Chapter 3

It is not to be supposed for a moment that such consolidation is contemplated in order that the churches may escape the large responsibility now resting upon them; and if economy and efficiency are the only objects sought, we fear the result would be disappointing. Such an arrangement would not save in the number of workers in the field, and surely it is not wise business management to leave great interests inadequately supervised. Even if the consolidated society were divided into separate departments or bureaux, the supervision could not be less, if efficient, while the combination would be likely to lead to complications, and would weaken, in the several departments, the sense of individual responsibility and take away the impulse of historic life and achievement.

More work well managed and vigorously pushed seems to me to be the only plan that will satisfy the Christian conscience or meet the approval of the Master.

3. The work of the Association extends to all races of men. This claim is sanctioned by the fraternal agreement existing between it and the American Home Missionary Society, by its own history, and by the needs of the field. The agreement with the sister society says explicitly that the Association is "to pursue its educational and church work in the South among _both races_." The history of the Association shows that at the beginning the populations reached by it in America were _all white_ except the Indians and a few colored refugees in Canada.

Its home missions at the North and West were among white people: and so were they even in the South before the war. John G. Fee and his heroic associates in Kentucky, and Daniel Worth and others in North Carolina, founded churches and schools only among the whites. Berea College was for whites only, at the outset. It was not till the era of emancipation with its overwhelming flood of freedmen that the Association turned its direct and almost exclusive attention to them. It heard the voice of God in the tramp of these millions marching out of bondage into freedom, and in that voice it heard the call to itself, providentially prepared for the new era. It answered the call, without, however, abandoning its mission to preach the gospel to the whites also; and now, with its schools and churches well established throughout the South, with an open door to the whites, and especially to those in the mountain regions, it hears the voice of God calling it thither. The ready adaptation of its methods to these people, and the success of its efforts among them, attest the validity of its call and the wisdom of its response.

4. The work of the Association is not a transient one. A New England pastor at the beginning of our work for the freedmen, gave me a hearty welcome to present our cause in his pulpit, telling me frankly he did so the more cheerfully because he thought our work would soon be over--say in twenty or twenty-five years. Now that good man believed that home missions in the West, and in some of the older Eastern States, would be needed well nigh on to the millennium, yet he imagined that the blacks, just escaped from bondage, utterly poor, ignorant and degraded, would (perhaps he hardly stopped to think how) rise in twenty-five years above all need of help from any quarter in their upward struggle! But the fallacy of such a supposition is realized more since these twenty-five years have passed than it was then. It is now clearly seen that these ex-slaves will require for three or four generations the most abundant help to bring them up to the level of those Western settlers, including the Swedes, Germans and Norwegians crowding in thither, who are comparatively well-off and intelligent. And then, after that preparation of the Negro has been made, the regular work of home missions will only be fairly begun among them. The work for this people, therefore, is not transient, and the missionary society that has it in hand has before it not only a great but long-continued task.

And for that great work the Association has had a manifest call and preparation, and has gained an experience and an influence of peculiar value in its further prosecution. The Association has wrought itself into the schools and churches, into the industries of the colored people, the improvement of their homes, the preparation of their sons and daughters for home and business life, and for teachers and preachers and physicians; it has wrought itself into their better aspirations for both this world and that which is to come. It has won upon the confidence and respect of the white people by its unselfish and Christian work, its kind but firm adherence to principle, and by the blessing it has conferred upon both races in aiding the South in the only true solution of its great problem.

The Association has become anchored to this great work by the large amount of invested funds intrusted to its care. It has received thousands of dollars from the Freedmen's Bureau, from the Avery estate, from the gifts of Mrs. Stone and others, and added to all these is the large sum placed one year ago in its hands by the munificence of Mr. Hand. These several sums aggregate more than two millions of dollars--an amount of endowment, we believe, without a parallel among our Congregational societies for the home field. While no inconsiderable share of these funds is in plant, and therefore increases instead of diminishes current expenses, yet the Association is the only legal custodian of these funds. They constitute, therefore, a strong evidence of the confidence of large donors in its usefulness and stability and in the importance of its work, and at the same time they make a strong plea for current contributions to sustain that work. God has moved the hearts of noble men and women to lay these firm foundations. Will not others equally able and far-seeing in their benevolence add to these gifts and thus extend these foundations, and will not the churches build thereon with diligent and cheerful hands?

These forty-three years under review have been memorable in the history of this Nation. They have witnessed the reign of slavery in the height of its arrogant domination. They have seen the rising protest of conscience and religion against that domination, with the mad resistance of slavery, until it culminated in one of the bloodiest wars of modern times. They have beheld a united Nation emerge from the conflict, and not a slave in all its broad land. They have seen the uplifted hands and hearts of the freedmen grasping for knowledge. And, last of all, they behold the new power seated on the throne vacated by slavery, dooming the colored man to a position of inferiority scarcely less degrading than slavery itself.

Along all these lines the sympathies and efforts of the Association have run. It pleaded for the slave in his bondage, when to do so cost odium and ostracism; it joined with others in the appeal against slavery, with the hope that righteousness would avert the calamity of war. When the slave came forth free, it went with prompt hands to fit him for his new position, and now, as he enters the long and dark struggle against poverty, ignorance and race-prejudice, it girds itself for the great struggle, armed with what have ever been its only weapons, the light of knowledge and the love of the gospel of Christ. The contest may be long, the work will be great, but the triumph must be sure. May the church of Christ, the patriots of the land, and the abundant blessing of the Almighty God strengthen and help us in this great undertaking!

* * * * *

THE MISSIONARY VIEW OF THE SOUTHERN SITUATION.

BY SECRETARY A.F. BEARD.

The Southern problem is a National peril. Problems are not always perils. This is a problem large with political and religious perils, and whether political or religious it can not be ignored, nor can its consideration be postponed. It is here. It is our problem. It is nearer to the South, and more immediate, than to the North, but it is ours. We are not foreigners in any part of this country. It has been settled once for all that we are to be fellow citizens in a common country when we come from Boston to Chicago and when we go from New York to New Orleans. The problem which belongs to a country to which we belong, is ours. This might as well be understood. We have no right to take our hands off from that of which we are a part and which is a part of us. No part can say to another, it is not your concern.

This is true politically. Thrice true is it religiously--Christian faith is not confined to State boundaries. It belongs everywhere. The problem is not a new one. It has its roots bedded deep in history. When years ago it began to be discussed by a few they were called agitators, as if the discussion of right and wrong were itself a wrong, as if the letting in of light upon the darkness were a deed of darkness. Nevertheless, the Nation became thoughtful over the question of the rights of man. While it was musing the fire burned, and an irrepressible conflict came. In the issue it was settled that no man should be held by another man in involuntary servitude in this common and inseparable country.

A quarter of a century has elapsed since this settlement of a problem which involved the destiny of two races, and of our whole country. The question now before the Nation and before the churches is a corollary of slavery. It is the second section of the first chapter. The first question was: How shall liberty be proclaimed to the captive and the enslaved become free? The second is: Being free, how can the two races--as distinct and separate as are the white and black races of the South--now equal before the law, live side by side under the same government, and live in Christian truth and peace? This is the problem, and, like the first, it is irrepressible.

In one sense it is a new question--that is, a new generation of white people has in part come forward to participate in the duties of citizenship, since all men became men in the law of the land. To them the question is practically new. The situation as they find it, is this: The Negroes, who, twenty years ago, were four millions, are now eight millions. The increase of the blacks above the increase of the whites in the period of twenty years, is fourteen per cent. In his work on the African in the United States, Professor Gilliam, having in hand the figures of our Census Bureau, forecasts with the demonstration of mathematics our population one century hence. We do not know what may modify his figures, but he computes that at the present rate of increase there are to be in the old slave States in one hundred years, ninety-five millions of whites and double this number of African descent. Therefore, whatever may modify, it is probable that before one half an hundred years are over, the numbers of the blacks will furnish them sufficient guarantee for their legal rights.

There are those in this presence who have seen the population of this republic multiply itself nearly three times. Our childhood's geography taught us that twenty-three millions of people lived in the United States. Now our children learn that there are sixty millions. Twenty years ago four millions of Negroes and eight millions to-day. Therefore, as large as the problem now is to us, it will be greater for our children if we err in our solution of it.

This race of African descent has been declared by constitutional enactment to be entitled to whatever privileges belong to man, as man. Standing on this, and beginning with nothing but the heredity of hindrances, with the brand of color and the prejudice of race against them, this people have climbed up from their low estate with a remarkable progress. They have applied themselves to take hold of knowledge as no other people ever did in the annals of history. They have made great inroads upon their previous illiteracy. They have rapidly acquired property. They have developed industrial skill, and established the evidences of business facility. They have shown themselves capable of good citizenship, both in the understanding of its duties and the practice of them. They have vindicated the act of emancipation and the decrees of citizenship.

Yet to-day their standing both as citizens and as Christians is opposed. The question of their rights is discussed as if it were an open one, and in the South it is coming to be increasingly denied. Under the plea that it is unsafe for the black man to exercise his civil rights, there arises a condition of affairs that can have no standing under our government except a revolutionary standing. And the question whether the rights of man as man shall be regarded, is to-day a more pressing question than it has been at any previous time since the slaves were declared to be men.

The Southern press, which both creates and voices public opinion, reveals an attitude of mind increasingly hostile to the equal civil rights of the black man, for the simple reason that he is not white, which is calculated to fill the friends of American institutions with gravest apprehensions, and which demands the serious attention of us all. Almost every week discloses to us the fact that intimidation, oppression and violence do override the government of the land, in its application to the Negro people. Influential Southern journals have pronounced the Fifteenth Amendment a living threat to the civilization of the South, and declare that Christian statesmanship demands its abrogation.

A thoughtful book published in New York, written in a calm and judicial tone by an able lawyer in Virginia, in its chapter upon the future of the Negro, says: "The social aspect of the Negro suffrage is certain to _grow more_ threatening as the blacks increase. The motives which have led the great body of whites to vote together in this age, must augment in force in the age to follow. To day the rapid increase of the black population constitutes a greater danger to the stability of our government than any that is sapping the vitality of the European monarchies. The partial disfranchisement of the Negro in the future would appear to be inevitable, essential, if not to the existence of the South, then to the prosperity of the Union." This is a temperate expression of much Southern opinion.

Not a few hold the view that the education and advancement of the Negro tends to create the race problem, and do not hesitate to say that if the Negroes could only be kept as laborers in the cotton and rice and sugar fields, in the furnaces and mines of the South, aspiring to nothing higher and not antagonizing the whites in political matters, there would be no race problem.

Six months ago we could quote from an editorial column written by an ex-Confederate officer for an influential Democratic paper in the South these words: "The duty of the white people of the South is plain. In the spirit of _noblesse oblige_ we must sympathize with those who are fitting the colored people for the duties of life, remembering what the Negroes were to our forefathers and what our forefathers were to them. No one can doubt that a Negro has a soul to save. That admitted, he is as much entitled to the benefits of salvation as the white man. But", he adds, "what do we see? Nearly all the bodies of Christians even, except the Roman Catholics, shuffling to set the Negro apart and leave him largely to his own ways, shuffling out of their responsibility according to the gospel which they profess as their guide, and putting the Negro apart in spite of the word of God, whom they worship, that he is no respecter of persons. The Negro was brought over here by theft and outrage. He is here to stay, and we must deal with him according to the golden rule, and as we would wish to be done by if we were similarly placed."

This is not a quotation from the National Council of Congregational Churches, where such an utterance would both by nature and by grace find expression, but it is from the pen of an officer of the Southern Confederacy, who knows the light when he sees it, who keeps open an honest eye, and who does not hesitate to speak from an honest mind. This sentiment balances somewhat of that which pleads against the black man, and not a few friends of this kind has the American Missionary Association won to itself throughout the South. It never had so many who are saying: "Yours is the most practical missionary work ever undertaken by a Christian body." "You have won our confidence by your spirit and your methods; you have our cordial sympathy." At the same time we recognize the fact that both prejudice and partisanship are now making strenuous efforts to create the judgment that the Negro should be stripped of his civil rights and that his education is going on too rapidly. For example, the _Southern Journal_, whose Christian sentiments of six months ago, just quoted, with another editor to-day, comes to us with another deliverance, probably nearer to the heart of most of its constituency, saying: "The Negro is not a fit subject for Northern missionary effort. Northern money is not wanted to build him schools, and Northern teachers and preachers are not wanted to improve his mind nor to save his soul. He should be let alone. He is out in the water: let him swim. He should be left alone to work out his own salvation." The editor who says we must save him is an ex-Confederate officer who has always lived in the South. The editor who says he should be left alone is a Northern man who has gone South to live. The first writes, _noblesse oblige_. The second does not understand the language. He, doubtless, has the largest constituency.

The pulpit also creates and voices public opinion. Our work is coming to get many a good word from the Southern pulpit. But a Southern white bishop--Bishop Pearce--did not write to unwilling ears when he said: "In my judgment higher education would be a calamity to the Negroes. It would elevate Negro aspirations far above the station which the Negro was created to fill. The whites can never tamely, and without protest submit to the intrusion of colored people into places of trust, profit, and responsibility." This, you will observe, is from a minister of Christ. It is from a bishop of a church. It is from one who prays our Lord's prayer, given alike to white and black. "After this manner, therefore, pray ye." "Our Father." This is from one who believes in the baptism at Pentecost, when devout men from every nation under heaven received the impartial benedictions of God. This from one who read the story of Peter and the sheet. "Alas, my brother."

All this, then, is the atmosphere of the situation. Some prophetic souls are looking out upon a most perplexing and perilous problem with profound solicitude, and extending to us their sympathy and prayers for our work. More, many more, are teaching and preaching that God has created the Negro race to fill forever a place of inferiority, and that he must stay down in the bog or in some way be destroyed. It is not surprising, therefore, that ignorant white people should give form and substance to these hostile opinions in scenes of violence and cruelty. They believe in the inherent inferiority of the blacks, and have a mighty fear lest this doctrine should prove to be untrue. The Negro, twenty-five years ago in absolute poverty and illiteracy, has been greedy for education, and has seriously thought of nothing but to rise from his low condition.

The intelligent white man now, and to his great surprise, is all at once confronted by the intelligent black man. They are not so numerous now as to be an element to fear, but the whites are foreseeing the not distant day when they can not be relegated to inferiority because of their color. The calamity that Bishop Pearce deplores and would prevent is not far away--educated Negroes with aspirations, in other words, men.

The general Negro illiteracy is gaining fast upon the white ignorance, and the despised Negro is found to be living above many of his illiterate white neighbors. This makes it easy work for designing men to sharpen race prejudices, which by force and fear shall keep the Negro down.

On the Negro side, he has been patient and forbearing. With these outbreaks of persecution some are discouraged, and are ready to surrender their manhood. On the other hand, some are no longer patient, but are enraged. They would retaliate. They feel that defense against wrongs is right. An influential Negro paper says, "EDUCATE, AGITATE, RETALIATE. Does one strike me? With the power of God on high, back also will I strike him." This feeling grows. Add to it the fact that the Negro is developing the power of organization. There are leaders. They are in their councils and conventions. They are feeling deeply, speaking plainly, and organizing efficiently.

This is the situation! "How shall this problem be solved? How shall we prevent the conflict between races?" A Southern author says: "These problems have been solved in the past in four ways. By reducing the weaker race to slavery, or by expulsion, or by extermination, or by the amalgamation of the races. Slavery is out of the question--that is settled. Equally repugnant is expulsion or extermination. Amalgamation is abhorrent." Therefore, the problem will not be solved by any historical precedents. The two races must live here in the same sections, equal before the law, with mutual rights, and all rights must be sanctioned and confirmed.

The American Missionary Association is living with this problem day by day. It is trying to see it with the look of Christ. This Association foresaw this question forty years ago. It took on itself the preparation for it. It guided itself to meet the problem in the fields before the armies in the South were disbanded. It went with its distinctive and unpopular principles. It went in the patience and love of Christ. For the most part it met a natural and unconcealed hostility. It did not retaliate even in spirit, but it stood firm in spirit and in truth. It has lived on in the South, and taught the same ever-living and everlasting gospel for all men, of whatever race or color. Its record is before the churches. They have never had reason to feel other than grateful to God for its work. Beginning with a great number of little primary schools, and with thousands of beginners in the alphabet of learning, it has gradually passed into larger and more far-reaching influences by teaching teachers and preachers, who shall go, and who do go out and reach multiplied thousands.