronology_, p. 30.

410 Diod. p. 46.

M65 A.M. 1920. Ant. J.C. 2084. M66 A.M. 2084. Ant. J.C. 1920.

411 Gen. xii. 10-20.

M67 A.M. 2179. Ant. J.C. 1825. M68 A.M. 2276. Ant. J.C. 1728.

412 Lib. xxxvi. c. 2.

413 Justin ascribes this gift of heaven to Joseph’s skill in magical arts: Cùm magicas ibi artes (Egypto) solerti ingenio percepisset, &c.—Trans.

M69 A.M. 2298. Ant. J.C. 1706.

414 Exod. i. 8.

M70 A.M. 2427. Ant. J.C. 1577.

415 Heb. urbes thesaurorum. LXX. urbes munitas. These cities were appointed to preserve, as in a storehouse, the corn, oil, and other products of Egypt. Vatab.—Trans.

416 Exod. i. 11, 13, 14.

M71 A.M. 2494. Ant. J.C. 1510. M72 A.M. 2513. Ant. J.C. 1491.

417 This name bears a great resemblance to Pharaoh, which was common to the Egyptian kings.—Trans.

418 Lib. iii. p. 74.

419 Herod. l. ii. c. 102, 110. Diod. l. i. pp. 48, 54.

420 Τὰ νοήματα ἐκμενσώθηναι, lib. xii. c. 4.

M73 A.M. 2513. Ant. J.C. 1491.

421 2 Chron. viii. 9. But of the children of Israel did Solomon make no servants for his work.—Trans.

422 150 stadia, about 18 miles English.—Trans.

423 Tacit. _Ann._ l. ii. c. 60.

424 Legebantur indicta gentibus tributa—haud minùs magnifica quàm nunc vi Parthorum aut potentiâ Romanâ jubentur—Inscribed on pillars, were read the tributes imposed on vanquished nations, which were not inferior to those now paid to the Parthian and Roman powers.—Trans.

M74 A.M. 2448. M75 A.M. 2530. M76 A.M. 2533. M77 A.M. 2549.

425 The reader may consult, on this subject, two learned dissertations of Abbé Renaudot, inserted in the second volume of _The History of the Academy of Inscriptions_.—Trans.

426 The sixteen letters brought by Cadmus into Greece, are α, β, γ, δ, ε, ι, κ, λ, μ, ν, ο, π, ρ, σ, τ, υ. Palamedes, at the siege of Troy, _i.e._ upwards of two hundred and fifty years lower than Cadmus, added the four following, ξ, θ, φ, χ; and Simonides, a long time after, invented the four others, namely, η, ω, ζ, ψ.—Trans.

M78 A.M. 2517. Ant. J.C. 1547.

427 Herod. l. ii. c. 111. Diod. l. i. p. 54.

M79 A.M. 2800. Ant. J.C. 1204.

428 I do not think myself obliged to enter here into a discussion, which would be attended with very perplexing difficulties, should I pretend to reconcile the series, or succession of the kings, as given by Herodotus, with the opinion of archbishop Usher. This last supposes, with many other learned men, that Sesostris is the son of that Egyptian king who was drowned in the Red-Sea, whose reign must consequently have begun in the year of the world 2513, and continued till the year 2547, since it lasted thirty-three years. Should we allow fifty years to the reign of Pheron his son, there would still be an interval of above two hundred years between Pheron and Proteus, who, according to Herodotus, was the immediate successor of the former; since Proteus lived at the time of the siege of Troy, which, according to Usher, was taken An. Mun. 2820. I know not whether his almost total silence on the Egyptian kings after Sesostris, was owing to his sense of this difficulty. I suppose a long interval to have occurred between Pheron and Proteus; accordingly, Diodorus (lib. i. p. liv.) fills it up with a great many kings; and the same must be said of some of the following kings.—Trans.

429 Herod. l. ii. c. 112, 120.

430 Ὡς τῶν μεγαλων ἀδικημάτον μεγάλαι εἰσὶ καὶ αἱ τιμωρὶαι παρὰ τῶν Θεῶν.—Trans.

431 L. ii. c. 121, 123.

432 Herod. l. ii. c. 124, 128. Diod. l. i. p. 57.

433 Herod. l. ii. p. 139. 140. Diod. p. 58.

434 Herod. l. ii. c. 136.

435 The remainder of the inscription, as we find it in Herodotus, is—for men plunging long poles down to the bottom of the lake, drew bricks (πλίνθος εἴρυσαν) out of the mud which stuck to them, and gave me this form.—Trans.

M80 A.M. 2991. Ant. J.C. 1013.

436 1 Kings iii. 1.

M81 A.M. 3026. Ant. J.C. 978.

437 1 Kings xi. 40. and xii.

M82 A.M. 3033. Ant. J.C. 971.

438 2 Chron. xii. 1-9.

439 The English version of the Bible says, The Lubims, the Sukkiims, and the Ethiopians.—Trans.

440 Or, of the kingdoms of the earth.—Trans.

M83 A.M. 3063. Ant. J.C. 941.

441 2 Chron. xiv. 9-13.

442 Herod. l. ii. c. 137. Diod, l. i. p. 59.

M84 A.M. 3279. Ant. J.C. 725.

443 2 Kings xvii. 4.

M85 A.M. 3285. Ant. J.C. 719.

444 Ἐς ἐμέ τις ὁρέων. εὐσεβης ἔστω—Trans.

445 Chap. xvii.

446 The Vulgate calls that city Alexandria, to which the Hebrew gives the name of No-Amon, because Alexandria was afterwards built in the place where this stood. Dean Prideaux, after Bochart, thinks that it was Thebes, surnamed Diospolis. Indeed, the Egyptian Amon is the same with Jupiter. But Thebes is not the place where Alexandria was since built. Perhaps there was another city there, which also was called No-Amon.—Trans.

447 Nahum iii. 8, 10.

448 Herod. l. ii. c. 142.

M86 A.M. 3299. Ant. J.C. 705.

449 Afric. apud Syncel. p. 74. Diod l. i. p. 59.

M87 A.M. 3319. Ant. J.C. 685.

450 Herod. l. ii. c. 147, 152.

451 He was one of the twelve.—Trans.

M88 A.M. 3334. Ant. J.C. 670.

452 Herod. l. ii. c. 153, 154.

453 This revolution happened about seven years after the captivity of Manasseh, king of Judah.—Trans.

454 Lib. i. p. 61.

455 Herod. l. ii. c. 157.

456 Isa. xx. 1.

457 Herod. l. i. c. 105.

458 Herod. l. ii. c. 2, 3.

M89 A.M. 3388. Ant. J.C. 616.

459 He is called Necho in the English version of the Scriptures.—Trans.

460 Herod. l. ii. c. 158.

461 Allowing 625 feet (or 125 geometrical paces) to each stadium, the distance will be 118 English miles, and a little above one-third of a mile. Herodotus says, that this design was afterwards put in execution by Darius the Persian, b. ii. c. 158.—Trans.

462 Herod. l. iv. c. 42.

463 Joseph. _Antiq._ l. x. c. 6. 2 Kings, xxiii. 29, 30. 2 Chron. xxxv. 20-25.

464 2 Kings xxiii. 33, 35. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 1, 4.

465 The Hebrew silver talent, according to Dr. Cumberland, is equivalent to 353_l._ 11_s._ 10-1/2_d._ so that 100 talents, English money, make £35,359 7_s._ 6_d._ The gold talent, according to the same source, is 5075_l._ 15_s._ 7-1/2_d._, so the amount of the whole tribute was 40,435_l._ 3_s._ 1-1/2_d._—Trans.

466 Lib. ii c. 159.

467 Megiddo.—Trans.

468 From the time that Solomon, by means of his temple, had made Jerusalem the common place of worship to all Israel, it was distinguished from the rest of the cities by the epithet _Holy_, and in the Old Testament was called _Air Hakkodesh_, _i.e._ the city of holiness, or the holy city. It bore this title upon the coins, and the shekel was inscribed _Jerusalem Kedusha_, _i.e._ Jerusalem the holy. At length Jerusalem, for brevity’s sake, was omitted, and only _Kedusha_ reserved. The Syriac being the prevailing language in Herodotus’s time, Kedusha, by a change in that dialect of _sh_ into _th_, was made Kedutha; and Herodotus giving it a Greek termination, it was writ Κάδυτις or Cadytis. Prideaux’s _Connection of the Old and New Testament_, ol. i. part i. p. 80, 81. 8vo. Edit.—Trans.

M90 A.M. 3397. Ant. J.C. 607.

469 Jer. xlvi. 2.

470 2 Kings, xxiv. 7.

471 A rivo Ægypti.

472 This little river of Egypt, so often mentioned in Scripture as the boundary of Palestine towards Egypt, was not the Nile, but a small river, which, running through the desert that lay betwixt those two nations, was anciently the common boundary of both. So far the land, which had been promised to the posterity of Abraham, and divided among them by lot, extended. Gen. xv. 18. Josh. xv. 4.—Trans.

M91 A.M. 3404. Ant. J.C. 600.

473 Herod. l. ii. c. 160.

474 Herod. c. 160.

M92 A.M. 3410. Ant. J.C. 594.

475 Jer. xliv. 30.

476 Herod. l. ii. c. 161. Diod. l. i. p. 62.

477 Ezek. xxix. 3.

478 Ezek. xvii. 15.

479 Isa. xxxi. 1, 3.

480 Ezek. xxix. 2, 3, 4.

481 Ezek. xxix. 8, 9.

482 Chap. xxix. xxx. xxxi. xxxii.

M93 A.M. 3416. Ant. J.C. 588.

483 Jer. xxxvii. 6, 7.

M94 A.M. 3430. Ant. J.C. 574.

484 Herod. l. ii. c. 161, &c. Diod. l. i. p. 62.

485 The baldness of the heads of the Babylonians was owing to the pressure of their helmets; and their peeled shoulders to their carrying baskets of earth, and large pieces of timber, to join Tyre to the continent. Baldness was itself a badge of slavery; and joined to the peeled shoulders, shows that the conqueror’s army sustained even the most servile labours in this memorable siege.—Trans.

486 For the better understanding of this passage, we are to know that Nabuchodonosor sustained incredible hardships at the siege of Tyre; and that when the Tyrians saw themselves closely attacked, the nobles conveyed themselves and their richest effects on shipboard, and retired into other islands. So that when Nabuchodonosor took the city, he found nothing to recompense the toil which he had undergone in this siege. S. Jerom.—Trans.

487 Chap. xxix. 18, 19, 20.

488 Jerem. xliii. 12.

489 Herod. l. ii. c. 163, 169. Diod. l. i. p. 62.

490 Ezek. xxx. 22.

491 Ezek. xxx. 24.

492 Ezek. xxx. 25.

493 Ver. 14, 17.

494 I have given the names of these towns as they stand in our English version. In the margin are printed against Zoan, Tanis; against Sin, Pelusium; against Aven, Heliopolis; against Phibeseth, Pubastum, (Bubastus;) and by these last names they are mentioned in the original French of M. Rollin.—Trans.

495 Jerem. xliv. 30.

496 Ezek. xxx. 13

497 Jerem ch. xliii. xliv.

M95 A.M. 3435. Ant. J.C. 569.

_ 498 In Tim._

499 Herod. l. ii. c. 172.

500 Herod. l. ii. c. 73.

501 The cubit is one foot and almost ten inches. Vide supra.—Trans.

502 Or, 58,125_l._ sterling.—Trans.

503 Ἐπῆρξε δὲ καὶ Ἑλλήνων τῶν ἐν τῆ Ἀσίᾳ, καταβὰς δὲ ἐπὶ Θάλατταν, καὶ Κυπρίωι καὶ Αἰγυπτίων, p. 5. edit. Hutchinsoni.—Trans.

M96 A.M. 3479. Ant. J.C. 525.

504 Bochart, part II. l. ii. c. 16.

505 The first scene of the fifth act, translated into Latin by Petit, in the second book of his _Miscellanies_.—Trans.

506 Herod. l. iii. c. 17-19.

507 Polyb. 944. Q. Curt. l. iv. c. 2, 3.

508 Liv. l. xxi. n. 1. Ibid. n. 21.

509 Liv. l. xxiii. n. 1.

510 Lib. vii. p. 502.

_ 511 Apolog._ c. 23.

512 In Psalm xcviii.

513 Jer. vii. 18. and xliv. 17-25.

514 Plut. _de Superstit._ p. 171.

515 Παρειστήκει δὲ ἡ μήτηρ ἄτεγκτος καὶ ἀστένακτος, &c. The cruel and pitiless mother stood by as an unconcerned spectator; a groan or a tear falling from her, “would have been punished by a fine;” and still the child must have been sacrificed. Plut. _de Superstitione_.—Trans.

516 Tertul. _in Apolog._

517 Minut. Felix.

518 Q. Curt. l. iv. c. 5.

519 It appears from Tertullian’s _Apology_, that this barbarous custom prevailed in Africa long after the ruin of Carthage. Infantes penès Africam Saturno immolabantur palàm usque ad proconsulatum Tiberii, qui eosdem sacerdotes in eisdem arboribus templi sui obumbratricibus scelerum votivis crucibus exposuit, teste militiâ patriæ nostræ, quæ id ipsum munus illi proconsuli functa est, _i.e._ Children were publicly sacrificed to Saturn, down to the proconsulship of Tiberius, who hanged the sacrificing priests themselves on the trees which shaded their temple, as on so many crosses, raised to expiate their crimes, of which the militia of our country are witnesses, who were the actors of this execution at the command of this proconsul. Tertul. _Apolog._ c. 9. Two learned men are at variance about the proconsul, and the time of his government. Salmasius confesses his ignorance of both; but rejects the authority of Scaliger, who, for proconsulatum, reads proconsulem Tiberii, and thinks Tertullian, when he writ his _Apology_, had forgot his name. However this be, it is certain that the memory of the incident here related by Tertullian was then recent, and probably the witnesses of it had not been long dead.—Trans.

520 Plut. _de serâ vindic. deorum_, p. 552.

521 Herod. l. vii. c. 167.

522 In ipsos quos adolebat sese præcipitavit ignes, ut eos vel cruore suo extingueret, quos sibi nihil profuisse cognoverat. S. Amb.—Trans.

523 Cûm peste laborarent, cruentâ sacrorum religione et scelere pro remedio usi sunt. Quippe homines ut victimas immolabant, et impuberes (quæ ætas etiam hostium misericordiam provocat) aris admovebant, pacem deorum sanguine eorum exposcentes, pro quorum vitâ dii maximè rogari solent. Justin, l. xviii. c. 6. The Gauls as well as Germans used to sacrifice men, if Dionysius and Tacitus may be credited.—Trans.

524 Lib. xx. p. 756.

_ 525 De Superstitione_, p. 169-171.

526 Idem. _in Camill._ p. 132.

_ 527 De Superstitione._

_ 528 De Rep._ l. ii. c. 11.

529 It is entitled, _Carthago, sive Carthaginensium Respublica_, &c. Francofurti ad Oderam, ann. 1664.—Trans.

530 Polyb. l. iv. p. 493.

531 This name is derived from a word, which, with the Hebrews and Phœnicians, signifies judges. _Shophetim._—Trans.

532 Ut Romæ consules, sic Carthagine quotannis annui bini reges creabantur. Corn Nep. _in vitâ Annibalis_, c. 7. The great Hannibal was one of the Suffetes.—Trans.

533 Senatum itaque Suffetes, quod velut consulare imperium apud eos erat, voca verunt. Liv. l. xxx. n. 7.—Trans.

534 Cum Suffetes ad jus dicendum consedissent. Id. l. xxxiv. n. 62.—Trans.

535 Lib. xxxiii. n. 46, 47.

536 Arist. loc. cit.

537 Lib. xv. p. 706, 707.

538 Polyb. l. vi. p. 494

M97 A.M. 3609. A. Carth. 487.

539 Lib. ix. c. 2.

540 Justin l. xix.

541 Lib. x. p. 824 edit Gionov.

542 Lib. xxvi. n. 51. Lib xxx. n. 16.

543 M. Rollin might have taken notice of some civil officers who were established at Carthage, with a power like that of the censors of Rome, to inspect the manners of the citizens. The chief of these officers took from Hamilcar, the father of Hannibal, a beautiful youth, named Asdrubal, on a report that Hamilcar was more familiar with this youth than was consistent with modesty. Erat prætereà cum eo [Amilcare] adolescens illustiis et formosus Hasdrubal, quem nonnulli diligi turpiùs quàm par erat, ab Amilcare, loquebantur.—Quo factum est ut à præfecto morum Hasdrubal cum eo vetaretur esse. Corn. Nep. _in vitâ Amalcaris_.—Trans.

M98 A.M. 3082. A. Carth. 682.

544 Παρὰ Καρχηδονίοις οὐδὲν αἰσχρὸν τῶν ἀνηκόντων πρὸς κέρδας. Polyb. l. vi. p. 497.—Trans.

545 Lib. iv. p. 312, &c.

546 Diod. l. iv. p. 312, &c.

547 Lib. iii. p. 147

548 25,000 drachmas.—An Attic drachma, according to Dr. Bernard=8-1/4_d._ English money, consequently 25,000=859_l._ 7_s._ 6_d._—Trans.

549 As Syphax and Masinissa.

550 King of the Massylians in Africa.—Trans.

551 Nepos, _in vitâ Annibalis_.

552 Cic. l. i. _De Orat._ n. 249. Plin. l. xviii. c. 3.

553 These books were written by Mago in the Punic language, and translated into Greek by Cassius Dionysius of Utica, from whose version, we may probably suppose, the Latin was made.—Trans.

554 Voss. _de Hist. Gr._ l. iv.

555 Plut. _de fort. Alex._ p. 328. Diog. Laërt. _in Clitom._

556 Clitomachus, homo et acutus ut Pœnus et valdè studiosus ac diligens. _Academ. Quæst._ l. iv. n. 98.—Trans.

_ 557 Tusc. Quæst._ l. lii. n. 54.

558 Suet. _in vit. Terent._

559 Factum senatûs consultum ne quis postea Carthaginensis aut literis Græcis aut sermoni studeret; ne aut loqui cum hoste, aut scribere sine interprete posset. Justin, l. xx. c. 5. Justin ascribes the reason of this law to a treasonable correspondence between one Suniatus, a powerful Carthaginian, and Dionysius the tyrant of Sicily; the former, by letters written in Greek, (which afterwards fell into the hands of the Carthaginians,) having informed the tyrant of the war designed against him by his country, out of hatred to Hanno the general, to whom he was an enemy.—Trans.

560 Quàm volumus licèt ipsi nos amemus, tamen nec numero Hispanos, nec robore Gallos, nec calliditate Pœnes, &c. sed pietate ac religione, &c. omnes gentes nationesque superavimus. _De Arusp. Resp._ n. 19.—Trans.

561 Carthaginenses fraudulenti et mendaces—multis et variis mercatorum advenarumque sermonibus ad studium fallendi quæstûs cupiditate vocabantur. Cic. _Orat. ii. in Rull._ n. 94.—Trans.

562 Magistratus senatum vocare, populus in curiæ vestibulo fremere, ne tanta ex oculis manibusque amitteretur præda. Consensum est ut, &c. Liv. l. xxx. n. 24.—Trans.

563 A mountebank had promised the citizens of Carthage to discover to them their most secret thoughts, in case they would come, on a day appointed, to hear him. Being all met, he told them, they were desirous to buy cheap and sell dear. Every man’s conscience pleaded guilty to the charge; and the mountebank was dismissed with applause and laughter. Vili vultis emere, et carè vendere; in quo dicto levissimi scenici omnes tamen conscientias invenerunt suas, eique vera et tamen improvisa dicenti admirabili favore plauserunt. S. August. l. xiii. _de Trinit._ c. 3.—Trans.

564 Plut. _de gen. Rep._ p. 799.

565 Lib. xxii. n. 61.

566 Utica et Carthago, ambæ inclytæ, ambæ à Phoenicibus conditæ; illa fato Catonis insignis, hæc suo. Pompon. Mel. c. 67. Utica and Carthage, both famous, and both built by Phoenicians; the first renowned by Cato’s fate, the last by its own.—Trans.

567 Our countryman Howel endeavours to reconcile the three different accounts of the foundation of Carthage, in the following manner. He says, that the town consisted of three parts, _viz._ Cothon, or the port and buildings adjoining to it, which he supposes to have been first built; Megara, built next, and in respect of Cothon, called the New Town, or Karthada; and Byrsa, or the citadel, built last of all, and probably by Dido.

Cothon, to agree with Appian, was built fifty years before the taking of Troy; Megara, to correspond with Eusebius, was built a hundred ninety-four years later; Byrsa, to agree with Menander, (cited by Josephus,) was built a hundred sixty-six years after Megara.—Trans.

568 Liv. _Epit._ l. ii.

569 Justin, l. xviii. c. 4-6. App. _de bello Pun._ p. 1. Strab. l. xvii. p. 832. Paterc. l. i. c. 6.

570 120 Stadia. Strab. l. xiv. p. 687.—Trans.

571 Some authors say, that Dido put a trick on the natives, by desiring to purchase of them, for her intended settlement, only so much land as an ox’s hide would encompass. The request was thought too moderate to be denied. She then cut the hide into the smallest thongs; and, with them, encompassed a large tract of ground, on which she built a citadel called Byrsa, from the hide. But this tale of the hide is generally exploded by the learned; who observe that the Hebrew word _Bosra_, which signifies a fortification, gave rise to the Greek word _Byrsa_, which is the name of the citadel of Carthage.—Trans.

572 Kartha Hadath or Hadtha.—Trans.

573 Effodêre loco signum, quod regia Juno Monstrârat, caput acris equi; nam sic fore bello Egregiam, et facilem victu per secula gentem.

Virg. _Æn._ l. i. ver. 447.

The Tyrians landing near this holy ground, And digging here, a prosp’rous omen found: From under earth a courser’s head they drew, Their growth and future fortune to foreshew: This fated sign their foundress Juno gave, Of a soil fruitful, and a people brave.

Dryden.—Trans.

574 The story, as it is told more at large in Justin, (l. xviii. c. 6.) is this—Iarbas, king of the Mauritanians, sending for ten of the principal Carthaginians, demanded Dido in marriage, threatening to declare war against her in case of a refusal: the ambassadors being afraid to deliver the message of Iarbas, told her, (with Punic honesty,) “that he wanted to have some person sent him, who was capable of civilizing and polishing himself and his Africans; but that there was no possibility of finding any Carthaginian, who would be willing to quit his native place and kindred, for the conversation of Barbarians, who were as savage as the wildest beasts.” Here the queen, with indignation, interrupting them, and asking, “if they were not ashamed to refuse living in any manner which might be beneficial to their country, to which they owed even their lives?” they then delivered the king’s message; and bid her “set them a pattern, and sacrifice herself to her country’s welfare.” Dido being thus ensnared, called on Sichæus with tears and lamentations, and answered, “that she would go where the fate of her city called her.” At the expiration of three months, she ascended the fatal pile; and with her last breath told the spectators, that she was going to her husband, as they had ordered her.—Trans.

575 Justin, l. xix. c. 1.

576 Justin, l. xix. c. 2.

577 Afri compulsi stipendium urbis conditæ Carthageniensibus remittere. Justin, l. xix. c 2.—Trans.

578 Sallust. _de bello Jugurth._ n. 77. Valer. Max. l. v. c. 6.

579 These altars were not standing in Strabo’s time. Some geographers think Arcadia to be the city which was anciently called Philænorum Aræ; but others believe it was Naina or Tain, situated a little west of Arcadia, in the gulf of Sidra.—Trans.

580 Strab. l. v. p. 224. Diod. l. v. p. 296.

581 Liv. l. xxviii. n. 37.

582 Diod. l. v. p. 298. and l. xix. p. 742. Liv. loco citato.

583 Liquescit excussa glans fundâ, et attritu aeris, velut igne, distillat. _i.e._ The ball, when thrown from the sling, dissolves; and, by the friction of the air, runs as if it was melted by fire. Senec. _Nat. Quæst._ l. ii. c. 57.—Trans.

584 Strab. l. iii. p. 167.

585 Bochart derives the name of these islands from two Phoenician words, Baal-jare, or master of the art of slinging. This strengthens the authority of Strabo, _viz._ that the inhabitants learnt their art from the Phœnicians, who were once their masters. Σφενδονῆται ἄριστοι λέγονται—ἐξότε Φοίνικες κατέσχον τὰς νήσες. And this is still more probable, when we consider that both the Hebrews and Phœnicians excelled in this art. The Balearian slings would annoy an enemy either near at hand, or at a distance. Every slinger carried three of them in war. One hung from the neck, a second from the waist, and a third was carried in the hand. To this, give me leave to add two more observations, (foreign indeed to the present purpose, but relating to these islands,) which I hope will not be unentertaining to the reader. The first is, that these islands were once so infested with rabbits, that the inhabitants of it applied to Rome, either for aid against them, or otherwise desired new habitations, ἐκβάλλεσθαι γὰρ ὑπὸ τῶν ζώων τέτων, those creatures having ejected them out of their old ones. Vide Strab. Plin. l. viii. c. 55. The second observation is, that these islanders were not only expert slingers, but likewise excellent swimmers, which they are to this day, by the testimony of our countryman Biddulph, who, in his _Travels_, informs us, that being becalmed near these islands, a woman swam to him out of one of them, with a basket of fruit to sell.—Trans.

586 Cluver, l. ii. c. 2.

587 Guadalquivir.

588 Strab. l. iii. p. 171.

589 Strab. l. iii. p. 139-142.

590 Seville.

591 Duero.

592 Guadiana.

593 Tarragona.

594 Barcelona.

595 Ebro.

596 Lib. v. p. 312.

597 Justin, l. xliv. c. 5. Diod. l. v. p. 300.

598 Lib. iii. p. 158.

599 Such a division of Britain retarded, and at the same time facilitated, the conquest of it to the Romans. Dum singuli pugnant universi vincuntur. Tacit.—Trans.

600 Hispania, prima Romanis inita Provinciarum quæ quidem continentis sint, postrema omnium perdomita est. Liv. l. xxviii. p. 12.—Trans.

601 Polyb. l. iii. p. 192. l. i. p. 9.

602 Passaro.

603 Il Faro.

604 Cape Boéo.

605 Strab. l. vi. p. 267.

606 This is Strabo’s calculation; but there must be a mistake in the numeral characters, and what he immediately subjoins, is a proof of this mistake. He says, that a man, whose eye-sight was good, might, from the coast of Sicily, count the vessels that came out of the port of Carthage. Is it possible that the eye can carry so far as 60 or 75 leagues? This passage of Strabo, therefore, must be thus corrected. The passage from Lilybæum to Africa, is only 25 leagues.—Trans.

M99 A.M. 3501. A. Carth. 343. Rome, 245. Ant. J.C. 503.

607 Polyb. l iii. p. 245, et seq. edit. Gronov.

608 The reason of this restraint, according to Polybius, was, the unwillingness of the Carthaginians to let the Romans have any knowledge of the countries which lay more to the south, in order that this enterprising people might not hear of their futility. Polyb. l. iii. p. 247. edit. Gronov.—Trans.

609 Idem, p. 246.

M100 A.M. 3520. Ant. J.C. 484.

610 Diod. l. xi. p. 1, 16, & 22.

611 This city is called in Latin Panormus.—Trans.

612 Besides the 300 Spartans, the Thespians, a people of Bœotia, to the number of 700, fought and died with Leonidas in this memorable battle. Herod. l. vii. c. 202-222.—Trans.

613 An Attic silver talent, according to Dr. Bernard, is 206_l._ 5_s._, consequently 2000 talents is 412,500_l._—Trans.

M101 A.M. 3592. A. Carth. 434. A. Rom. 336. Ant. J.C. 412.

614 Diod. l. xiii. p. 169-171. 179-186.

615 Diod. l. xiii. p. 201-203. 206-211. 226-231.

616 The very sepulchral monuments showed the magnificence and luxury of this city, being adorned with statues of birds and horses. But the wealth and boundless generosity of Gellias, one of its inhabitants, is almost incredible. He entertained the people with spectacles and feasts; and, during a famine, prevented the citizens from dying with hunger: he gave portions to poor maidens, and rescued the unfortunate from want and despair: he had built houses in the city and the country purposely for the accommodation of strangers, whom he usually dismissed with handsome presents. Five hundred shipwrecked citizens of Gela, applying to him, were bountifully relieved; and every man supplied with a cloak and a coat out of his wardrobe. Diod. l. xiii. Valer. Max. l. iv. c. ult. Empedocles the philosopher, born in Agrigentum, has a memorable saying concerning his fellow citizens: That the Agrigentines squandered their money so excessively every day, as if they expected it could never be exhausted; and built with such solidity and magnificence, as if they thought they should live for ever.—Trans.

617 This bull, with other spoils here taken, was afterwards restored to the Agrigentines by Scipio, when he took Carthage in the third Punic war. Cic. _Orat._ iv. _in Verrem._ c. 33.—Trans.

618 The Sicanians and Sicilians were anciently two distinct people.—Trans.

M102 A.M. 3600. A. Carth. 412. A. Rom. 344. Ant. J.C. 404.

619 Diod. l. xiv. p. 268-278.

620 Triremes.

621 Honos alit artes.

622 The curious reader will find a very particular account of it in book xxii. art. ii. sect. ii.—Trans.

623 Diod. l. xiv. p. 279-295. Justin, l. xix. c. 2, 3.

624 Panormus.—Trans.

625 Some authors say but thirty thousand foot, which is the more probable account, as the fleet which blocked up the town by sea was so formidable.—Trans.

626 Diodorus.

627 About 61,800_l._ English money.—Trans.

628 This Leptines was brother to Dionysius.—Trans.

629 About 206,000_l._—Trans.

630 Justin, l. xx. c. 5.

631 Diod. l. xv. p. 344.

632 This is the Dionysius who invited Plato to his court; and who, being afterwards offended with his freedom, sold him for a slave. Some philosophers came from Greece to Syracuse in order to redeem their brother, which having done, they sent him home with this useful lesson: That philosophers ought very rarely, or very obligingly, to converse with tyrants. This prince had learning, and affected to pass for a poet: but could not gain that name at the Olympic games, whither he had sent his verses, to be repeated by his brother Thearides. It had been happy for Dionysus, had the Athenians entertained no better an opinion of his poetry; for on their pronouncing him victor, when his poems were repeated in their city, he was raised to such a transport of joy and intemperance, that both together killed him; and thus, perhaps, was verified the prediction of the oracle, _viz._ that he should die when he had overcome his betters.—Trans.

M103 A.M. 3656. A. Carth. 498. A. Rom. 400. Ant. J.C. 348.

633 Diod. l. xvi. p. 459-472. Polyb. l. iii. p. 178. Plut. _in Timol._

634 Here he preserved some resemblance of his former tyranny, by turning schoolmaster; and exercising a discipline over boys, when he could no longer tyrannize over men. He had learning, and was once a scholar to Plato, whom he caused to come again into Sicily, notwithstanding the unworthy treatment he had met with from Dionysius’s father. Philip, king of Macedon, meeting him in the streets of Corinth, and asking him how he came to lose so considerable a principality as had been left him by his father; he answered, that his father had indeed left him the inheritance, but not the fortune which had preserved both himself and that.—However, fortune did him no great injury in replacing him on the dunghill, from which she had raised his father.—Trans.

635 Plut. p. 248-250.

636 Plut. p. 248-250.

637 This river is not far from Agrigentum. It is called Lycus, by Diodorus and Plutarch; but this is thought a mistake.—Trans.

638 Justin, l. xvi. c. 4.

639 Diod. l. xix. p. 651-656-710-712-737-743-760. Justin, l. ii. c. 1-6.

M104 A.M. 3685. A. Carth. 527. A. Rom. 429. Ant. J.C. 319.

640 He was, according to most historians, the son of a potter; but all allow him to have worked at the trade. From the obscurity of his birth and condition, Polybius raises an argument to prove his capacity and talents, in opposition to the slanders of Timæus. But his greatest eulogium was the praise of Scipio. That illustrious Roman being asked who, in his opinion, were the most prudent in the conduct of their affairs, and most judiciously bold in the execution of their designs; answered, Agathocles and Dionysius. Polyb. l. xv. p. 1003. edit. Gronov. However, let his capacity have been ever so great, it was exceeded by his cruelties.—Trans.

641 The battle was fought near the river and city of Himera.—Trans.

642 50,000 French crowns, or 11,250_l._ sterling.—Trans.

643 Agathocles wanting arms for many of his soldiers, provided them with such as were counterfeit, which looked well at a distance. And perceiving the discouragement his forces were under on sight of the enemy’s horse, he let fly a great many owls, (privately procured for that purpose,) which his soldiers interpreted as an omen and assurance of victory. Diod. l. xx. p. 754.—Trans.

644 Liv. l. xxvii. n. 43.

645 Diod. l. xvii. p. 519. Quint. Curt. l. iv. c. 3.

646 Τῶν τέκνων καὶ γυναικῶν μέρος, some of their wives and children. Diod. l. xvii. p. 519.—Trans.

647 And the most forward of all the rest was Antander, the brother of Agathocles, left commander in his absence; who was so terrified with the report, that he was eager for having the city surrendered; and expelled out of it eight thousand inhabitants who were of a contrary opinion.—Trans.

648 Diod. p. 767-769.

649 He was cruelly tortured till he died, and so met with the fate which his fellow-citizens, offended at his conduct in Sicily, had probably allotted for him at home. He was too formidable to be attacked at the head of his army; and therefore the votes of the senate (whatever they were) being, according to custom, cast into a vessel, it was immediately closed, with an order not to uncover it, till he was returned, and had thrown up his commission. Justin, l. xxii. c. 3.—Trans.

650 Diod. p. 779-781. Justin, l. xxii. c. 7.

651 It would seem incredible that any man could so far triumph over the pains of the cross, as to talk with any coherence in his discourse; had not Seneca assured us, that some have so far despised and insulted its tortures, that they spit contemptuously upon the spectators. Quidam ex patibulo suos spectatores conspuerunt. _De vitâ beatâ_, c. 19.—Trans.

652 Diod. p. 777-779-791-802. Justin, l. xxii. c. 7, 8

653 He was poisoned by one Mænon, whom he had unnaturally abused. His teeth were putrified by the violence of the poison, and his body tortured all over with the most racking pains. Mænon was excited to this deed by Archagathus, grandson of Agathocles, whom he designed to defeat of the succession, in favour of his other son Agathocles. Before his death, he restored the democracy to the people. It is observable, that Justin (or rather Trogus) and Diodorus disagree in all the material part of this tyrant’s history.—Trans.

654 Justin, l. xxi. c. 6.

M105 A.M. 3727. A. Carth. 569. A. Rom. 471. Ant. J.C. 277.

655 Polyb. l. iii. p. 250. edit. Gronov.

656 Justin, l. xviii. c. 2.

657 Idem.

658 Plut. _in Pyrrh._ p. 398.

659 Οἵαν ἀπολείπομεν, ὦ φίλοι, Καρχηδονίοις καὶ Ῥωμαίοις παλαίστραν. The Greek expression is beautiful. Indeed Sicily was a kind of Palæstra, where the Carthaginians and Romans exercised themselves in war, and for many years seemed to play the part of wrestlers with each other. The English language, as well as the French, has no word to express the Greek term.—Trans.

M106 A.M. 3724. A. Carth. 566. A. Rom. 468. Ant. J.C. 280.

660 Polyb. l. i. p. 8. edit Gronov.

661 Polyb. l. i. p. 12-15. edit. Gronov.

M107 A.M. 3741. A. Carth. 583. A. Rom. 485. Ant. J.C. 263.

662 Frontin.

663 The Chevalier Folard examines this question in his remarks upon Polybius, l. i. p. 16.—Trans.

M108 A.M. 3743. A. Rom. 487.

664 Polyb. l. i. p. 15-19.

665 Id. p. 20.

M109 A.M. 3745. A. Rom. 489.

666 Polyb. l. i. p. 22.

667 Polyb. l. i. p. 22.

668 A different person from the great Hannibal.—Trans.

669 These pillars were called _Rostratæ_, from the beaks of ships with which they were adorned; _Rostra_.—Trans.

670 Polyb. l. i. p. 24.

M110 A.M. 3749. A. Rom. 493.

671 Polyb l. i. p. 25.

672 Id. p. 30.

M111 A.M. 3750. A. Rom. 494.

673 Val. Max. l. iv. c. 4.

674 Polyb. l. i. p. 31-36.

675 In the interval betwixt the departure of Manlius and the taking of Tunis, we are to place the memorable combat of Regulus and his whole army, with a serpent of so prodigious a size, that the fabulous one of Cadmus is hardly comparable to it. The story of this serpent was elegantly written by Livy, but it is now lost. Valerius Maximus, however, partly repairs that loss; and in the last chapter of his first book, gives us this account of this monster from Livy himself.—He [Livy] says, that on the banks of Bragada (an African river) lay a serpent of so enormous a size, that it kept the whole Roman army from coming to the river. Several soldiers had been buried in the wide caverns of its belly, and many pressed to death in the spiral volumes of its tail. Its skin was impenetrable to darts: and it was with repeated endeavours that stones, slung from the military engines, at last killed it. The serpent then exhibited a sight that was more terrible to the Roman cohorts and legions than even Carthage itself. The streams of the river were dyed with its blood, and the stench of its putrified carcass infected the adjacent country, so that the Roman army was forced to decamp. Its skin, one hundred and twenty feet long, was sent to Rome: and, if Pliny may be credited, was to be seen (together with the jaw-bone of the same monster, in the temple where they were first deposited,) as late as the Numantine war.—Trans.

676 Δεῖ τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς ἤ νικᾷν, ἤ εἴκειν τοῖς ὑπερέχουσιν. Diod. _Eclog._ l. xxiii. c. 10.—Trans.

_ 677 De Bell. Pun._ p. 30.

678 This perfidious action, as it is related by Appian, may possibly be true, when we consider the character of the Carthaginians, who were certainly a cruel and treacherous people. But if it be fact, one would wonder why Polybius should reserve for another occasion, the relation of an incident which comes in most properly here, as it finishes at once the character and life of Xanthippus. His silence therefore in this place makes me think, that he intended to bring Xanthippus again upon the stage; and to exhibit him to the reader in a different light from that in which he is placed by Appian. To this let me add, that it showed no great depth of policy in the Carthaginians, to take this method of despatching him, when so many others offered which were less liable to censure. In this scheme formed for his destruction, not only himself, but all his followers, were to be murdered, without the pretence of even a storm, or loss of one single Carthaginian, to cover or excuse the perpetration of so horrid a crime.—Trans.

679 Lib. i. p. 36, 37.

680 Inter pauca felicitatis virtutisque exempla M. Atilius quondam in hâc eâdem terrâ fuisset, si victor pacem petentibus dedisset patribus nostris. Sed non statuendo tandem felicitati modum, nec cohibendo efferentem se fortunam, quanto altiùs elatus erat, eo fœdiùs corruit. Liv. l. xxx. n. 30.—Trans.

681 Ὡς ἕν σοφὸν βούλευμα τὰς πολλὰς χεῖρας νικᾶ. It may not be improper to take notice in this place (as it was forgotten before) of a mistake of the learned Casaubon, in his translation of a passage of Polybius concerning Xanthippus. The passage is this, Ἐν οἷς καὶ Ξάνθιππόν τινα Λακεδαιμόνιον ἄνδρα τὴς Λακωνικῆς ἀγωγῆς μετεχηκότα, καὶ τριβὴν ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς ἔχοντα σύμμετρον. Which is thus rendered by Casaubon: In queis [militibus sc. Græciâ allatis] Xanthippus quidam fuit Lacedæmonius, vir disciplinà Laconicâ imbutus, et qui rei militaris usum mediocrem habebat. Whereas, agreeably with the whole character and conduct of Xanthippus, I take the sense of this passage to be, “a man formed by the Spartan discipline, and proportionably [not moderately] skilful in military affairs.”—Trans.

682 This silence of Polybius has prejudiced a great many learned men against many of the stories told of Regulus’s barbarous treatment, after he was taken by the Carthaginians. M. Rollin speaks no further of this matter; and therefore I shall give my reader the substance of what is brought against the general belief of the Roman writers, (as well historians as poets,) and of Appian on this subject. First, it is urged, that Polybius was very sensible that the story of these cruelties was false; and therefore, that he might not disoblige the Romans, by contradicting so general a belief, he chose rather to be silent concerning Regulus after he was taken prisoner, than to violate the truth of history, of which he was so strict an observer. This opinion is further strengthened (say the adversaries of this belief) by a fragment of Diodorus, which says, that the wife of Regulus, exasperated at the death of her husband in Carthage, occasioned, as she imagined, by barbarous usage, persuaded her sons to revenge the fate of their father, by the cruel treatment of two Carthaginian captives (thought to be Bostar and Hamilcar) taken in the sea-fight against Sicily, after the misfortune of Regulus, and put into her hands for the redemption of her husband. One of these died by the severity of his imprisonment; and the other, by the care of the senate, who detested the cruelty, survived, and was recovered to health. This treatment of the captives, and the resentment of the senate on that account, form a third argument or presumption against the truth of this story of Regulus, which is thus argued. Regulus dying in his captivity by the usual course of nature, his wife, thus frustrated of her hopes of redeeming him by the exchange of her captives, treated them with the utmost barbarity in consequence of her belief of the ill usage which Regulus had received. The senate being angry with her for it, to give some colour to her cruelties, she gave out among her acquaintance and kindred, that her husband died in the way generally related. This, like all other reports, increased gradually; and, from the national hatred betwixt the Carthaginians and Romans, was easily and generally believed by the latter. How far this is conclusive against the testimonies of two such weighty authors as Cicero and Seneca (to say nothing of the poets) is left to the judgment of the reader.—Trans.

M112 A.M. 3755. A. Rom. 499.

683 Appian, _de Bella Pun._ p. 2, 3. Cic. _de Off._ l. iii. n. 99, 100. Aul. Gel. l. vi. c. 4. Senec. _Ep._ 99.

684 Horat. l. iii. _Od._ 3.

685 Polyb. l. i. p. 37.

686 Or Clypea.—Trans.

687 Polyb. l. i. p. 38-40.

688 P. 41, 42.

689 Ibid. l. i. p. 44-50.

690 Polyb. p. 50.

M113 A.M. 3756. A. Rom. 500.

691 Ibid. p. 51.

692 Ibid. p. 54-59.

693 A city and mountain of Sicily.—Trans.

694 Polyb. l. i. p. 59-62.

M114 A.M. 3763. A. Rom. 507.

695 These islands are also called Ægates.—Trans.

696 This sum amounts to near six millions one hundred and eighty thousand French livres, or 515,000_l._ English money.

697 Polyb. l. iii. p. 182.

M115 A.M. 3763. A. Carth. 605. A. Rom. 507. Ant. J.C. 241.

698 Polyb. l. i. p. 65-89.

699 The same year that the first Punic war ended.—Trans.

700 And sometimes ξενικὸν, or the war with the mercenaries.—Trans.

701 Ibid. p. 66.

702 Matho was an African, and free born; but as he had been active in raising the rebellion, an accommodation would have ruined him. He, therefore, despairing of a pardon, embraced the interests of Spendius with more zeal than any of the rebels; and first insinuated to the Africans the danger of concluding a peace, as this would leave them alone, and exposed to the rage of their old masters. Polyb. p. 98. edit. Gronov.—Trans.

703 Bellis Punicis omnibus, cum sæpe Carthaginenses et in pace et per inducias multa nefanda facinora fecissent, nunquam ipsi per occasionem talia fecere: magis quod se dignum foret, quàm quod in illos jure fieri posset, quærebant. Sallust. _in Bell. Gatilin._—Trans.

M116 A.M. 3767. A. Carth. 609. A. Rom. 511. Ant. J.C. 237.

704 Liv. l. xxi. n. 1.

705 Lib. iii. p. 162-168.

706 Angebant ingentis spiritûs virum Sicilia Sardiniaque amissæ: Nam et Siciliam nimis celeri desperatione rerum concessam; et Sardiniam inter motum Africæ fraude Romanorum, stipendio etiam superimposito, interceptam. Liv. l. xxi. n. 1.—Trans.

707 Polyb. l. ii. p. 90.

708 Polyb. l. iii. p. 167. Liv. l. xxi. n. 1.

M117 A.M. 3776. A. Rom. 520.

709 Polyb. l. ii. p. 101.

710 Polyb. l. ii. p. 123. Liv. l. xxi. n. 2.

711 The murder was an effect of the extraordinary fidelity of this Gaul, whose master had fallen by the hand of Asdrubal. It was perpetrated in public; and the murderer being seized by the guards, and put to the torture, expressed so strong a satisfaction in the thoughts of his having executed his revenge so successfully, that he seemed to ridicule all the terror of his torments. Eo fuit habitu oris, ut superante lætitià dolores, ridentis etiam speciem præbuerit. Liv. l. xxi. n. 1.—Trans.

M118 A.M. 3783. A. Rom. 530.

712 Liv. l. xxi. n. 3, 4.

M119 A.M. 3784. A. Carth. 626. A. Rom. 528.

713 Polyb. l. iii. p. 168, 169. Liv. l. xxi. n. 3-5.

_ 714 In vit. Annib._ c. 7.

715 Hic, ut rediit, Prætor factus est, postquam rex fuerat anno secundo et vigesimo.—Trans.

716 This city lay on the Carthaginian side of the Iberus, very near the mouth of that river, and in a country where the Carthaginians were allowed to make war, but Saguntum, as an ally of the Romans, was excepted from all hostilities, by virtue of the late treaty.—Trans.

717 Ibi largè partiendo prædam, stipendia præterita cum fide exsolvendo, cunctos civium sociorumque animos in se firmavit. Liv. l xxi. n. 5.—Trans.

718 Polyb. l. iii. p. 170-173. Liv. l. xxi. n. 6-15.

719 Polyb. p. 174, 175. Liv. l. xxi. n. 16, 17.

720 Sanctitate disciplinæ, quâ fidem socialem usque ad perniciem suam coluerunt. Liv. l. xxi. n. 7.—Trans.

721 Polyb. p. 187. Liv. l. xxi. n. 18, 19.

722 Polyb. l. iii. p. 184, 185.

M120 A.M. 3787. A. Carth. 629. A. Rom. 531. Ant. J.C. 217.

723 Polyb. l. iii. p. 187. Liv. l. xxi. n. 21, 22.

724 Lib. iii. p. 192, 193.

725 275 miles.

726 Polybius makes the distance from New Carthage to be 2600 furlongs; consequently, the whole number of furlongs will be 8400, or (allowing 625 feet to the furlong) 944 English miles, and almost one-third. See Polybius, edit. Gronov. p. 267.—Trans.

727 Lib. iii. p. 199.

728 200 miles.

729 200 miles.

730 175 miles.

731 150 miles.

732 1000 miles.

733 Polyb. l. iii. p. 188, 189.

734 Audierunt præoccupatos jam ab Annibale Gallorum animos esse: sed ne illi quidem ipsi satis mitem gentem fore, ni subinde anro, cujus avidissima gens est, principum animi concilientur. Liv. l. xxi. n. 20.—Trans.

735 Polyb. p. 189, 190. Liv. l. xxi. n. 22-24.

736 A little above Avignon.—Trans.

737 Polyb. l. iii. p. 270-274. edit. Gronov. Liv. l. xxi. ii. 26-28.

738 It is thought this was betwixt Roquemaure and Pont St. Esprit.—Trans.

739 Polyb. l. iii. p. 200-202, &c. Liv. l. xxi. n. 31, 32.

740 Hoc principium simulque omen belli, ut summâ rerum prosperum eventum, ita haud sanè incruentam ancipitisque certaminis victoriam Romanis portendit. Liv. l. xxi. n. 29.—Trans.

741 The text of Polybius, as it has been transmitted to us, and that of Livy, place this island at the meeting of the Saone and the Rhone, that is, in that part where the city of Lyons stands. But this is a manifest error. It was Σκώρας in the Greek, instead of which ὁ Ἄραρος has been substituted. J. Gronovius says, that he had read, in a manuscript of Livy, _Bisarar_, which shows, that we are to read _Isara Rhodanusque amnes_, instead of _Arar Rhodanusque_; and, that the island in question is formed by the conflux of the Isere and the Rhone. The situation of the Allobroges, here spoken of, proves this evidently.—Trans.

742 In Dauphiné.—Trans.

743 Polyb. l. iii. p. 203-208. Liv. l. xxi. n. 32-37.

744 Of Piedmont.—Trans.

745 Many reject this incident as fictitious. Pliny takes notice of a remarkable quality in vinegar; _viz._ its being able to break rocks and stones. Saxa rumpit infusum, quæ non ruperit ignis antecedens, l. xxiii. c. 1. He therefore calls it, Succus rerum domitor, l. xxxiii. c 2. Dion, speaking of the siege of Eleutheræ, says, that the walls of it were made to fall by the force of vinegar, l. xxxvi. p. 8. Probably, the circumstance that seems improbable on this occasion, is, the difficulty of Hannibal’s procuring, in those mountains, a quantity of vinegar sufficient for this purpose.—Trans.

746 Polyb. l. iii. p. 209 & 212-214. Liv. l. xxi. c. 39.

747 Taurini.—Trans.

748 A small river (now called Tesino) in Lombardy.—Trans.

749 Polyb. l. iii. p. 214-218. Liv. l. xxi. n. 39-47.

750 These two ill omens were, first, a wolf had stolen into the camp of the Romans, and cruelly mangled some of the soldiers, without receiving the least harm from those who endeavoured to kill it: and secondly, a swarm of bees had pitched upon a tree near the Prætorium or general’s tent. Liv. l. xxi. c. 46.—Trans.

751 The Numidians used to ride without saddle or bridle.—Trans.

752 Polyb. l. iii. p. 220-227. Liv. l. xxi. n. 51-56.

753 Polyb. l. iii. pp. 228, 229. Liv. l. xxi. n. 60, 61.

754 Or Ebro.—Trans.

755 Polyb. p. 229.

756 Liv. l. xxi. n. 58.

757 Polyb. l. iii. p. 229. Liv. l. xxii. n. 1. Appian. _in Bell. Annib._ p. 316.

M121 A.M. 3788. A. Rom. 532.

758 Polyb. pp. 230, 231. Liv. l. xxii. n. 2.

759 Polyb. l. iii. p. 231-238. Liv. l. xxii. n. 3-8.

760 Apparebat ferociter omnia ac præpioperè acturum. Quóque pronior esset in sua vitia, agitare eum atque irritare Pœnus parat. Liv. l. xxii. n. 3.—Trans.

761 Polyb. l. iii. p. 239-255. Liv. l. xxii. n. 9-30.

762 A small town, which gave its name to the Adriatic sea.—Trans.

763 Nec Annibalem lefellit suis se artibus peti. Liv.—Trans.

764 Satis fidens haudquaquam cum imperii jure artem imperandi æquatam. Liv. l. xxii. n. 26.—Trans.

765 Polyb. l. iii. p. 245-250. Liv. l. xxii. n. 19-22.

M122 A.M. 3789. A. Rom. 533.

766 Polyb. l. iii. p. 255-268. Liv. l. xxii. n. 34-54.

767 Polybius supposes only two hundred horse in each legion: but J. Lipsius thinks that this is a mistake either of the author or transcriber.—Trans.

768 A violent burning wind, blowing south-south-east, which, in this flat and sandy country, raised clouds of hot dust, and blinded and choked the Romans.—Trans.

769 Livy lessens very much the number of the slain, making them amount but to about forty-three thousand. But Polybius ought rather to be believed.—Trans.

770 Duo maximi exercitus cæsi ad hostium satietatem, donec Annibal diceret militi suo: Parce ferro. Flor. l. 1. c. 6.—Trans.

771 Tum Maharbal: Non omnia nimirum eidem Dii dedêre. Vincere scis, Annibal, victoriâ uti nescis. Liv. l. xxii. n. 51.—Trans.

772 Liv. l. xxii. n. 9. Ibid. l. xxiii. n. 18.

773 Casilinum.—Trans.

774 Liv. l. xxiii. n. 11-14.

775 Pliny, l. xxxiii. c. 1, says, that there were three bushels sent to Carthage. Livy observes, that some authors make them amount to three bushels and a half; but he thinks it most probable that there was but one, l. xxxiii. n. 12. Florus, l. ii. c. 16, makes it two bushels.—Trans.

776 De St. Evremond.

777 Liv. l. xxiii. n. 4-18.

778 Cæterùm quum Græci omnem ferè oram maritimam Coloniis suis, è Græciâ deductis, obsiderent, &c. But after the Greeks had, by their colonies, possessed themselves of almost all the maritime coast, this very country (together with Sicily) was called Græcia Magna, &c. Cluver. _Geograph._ l. iii. c. 30.—Trans.

779 Ibi partem majorem hiemis exercitum in tectis habuit; adversùs omnia humana mala sæpe ac diu durantem, bonis inexpertum atque insuetum. Itaque quos nulla mali vicerat vis, perdidere nimia bona ac voluptates immodicæ, et eo impensiùs quo avidiùs ex insolentiâ ineas se merserant. Liv. l. xxiii. n. 18.—Trans.

780 Illa enim cunctatio distulisse modò victoriam videri potuit, hic error vires ademisse ad vincendum. Liv. l. xxiii. n. 18.—Trans.

781 Capuam Annibali Cannas fuisse: ibi virtutem bellicam, ibi militarem disciplinam, ibi præteriti temporis famam, ibi spem futuri extinctam. Liv. l. xxiii. n. 45.—Trans.

782 Liv. l. xxiii. n. 13.

783 Ibid. n. 32.

M123 A.M. 3790. A. Rom. 534.

784 Liv. l. xxiii. n. 26-30. and n. 32, 40, 41.

785 Not Hannibal’s brother.—Trans.

M124 A.M. 3791. A. Rom. 535.

786 Liv. l. xxiii. n. 41-46. l. xxv. n. 22. l. xxvi. n. 5-16.

M125 A.M. 3793. A. Rom 537. M126 A.M. 3794. A. Rom. 538.

787 Flagitiosum esse terreri ac circumagi ad omnes Annibalis comminationes. Liv. l. xxvi. n. 8.—Trans.

788 Audita vox Annibalis fertur, Potiundæ sibi urbis Romæ, modò mentem non dari, modò fortunam. Liv. l. xxvi. n. 11.—Trans.

789 Feronia was the goddess of groves, and there was one, with a temple in it, dedicated to her, at the foot of the mountain Soracte. Strabo, speaking of the grove where the goddess was worshipped, says, that a sacrifice was offered annually to her in it; and that her votaries, inspired by this goddess, walked unhurt over burning coals. There are still extant some medals of Augustus, in which this goddess is represented with a crown on her head.—Trans.

790 Vilius Virius, the chief of this conspiracy, after having represented to the Capuan senate, the severe treatment which his country might expect from the Romans, prevailed with twenty-seven senators to go with him to his own house, where, after eating a plentiful dinner, and heating themselves with wine, they all drank poison. Then taking their last farewell, some withdrew to their own houses, others staid with Virius; and all expired before the gates were opened to the Romans. Liv. l. xxvi. n. 13, 14.—Trans.

791 Confessio expressa hosti, quanta vis in Romanis ad expetendas pœnas ab infidelibus sociis, et quàm nihil in Annibale auxilii ad receptos in fidem tuendos esset. Liv. l. xxvi. n. 16.—Trans.

M127 A.M. 3793. A. Rom. 537.

792 Liv. xxv. n. 32-39.

793 Id quidem cavendum semper Romanis ducibus erit, exemplaque hæc verè pro documentis habenda. Ne ita externis credant auxiliis, ut non plus sui roboris suarumque propriè virium in castris habeant. Liv. n. 33.—Trans.

794 He attacked the Carthaginians, who had divided themselves into two camps, and were secure, as they thought, from any immediate attempt of the Romans; killed thirty-seven thousand of them; took one thousand eight hundred prisoners and brought off immense plunder. Liv. l. xxv. n. 39.—Trans.

M128 A.M. 3798. A. Rom. 542.

795 Polyb. l. xi. p. 622-625. Liv. l. xxvii. p. 35-51.

796 No general was allowed to leave his own province, to go into that of another.—Trans.

797 Now called Metaro.—Trans.

798 According to Polybius, the loss amounted but to ten thousand men, and that of the Romans to two thousand, l. xi. p. 870, edit. Gronov.—Trans.

799 Horace makes him speak thus, in the beautiful ode where this defeat is described:

Carthagini jam non ego nuntios Mittara superbos. Occidit, occidit Spes omnis, et fortuna nostri Nominis, Asdrubale interempto. Lib. iv. _Od._ 4.—Trans.

M129 A.M. 3799. A. Rom. 543.

800 Polyb. l. xi. p. 650. & l. xiv. p. 677-687. & l. xv. p. 689-694. Liv. l. xxviii. n. 1-4. 16. 38. 40-46. l. xxix. n. 24-36. l. xxx. n. 20-28.

M130 A.M. 3800. A. Rom. 544. M131 A.M. 3802. A. Rom. 516.

801 Rarò quenquam alium patriam exilii causâ relinquentem magis mœstum abiisse ferunt, quàm Annibalem hostium terrà excedentem. Respexisse sæpe Italiæ littora, et deos hominesque accusantem, in se quoque ac suum ipsius caput execratum. Quòd non cruentum ab Cannensi victorià militem Romam duxisset. Liv. l. xxx. n. 20.—Trans.

802 Livy supposes, however, that this delay was a capital error in Hannibal, which he himself afterwards regretted.—Trans.

803 Ἐσκοπεῖτο παρ᾽ αὐτῷ συλλογιζόμενος, οὐχ οὕτω τί δέον παθεῖν Καρχηδονίους, ὡς τί δέον ἦν πράξει Ῥωμαίους. Polyb. l. xv. p. 965. edit. Gronov.

Quibus Scipio. Etsi nou induciarum modò fides, sed etiam jus gentium in legatis violatum esset; tamen se nihil nec institutis populi Romani nec suis moribus indignum in iis facturum esse. Liv. l. xxx. n. 25.—Trans.

M132 A.M. 3803. A. Rom. 547.

804 Polyb l. xv. p. 694-703. Liv. l. xxx. n. 29-35.

805 Celsus hæc corpore, vultuque ita læto, ut vicisse jam crederes, dicebat. Liv. l. xxx. n. 32.—Trans.

806 Polyb. l. xv. p. 704-707. Liv. l. xxx. n. 36-44.

807 Ten thousand Attic talents make thirty millions French money. Ten thousand Euboic talents make something more than twenty-eight millions, thirty-three thousand livres; because, according to Budæus, the Euboic talent is equivalent but to fifty-six minæ and something more, whereas the Attic talent is worth sixty minæ.

Or otherwise thus calculated in English money:

According to Budæus, the Euboic talent is 56 Minæ 56 Minæ reduced to English money is 175_l._ Consequently, 10,000 Euboic talents make 1,750,000_l._ So that the Carthaginians paid annually 35,000_l._

This calculation is as near the truth as it can well be brought; the Euboic talent being something more than 56 minæ.—Trans.

808 Rarò simul hominibus bonam fortunam bonamque mentem dari. Populum Romanum eo invictum esse, quòd in secundis rebus sapere et consulere meminerit. Et herclè mirandum fuisse si aliter facerent. Ex insolentiâ, quibus nova bona fortuna sit, impotentes lætitiæ insanire: populo Romano usitata ac propè obsoleta ex victoriâ gaudia esse; ac plus penè parcendo victis, quàm vincendo, imnerium auxisse. Liv. l. xxx n. 42.—Trans.

M133 A.M. 3804. A. Carth. 646. A. Rom. 548. Ant. J.C. 200.

809 Lib. vi. p. 493, 494.

810 Liv. l. xxiv. n. 8, 9.

811 Quilibet nautarum rectorumque tranquillo mari gubernare potest: Ubi sæva orta tempestas est, ac turbato mari rapitur vento navis, tum viro et gubernatore opus est. Non tranquillo navigamus, sed jam aliquot procellis submersi penè sumus. Itaque quis ad gubernacula sedeat, summâ curâ providendum ac præcavendum nubis est.—Trans.

812 Corn. Nep. _in Annib._ c. 7.

813 Liv. l. xxxiii. n. 46.

814 Liv. l. xxiii. n. 46, 47.

815 Tum verò isti quos paverat per aliquot annos publicus peculatus, velut bonis ereptis, non furto eorum manibus extorto, infensi et irati, Romanos in Annibaleim, et ipsos causam odii quærentes, instigabant. Liv.—Trans.

816 Liv. l. xxiii. n. 45-49.

817 It is probable that we should read _suos_.—Trans.

M134 A.M. 3812. A. Rom. 556.

818 Cic. _de Orat._ l. ii. n. 75, 76.

819 Hìc Pœnus liberè respondisse fertur, multos se deliros senes sæpe vidisse: Sed qui magis quàm Phormio deliraret vidisse neminem. Stobæus, _Serm._ lii. gives the following account of this matter: Ἀννίβας ἀκούσας Στοικοῦ τίνος ἐπιχειροῦντος, ὅτι ὁ σοφὸς μόνος στρατηγὸς ἐστὶν, ἐγέλασε, νομίζων ἀδύνατον εἶναι ἐκτὸς τῆς δι᾽ ἔργων ἐμπειρίας τὴν ἐν τούτοις ἑπιστήμην ἔχειν. _i.e._ Hannibal hearing a Stoic philosopher undertake to prove that the wise man was the only general, laughed, as thinking it impossible for a man to have any skill in war without having long practised it.—Trans.

820 They did more, for they sent two ships to pursue Hannibal, and bring him back; they sold off his goods, rased his house; and, by a public decree, declared him an exile. Such was the gratitude the Carthaginians showed to the greatest general they ever had. Corn. Nep. _in vitâ Hannib._ c. 7.—Trans.

821 Liv. l. xxxiv. n. 60.

822 Ib. n. 61.

M135 A.M. 3813. A. Rom. 557.

823 Liv. l. xxxv. n. 14. Polyb. l. iii. p. 166, 167.

824 Polybius represents this application of Villius to Hannibal, as a premeditated design, in order to render him suspected to Antiochus, because of his intimacy with a Roman. Livy owns, that the affair succeeded as if it had been designed; but, at the same time, he gives, for a very obvious reason, another turn to this conversation, and says, that no more was intended by it, than to sound Hannibal, and to remove any fears or apprehensions he might be under from the Romans.—Trans.

825 Liv. l. xxxv. n. 14. Plut. _in vitâ Flamin._ &c.

826 Plut. _in Pyrrho_, p. 687.

827 Liv. l. xxxv. n. 19.

828 Liv. l. xxxv. n. 42, 43.

829 Nulla ingenia tam prona ad invidiam sunt, quàm eorum qui genus ac fortunam suam animis non æquant: Quia virtutem et bonum alienum oderunt. Methinks it is better to read ut bonum alienum.—Trans.

830 Ib. l. xxxvi. n. 7.

831 Liv. l. xxxvi. n. 41.

832 Corn. Nep. _in Annib._ c. 9, 10. Justin, l. xxxii. c. 4.

M136 A.M. 3820. A. Rom. 564.

833 These statues were thrown out by him, in a place of public resort, as things of little value. Corn. Nep.—Trans.

834 Corn. Nep. _in Annib._ c. 10, 11. Justin, l. xxxiii c. 4.

835 Justin, l. xxxii. c. 4. Corn. Nep. _in vit. Annib._

M137 A.M. 3882. A. Rom. 566.

836 Liv. l. xxxix. n. 51.

837 Plutarch, according to his custom, assigns him three different deaths. Some, says he, relate, “that having wrapped his cloak about his neck, he ordered his servant to fix his knees against his buttocks, and not to leave twisting till he had strangled him.” Others say, that, in imitation of Themistocles and Midas, he drank bull’s blood. Livy tells us, that Hannibal drank a poison which he always carried about him; and taking the cup into his hands, cried, “Let us free,” &c. In _vitâ Flaminini_.—Trans.

_ 838 Of the Method of Studying and Teaching the Belles Lettres_, vol. ii.—Trans.

839 Quintil.—Trans.

840 Atque hic tantus vir, tantisque bellis districtus, nonnibil temporis tribuit litteris, &c. Corn. Nep _in vitá Annib._ cap. 13.—Trans.

841 Lib. xxi. n, 4.

_ 842 Excerpt. è_ Polyb. p. 33.

_ 843 Excerpt. è_ Diod. p. 282. Liv. l. xxv. n. 17.

844 Lib. xxxii. c. 4.

845 Cibi potionisque, desiderio naturali, non voluptate, modus finitus. Liv. l. xxi. n. 4.

Constat Annibalem, nec tum cùm Romano tonantem bello Italia contremuit, nec cùm reversus Carthaginem summum imperium tenuit, aut cubantem cœnâsse, aut plus quàm sextario vini indulsisse. Justin, l. xxxii. c. 4.—Trans.

_ 846 Except é_ Polyb. p. 34 & 37.

_ 847 Æn._ l. iv. ver. 41.—Trans.

848 Liv. l. xxiv. n. 48, 49.

849 Id. l. xxix. n. 29-34.

850 Id. l. xxix. n. 23.

851 Id. l. xxx n. 11, 12.

852 Liv. l. xxx. n. 44.

853 Id. l. xxxiv. n. 62.

M138 A.M. 3823. A. Rom. 567.

854 Id. l. xl. n. 17.

M139 A.M. 3833. A. Rom. 577.

855 Id. l. xlii. n. 23, 24.

856 Polyb. p. 951.

M140 A.M. 3848. A. Rom. 592.

857 App. _de bell. Pun._ p. 37.

858 App. p. 38.

859 App. _de bell. Pun._ 40.

860 Emporium, or Emporia, was a country of Africa, on the Lesser Syrtis, in which Leptis stood. No part of the Carthaginian dominions was more fruitful than this. Polybius, l. i. says, that the revenue that arose from this place was so considerable, that all their hopes were almost founded on it, ἐν ἁῖς (_viz._ their revenues from Emporia) εἶχον τὰς μεγίστας ἔλπιδας. To this was owing their care and state-jealousy above mentioned, lest the Romans should sail beyond the Fair Promontory, that lay before Carthage; and become acquainted with a country which might induce them to attempt the conquest of it.—Trans.

861 App. _de bell. Pun._ 40.

862 Ils furent tous passés sous le joug: Sub jugum missi; a kind of gallows (made by two forked sticks, standing upright) was erected, and a spear laid across, under which vanquished enemies were obliged to pass. Festus.—Trans.

M141 A.M. 3855. A. Carth. 697. A. Rom. 599. Ant. J.C. 149.

863 Appian, p. 41, 42.

864 The foreign forces were commanded by leaders of their respective nations, who were all under the command of a Carthaginian officer, called by Appian Βοήθαρχος.—Trans.

865 Plut. _in vit. Cat._ p. 352.

866 Plin. l. xv. c. 18.

867 Plut. ibid. _in vitâ Cat._

868 Ubi Carthago, et æmula imperii Romani ab stirpe interiit, Fortuna sævire ac miscere omnia cœpit. Sallust. _in bell. Catilin._

Ante Carthaginem deletam populus et senatus Romanus placidè modestéque inter se Remp. tractabant.—Metus hostilis in bonis artibus civitatem retinebat. Sed ubi formido illa mentibus decessit, illicet ea, quæ secundæ res amant, lascivia atquæ superbia incessere. Idem _in bello Jugurthino_.—Trans.

869 Potentiæ Romanorum prior Scipio viam aperuerat, luxuriæ posterior aperuit. Quippe remoto Carthaginis metu, sublatàque imperii æmulà, non gradu, sed præcipiti cursu à virtute descitum, ad vitia transcursum. Vel. Paterc. l. ii. c. 1.—Trans.

870 App. p. 42.

M142 A.M. 3856. A. Rom. 600.

871 Ibid.

872 Polyb. _excerpt. legat._. p. 972

873 To the Romans.—Trans.

874 Polyb. _excerpt. legat._ p. 972.

875 Polyb. p. 975. Appian, p. 44-46.

876 Appian, p. 46.

877 Balistæ or Catapultæ.—Trans.

878 Four leagues, or twelve miles.—Trans.

879 Appian, p. 46-53.

880 Appian, p. 53, 54.

881 Polyb. l. xiii. p. 671, 672.

882 Appian, p. 55. Strabo, l. xvii. p. 833.

883 Appian, p. 55.

884 Appian, p. 55-63.

M143 A.M. 3857. A. Rom. 601.

885 Appian, p. 63.

886 Appian, p. 65.

887 Page 66.

888 Andriscus.—Trans.

889 Page 68.

M144 A.M. 3858. A. Rom. 602.

890 Appian, p. 69.

891 Page 70.

892 A sort of movable bridge.—Trans.

893 Appian, p. 56, 57. Strabo, l. xvii. p. 832.

894 Νεωσοίκους, Strabo.—Trans.

895 Boch. in Phal. p. 512.

896 Appian, p. 72.

897 It was he who had first commanded without the city, but having caused the other Asdrubal, Masinissa’s grandson, to be put to death, he got the command of the troops within the walls.—Trans.

898 Page 73.

899 Four miles and three quarters.—Trans.

900 Appian, p. 74.

901 Appian, p. 75.

902 Ibid. p. 78.

M145 A.M. 3859. A. Rom. 603.

903 Appian, p. 79.

904 Ibid. p. 81.

905 Appian, p. 82.

906 Ecclus, x. 8.

M146 A.M. 3859. A. Carth. 701. A. Rom. 603. Ant. J.C. 145.

907 Appian, p. 83.

908 Ibid.

909 Quem taurum Scipio cùm redderet Agrigentinis, dixisse dicitur, æquum esse illos cogitare utrum esset Siculis utilius, suisne servire, au populo R. obtemperare, cùm idem monumentum et domesticæ crudelitatis, et nostræ mansuetudinis haberent. Cicer. _Verr._ vi. n. 73.—Trans.

910 Ibid.

911 Appian, p. 84.

912 We may guess at the dimensions of this famous city, by what Florus says, _viz._ that it was seventeen days on fire, before it could be all consumed. Quanta urbs deleta sit, ut de cæteris taceam, vel ignium morâ probari potest: quippe per continuos decem et septem dies vix potuit incendium extingui. Lib. ii. c. 15.—Trans.

913 Neque se Roma, jam terrarum orbe superato, securam speravit fore, si nomen usquam maneret Carthaginis. Adeo odium certaminibus ortum, ultra metum durat, et ne in victis quidem deponitur, neque antè invisum esse desinit, quàm esse desiit. Vel. Paterc. l. i. c. 12.—Trans.

914 Ut ipse locus eorum, qui cum hâc urbe de imperio certârunt, vestigia calamitatis ostenderet. Cic. _Agrar._ ii. n. 50.—Trans.

915 Ibid.

916 Appian, p. 85. Plut. _in vit. Gracch_ p. 839.

917 Marius cursum in Africam direxit, inopemque vitam in tugurio ruinarum Carthaginensium toleravit: cùm Marius aspiciens Carthaginem, illa intuens Marium, alter alteri possent esse solatio. Vel. Paterc. l. ii c. 19.—Trans.

918 Appian, p. 85.

919 Strabo, l. xvii. p. 833.

920 Ibid. 831.

921 Page 733.

922 Scipio Æmilianus, vir avitis P. Africani paternisque L. Pauli virtutibus simillimus, omnibus belli ac togæ dotibus, ingeniique ac studiorum eminentissimus seculi sui, qui nihil in vitâ nisi laudandum aut fecit aut dixit aut seusit. Vel. Paterc. l. i. c. 12.—Trans.

923 Neque enim quisquam hoc Scipione elegantiùs intervalla negotiorum otio dispunxit: semperque aut belli aut pacis serviit artibus, semper inter arma ac studia versatus, aut corpus periculis, aut animum disciplinis exercuit. Vel. Paterc. l. i. c. 13.—Trans.

924 Africanus semper Socraticum Xenophontem in manibus habebat. _Tusc. Quæst._ l. ii. n. 62.—Trans.

925 Plut. _in vit. Æmil. Paul._ p. 258.

_ 926 Excerpt. è_ Polyb. p. 147-163.

927 She was sister of Paulus Æmilius, father of the second Scipio Africanus.—Trans.

928 Or, 11,250_l._ sterling.—Trans.

929 Κατεγνωκότες τῆς αὐτῶν μικρολογίας.—Trans.

930 Or, 13,500_l._ sterling.—Trans.

931 Or, 5375_l._ sterling.—Trans.

932 Pausan. _in Arcad._ l. xiii. p. 505.

M147 A.M. 3857. A. Rom. 601.

933 Appian, p. 65. Val. Max. l. v. c. 2.

934 Appian, p. 65.

935 Cicero introduces Cato, speaking as follows of Masinissa’s vigorous constitution: Arbitror te audire, Scipio, hospes tuus Masinissa quæ faciat hodie nonaginta annos natus; cùm ingressus iter pedibus sit, in equum omnino non ascendere; cùm equo, ex equo non descendere; nullo imbre, nullo frigore adduci, ut capite operto sit; summam esse in eo corporis siccitatem. Itaque exequi omnia regis officia et munera. _De Senectute._—Trans.

936 An seni gerenda sit Resp. p. 791.

937 Appian ibid. Val. Max. l. v. c. 2.

938 All this history of Jugurtha is extracted from Sallust.—Trans.

939 Terrebat eum natura mortalium avida imperii, et præceps ad explendam animi cupidinem: præterea opportunitas suæ liberorumque ætatis, quæ etiam mediocres viros spe prædæ transversos agit. _Sallust._—Trans.

940 Ac sanè, quod difficillimum imprimis est, et prælio strenuus erat, et bonus consilio: quorum alterum ex providentiâ timorem, alterum ex audacià temeritatem adferre plerumque solet.—Trans.

941 Non exercitus, neque thesauri, præsidia regni sunt, verùm amici: Quos neque armis cogere, neque auro parare queas; officio et fide pariuntur. Quis autem amicior quàm frater fratri? aut quem alienum fidum invenies, si tuis hostis fueris?—Trans.

M148 A.M. 3887. A. Rom. 631. M149 A.M. 3888. A. Rom. 632.

942 He chose two of the nimblest of those who had followed him into Cirtha; and these, induced by the great rewards he promised them, and pitying his unhappy circumstances, undertook to pass through the enemy’s camp, in the night, to the neighbouring shore, and from thence to Rome. Ex iis qui unâ Cirtam profugerant, duos maximè impigros delegit: eos, multa pollicendo, ac miserando casum suum, confirmat, ubi per hostium munitiones noctu ad proximum mare, dein Romam pergerent. Sallust.—Trans.

M150 A.M. 3894. A. Rom. 683. Ant. J.C. 110.

943 Multæ bonæque artes animi et corporis erant, quas omnes avaritia præpediebat.—Trans.

944 Magnitudine pecuniæ à bono honestoque in pravum abstractus est.—Trans.

945 Postquam Româ egressus est, fertur sæpe tacitus eò respiciens, postremò dixisse. Urbem venalem et maturè perituram, si emptorem invenerit.—Trans.

946 For electing magistrates. Sal.—Trans.

947 In Numidiam proficiscitur, magmâ spe civium, cùm propter artes bonas, tum maximè quòd adversùm divitias invictum animum gerebat.—Trans.

948 Quibus rebus supra bonum atque honestum perculsus, neque lacrymas tenere, neque moderari linguam: vir egregius in aliis artibus, nimis molliter ægritudinem pati.—Trans.

M151 A.M. 3898. A. Rom. 642.

949 Now comprehending Fez, Morocco, &c.—Trans.

950 Plut. _in vit. Marii._

951 Οἶα νέος φιλότιμος, ἄρτι δόξης γεγευμένος, οὐκ ἤνεγκε μετρίως τό εὐτύχημα. Plut. _Præcept. reip. gerend._ p. 806.—Trans.

M152 A.M. 3901. A. Rom. 615. Ant. J.C. 103.

952 Plut. _in vit. Marii._

M153 A.M. 3959. A. Rom. 703. M154 A.M. 3974. A. Rom. 719. Ant. J.C. 30.

953 In voce Ἰόβας.—Trans.

954 Vol. IV of the _Memoirs of the Academy of Belles Lettres_, p. 457.—Trans.

955 They that are curious to make deeper researches into this matter, may read the dissertations of Abbé Banier and M. Freret upon the Assyrian empire, in the _Memoirs of the Academy of Belles Lettres_; for the first, see tome 3, and for the other, tome 5; as also what Father Tournemine has written upon this subject in his edition of Menochius.—Trans.

956 Porphyr. apud Simplic. in l. ii. _de cœlo_.

957 Here I depart from the opinion of Archbishop Usher, my ordinary guide, with respect to the duration of the Assyrian empire, which he supposes, with Herodotus, to have lasted but 520 years; but the time when Nimrod lived and Sardanapalus died I take from him.—Trans.

M155 Nimrod. A.M. 1800. Ant. J.C. 2204.

958 Belus or Baal signifies Lord.—Trans.

959 Gen. x. 9.

960 Lib. ii. p. 90.

961 Ibid.

962 Gen. x. 10.

963 Semiramis eam condiderat, vel, ut plerique tradidere, Belus, enjus regia ostenditar. Q. Curt. l. v. c. 1.—Trans.

964 Gen. xi. 4.

_ 965 Hist. Jud._ l. i. c. 4.

966 Lib. i. c. 181.

967 Gen. x. 11.

968 Mic. v. 6.

969 Gen. x. 11, 12.

970 Diod. l. ii. p. 90.

971 Fecerunt civitates duas amores duo: terrenam scilicet amor sui usque ad contemptum Dei; cœlestem verò amor Dei usque ad contemptum sui. S. Aug. _de Civ. Dei_, l. xiv. c. 28.—Trans.

M156 Ninus.

972 Diod. l. ii. p. 90-95.

973 Diodorus says it was on the bank of the Euphrates, and speaks of it as if it was so, in many places; but he is mistaken.—Trans.

974 Jon. iii. 3.

975 It is hard to believe that Diodorus does not speak of the extent of Nineveh with some exaggeration; therefore some learned men have reduced the stadium to little more than one half, and reckon fifteen of them to the Roman mile instead of eight, the usual computation.—Trans.

976 Plut. _in Mor._ p. 753.

M157 Semiramis.

977 Diod. l. ii. p. 95.

978 We are not to wonder, if we find the founding of a city ascribed to different persons. It is common, even among the profane writers, to say, Such a prince built such a city, whether he was the person that first founded it, or that only embellished or enlarged it.—Trans.

979 Herod. l. i. c. 178, 180. Diod. l. ii. p. 95, 96. Q. Curt. l. v. c. 1.

980 I relate things as I find them in the ancient authors, which Dean Prideaux has also done; but I cannot help believing that great abatements are to be made in what they say as to the immense extent of Babylon and Nineveh.—Trans.

981 Isa. xlv. 2.

982 Quint. Curt. l. v. c. 1.

983 Herod. l. i. c. 180 and 186. Diod. l. ii. p. 96.

984 Diodorus says, this bridge was five furlongs in length, which can hardly be true, since the Euphrates was but one furlong broad. Strab. l. xvi. p 738.—Trans.

985 Strab. l. xvi. p. 740. Plin. l. v. c. 26.

986 Abyd. ap Eus. _Prœp. Evang._ l. ix.

987 Abyd. ib. Herod. l. i. c. 185.

988 The author follows Herodotus, who makes it four hundred and twenty furlongs, or fifty-two miles square; but I choose to follow Dean Prideaux, who prefers the account of Megasthenes.—Trans.

989 Diod. l. ii. p. 96, 97.

990 Ibid. p. 98, 99. Strab. l. xvi. p. 738. Quint. Curt. l. v. c. 1.

991 Beros. ap. Jos. _cont. App._ l. i. c. 6.

992 Herod. l. i. c. 181. Diod. l. ii. p. 98. Strab. l. xvi. p. 738.

_ 993 Phal_ part. 1 l. i. c. 9.

994 Herod. l. i. c. 183. Strab. l. xvi. p. 738. Arrian, l. vii. p. 480.

995 Diod. l. ii. p. 100-108.

996 Val. Max. l. ix. c. 3.

997 Indus.—Trans.

998 Vol. iii. p. 343, &c.

999 Lib. i. c. 2.

1000 Lib. v. _de Rep._ 451-457.

1001 Ἐπείτερ ἀρετὴν ἀντὶ ἱματίων ἁμφιέσονται.

_ 1002 De cura rei fam._ l. i. c. 3.

_ 1003 De administr. dom._ p. 839.

M158 Ninyas.

1004 Diod. l. ii. p. 108.

M159 A.M. 2092. Ant. J.C. 1912. M160 A.M. 2513. Ant. J.C. 1491. M161 A.M. 2820. Ant. J.C. 1184.

_ 1005 De Leg._ l. iii. p 685.

M162 Pul. A.M. 3233. Ant. J.C. 771.

1006 2 Kings xv. 19.

M163 Sardanapalus.

1007 Diod. l. ii. p. 109-115. Athen. l. xii. p. 529, 530. Just. l. i. c. 3.

1008 Κεῖν᾽ ἔχω ὅσσ᾽ ἔφαγον, καὶ ἐφύβρισα, καὶ μετ᾽ ἔρωτος Τέρπν᾽ ἔπαθον; τὰ δὲ πολλὰ καὶ ὄλβια πάντα λέλειπται.

Quid aliud, inquit Aristoteles, in bovis, non in regis sepulchro, inscriberes? Hæc habere se mortuum dicit, quæ ne vivus quidem diutiùs habebat, quàm fruebatur. Cic. _Tusc. Quæst._ l. v. n. 101.—Trans.

1009 Two miles and a half.—Trans.

M164 A.M. 3257. Ant. J.C. 747.

1010 About fourteen hundred millions sterling.—Trans.

1011 Pag. 335, 336.

1012 Ἔσθις, πῖνε, ἀφροδισίαζε; τ᾽ ἄλλα δὲ ἐδέν.

M165 Belesis. A.M. 3257. Ant. J.C. 747.

1013 2 Kings xx. 12.

M166 Merodach-Baladan.

1014 Ibid.

1015 Can. Ptol.

M167 Tiglath-Pileser. A.M. 3257. Ant. J.C. 747.

1016 Lib. xii. _hist. anim._ c. 21. Castor apud Euseb. _Chron._ p. 49.

1017 2 Kings xvi. 7, &c.

1018 Is. viii. 4. Am. i. 5.

M168 Shalmanezer. A.M. 3276. Ant. J.C. 728.

1019 2 Kings xvii.

1020 Tob. 1.

M169 Sennacherib. A.M. 3287. Ant. J.C. 717.

1021 Is. xx. 1. 2 Kings xviii. and xix.

1022 2 Kings xix. 9.

1023 2 Kings xx. 2 Chron. xxxii. 24-31

1024 2 Kings xix. 35-57.

1025 Tobit i. 18-24

1026 2 Kings xix. 37.

M170 Esarhaddon. A.M. 3294. Ant. J.C. 710.

1027 Can. Ptol.

1028 Is. vii. 8.

1029 2 Chron. xxxiii. 11, 13.

1030 2 Kings xvii. 25-41.

M171 Saosduchinus. A.M. 3335. Ant. J.C. 669.

1031 Tobit xiv. 5-13.

1032 Judith i. 5, 6.

M172 Saracus. A.M. 3356. Ant. J.C. 648.

1033 Alex. Polyhist.

M173 Nabopolassar. A.M. 3378. Ant. J.C. 626.

1034 Pag. 70.

1035 Beros. apud Joseph. _Antiq._ l. x. c. 11. & _con. Ap._ l. i.

M174 A.M. 3398. Ant. J.C. 606. M175 Nabuchodonosor II.

1036 Jer. xlvi. 2. 2 Kings xxiv. 7.

1037 Dan. i. 1-7. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 6, 7.

1038 Some imagine him to have been eighteen years of age at this time.—Trans.

1039 Can. Ptol. Beros. apud Joseph. _Antiq._ l. x. c. 11. & _con. Ap._ l. x.

M176 A.M. 3401. Ant. J.C. 603.

1040 Dan. ii.

1041 2 Kings xxiv. 1, 2.

1042 Al. Jehoiakim. 2 Kings xxiv. 6-18.—Trans.

1043 2 Kings xxiv. 17-20. and xxv. 1-10.

M177 A.M. 3415. Ant. J.C. 589.

1044 Dan. iii.

1045 Ninety feet.—Trans.

1046 Ezek. xxvi. and xxvii. Is. xxiii. 8. Just. l. xviii. c. 3.

1047 Is. xxiii. 12.

1048 Jos. _Ant._ l. x. c. 11 & _con. Ap._ l. i.

1049 Ezek. xxix. 18, 19.

1050 Ibid. 18-20.

1051 Page 84.

_ 1052 Antiq._ l. x. 11.

1053 Dan. iv.

M178 Evil-Merodach. A.M. 3441. Ant. J.C. 563.

1054 2 Kings xxv. 27-30.

1055 Beros. Megasthen.

M179 Neriglissor. A.M. 3444. Ant. J.C. 560.

1056 Cyrop. l. i.

M180 Laborosoarchod. A.M. 3448. Ant. J.C. 556. M181 Labynitus, or Nabonidus. A.M. 3449. Ant. J.C. 555.

1057 Jer. xxvii. 7.

1058 Herod. l. i. c. 185, &c.

1059 Dan. vii.

1060 Ibid. viii.

1061 Ibid. v.

M182 A.M. 3468. Ant. J.C. 536. M183 A.M. 3257. Ant. J.C. 747.

1062 Herod. l. i. c. 95.

1063 Rom. xiii. 1, 2.

M184 Dejoces. A.M. 3294. Ant. J.C. 710.

1064 Herod. l. i. c. 96-101.

_ 1065 major ex __ longinquo reverentia_, Tacit.

M185 Pharaortes. A.M. 3347. Ant. J.C. 657.

1066 Herod. c. 102.

1067 He is called so by Eusebius, _Chron. Græc_ and by Geor. Syncel.—Trans.

1068 Judith, i. 1.

1069 Ἐπωκοδόμησε ἐπὶ Ἐκβατάνοις. Judith, text Gr.

1070 Herod. l. i. c. 102.

1071 The Greek text places these embassies before the battle.—Trans.

M186 Cyaxares I. A.M. 3869. Ant. J.C. 635.

1072 Herod. l. i. c. 103-106.

1073 Herod. l. i. c. 74.

1074 In Herodotus he is called Labynetus.—Trans.

M187 A.M. 3378. Ant. J.C. 626.

1075 Herod. l. i. c. 106.

1076 Nahum iii. 1.

1077 ii. 1, 2.

1078 iii. 2, 3.

1079 ii. 3, 4.

1080 i. 2, 5, 6.

1081 Nahum, iii. 5.

1082 ii. 9, 10.

1083 The author in this place renders it, Her temple is destroyed to the foundations. But I have chosen to follow our English Bible, though in the Latin it is _camplum_.—Trans.

1084 ii. 6.

1085 iii. 3.

1086 ii. 11, 12.

1087 This is a noble image of the cruel avarice of the Assyrian kings, who pillaged and plundered all their neighbouring nations, especially Judea, and carried away the spoils of them to Nineveh.—Trans.

1088 Zephan. ii. 13-15.

M188 Astyages. A.M. 3409. Ant. J.C. 595.

1089 Herod. l. i. c. 7-13.

M189 A.M. 2781. Ant. J.C. 1223. M190 Candaules.

1090 Non contentus voluptatum suarum tacitâ conscientiâ—proisus quasi silentium damnum pulchritudinis esset. Justin, l. i. c. 7.—Trans.

M191 A.M. 3286. Ant. J.C. 718.

1091 Nostro quidem more cum parentibus puberes filii, cum soceris generi, non lavantur. Retinenda est igitur hujus generis verecundia, præsertim naturâ ipsâ magistrâ et duce. Cic. l. i. _de offic._ n. 129.

Nadare se nefas esse credebatur. Val. Max. l. ii. c. 1.—Trans.

1092 Plato _de Rep._ l. ii. p. 359.

1093 Hunc ipsum annulum si habeat sapiens, nihilo plus sibi licere putet peccare, quàm si non haberet. Honesta enim bonis viris, non occulta quæruntur. Lib. iii, _de offic._ n. 38.—Trans.

M192 Gyges. A.M. 3286. Ant. J.C. 718.

1094 Herod. l. i. c. 13, 14.

1095 Ibid. l. i. c. 15.

M193 Ardys. A.M. 3334. Ant. J.C. 680. M194 Sadyattes. A.M. 3373. Ant. J.C. 631.

1096 Herod. l. i. c. 16, 22.

M195 Halyattes. A.M. 3385. Ant. J.C. 619.

1097 Ibid. c. 21, 22.

M196 Crœsus. A.M. 3442. Ant. J.C. 562.

1098 Strab. l. xiii. p. 625. & l. xiv. p. 680.

1099 Herod. l. i. c. 26-28.

1100 Ibid. l. i. c. 29-33. Plut. _in Sol._ p. 93, 94.

1101 Φιλαδελφοὺς καὶ φιλομήτορας διαφερόντως ἄνδρας.—Trans.

1102 The fatigue of drawing the chariot might be the cause of it.—Trans.

1103 Λυπήσας μὲν, οὐ νουθετήσας δὲ τὸν Κροίσον.—Trans.

1104 Ὦ Σόλων (ἔφη) τοῖς βασιλεῦσι δεῖ ὡς ἥκιστα ἤ ὡς ἥδιστα ὁμιλεῖν. Καὶ ό Σόλων, Μὴ Δί (εἶπεν) ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἥκιστα ἥ ὡς ἄριστα. The jingle of the words ὡς ἥκιστα ἥ ὡς ἄριστα, which is a beauty in the original, because it is founded in the sense, cannot be rendered into any other language.—Trans.

1105 Plenas aures adulationibus aliquando vera vox intret: da consilium utile. Quæris, quid felici præstare possis? Effice, ne felicitati suæ credat. Parum in illum contuleris, si illi semel stultam fiduciam permansuræ semper potentiæ excusseris, docuerisque mobilia esse quæ dedit casus; ac sæpe inter fortunam maximam et ultimam nihil interesse. Sen. _de benef._ l. vi. c. 33.—Trans.

1106 Herod. l. i. c. 34-45.

1107 Ibid. 46-50.

1108 Herod. l. i. c. 71.