Part 4

It is time for those who wish to keep the Negro down to wake up; and they are doing so. They are none too soon. The Negro is rising. Those who do not wish him to rise must now sit on the safety valve; and that they will do. The unanimity with which this bill passes the Georgia Legislature is appalling. It shows that the white race there is given over to believe a lie, that it may reap the consequences. We shall now not be surprised to see this law followed by others, and enacted in other States, and a war of races provoked. Heaven knows we deprecate it. We pray for peace and liberty. The next thing may be to forbid white men and women to teach in Atlanta and Clark University. Why not? This is a crusade against Negro elevation, against Negroes being allowed to be as good as white men or being treated as well. But the end will come all right, even if it be through peril. It may require great courage and patience for a while. Our deep sympathy will go to those white teachers whose children attend these institutions. Our prayers are with them that they may be led in the Lord’s way. Just now the Devil’s way is popular in Georgia; but the Lord is on the side of the weaker battalions.

EXTRACTS FROM THE SOUTHERN PRESS.

THE AUGUSTA (GA.) CHRONICLE.

It is not new legislation to deprive the colored man of any rights under the law. It is not either harsh or arbitrary legislation. It is no interference with his personal or political rights. The Glenn law merely provides for the enforcement of the constitutional provision and statutory laws governing the public school system of Georgia. That is all that there is in the bill. Public sentiment justifies the enactment and demands a rigid enforcement of the law against co-education of the races.

Our stalwart friends bear false witness against the people of Georgia, unintentionally, we hope, and we desire, if possible, to remove the false impressions under which they labor. If they respect the organic and statute laws of the State, if they have any regard for the convictions and civilization and settled policy of our people, which is irrevocable and firm as the granite of our mountains, they cannot fail to see the injustice done the State by their misrepresentation and abuse. If our contemporaries proceed upon the higher-law theory and have no regard for the constitutional, legal and moral rights and customs of our people—if they have no regard for the right of each State to legislate for and regulate its own domestic affairs—they are advocating the claims of the socialists and communists of the land, who assert that there is a law higher than statutes and more imperative than the most sacred rights of civilization.

There is no law, and there will be no law in Georgia against the education of our brother in black, either in the primary or intermediate department—either in the high schools or colleges. There is a law against the co-education of the races, and if there were no law to prohibit, our civilization would prevent. The constitution of the State prevents co-education of races. The Negroes do not want it. The whites will not have it. It is the fixed policy of the State to do equal and exact justice to the colored man. The people of Georgia will regulate their own domestic affairs without being influenced by outside misrepresentation, or deterred by foolish intimidation. Our Legislature will enact such additional laws in reference to the education of the colored and white races separately as it may deem most conducive to the welfare of each, and secure the enforcement of the same without any regard to the silly ravings or foolish threats of men who know nothing about the educational status of the Negro in Georgia, and the relations that exist between the whites and blacks. Co-education of the whites and blacks in the South is an impossibility, and the reasons are so apparent that it is unnecessary either to present or discuss them any further.

THE SAVANNAH (GA.) MORNING NEWS.

The Glenn Bill is a wise measure for several reasons, but mainly because it will save the public school system from destruction. In the preservation of that system both races are interested. It can only be preserved by keeping the races separate in the schools. If the blacks were to demand mixed schools and were to attempt to secure them through the ballot box, the whites would at once oppose appropriations for schools, and the common school system would be ruined. There are two colored institutions in Atlanta in which white children are now taught. Co-education in these two schools will soon be made the excuse for mixed common schools. The agitation will be productive of much bad feeling and cannot help injuring the common schools by arousing public sentiment against them. The sentiment of the State is clearly against mixing the races in any way, and the Glenn Bill is in harmony with that sentiment.

THE MACON (GA.) TELEGRAPH.

The Glenn Bill, now pending in the Georgia Legislature, is intended to carry out a clause of the State constitution. That the people of the State indorse this clause is shown in the large vote by which the constitution was adopted nearly a decade since. The framers of that instrument declared that there should be no mixed schools in Georgia.

This clause has been openly and flagrantly violated by the teachers of Atlanta University. In that institution social equality has been notoriously taught and practiced, and in that institution colored teachers are prepared for places in the public school system of the State. It would matter but little if only the white children of the professors of the Atlanta University were thus taught and trained, but the example is pernicious and is becoming pervasive. Georgia cannot and will not permit the natural line of demarcation between blacks and whites to be broken down. She will countenance nothing now looking to the mixture of the races in the future, to the misery and possible destruction of both.

The school system of the State provides equal facilities to blacks and whites, and the Glenn Bill does not impair or threaten any right or privilege of the Negro. He is being educated now, by the taxes of white men, to better advantage than these same white men were educated years ago. It is the policy, the interest and the safety of Georgia to keep the line of demarcation between white and black as distinctly marked as is the Gulf Stream in the waters of the Atlantic. The most intelligent negroes favor separate schools and teachers of their own race. Everything is satisfactory, except to certain fanatical philanthropists and mischievous politicians, and the present attempt at intimidation will soon fail.

THE ATLANTA (GA.) CONSTITUTION.

It is understood on every hand that public education at the south would be overthrown in a moment if mixed schools were to be ordered now. This is a fact with which every one here is familiar. This being the case, how is it that the professors of the Atlanta University, who have presumably been among us for some time, do not understand the situation? For all we know they may be trying to make martyrs of themselves, but we tell them plainly that they have struck a blow at Negro education in the South from which it will not recover in the next quarter of a century. If they are really the friends of the Negro they would have waited for time to do its perfect work, but in jumping ahead of time they are responsible for sending back the clock. Thus the matter stands.

THE NASHVILLE CUMBERLAND PRESBYTERIAN.

The bill seems to be aimed at the Atlanta University, where there are a few white children—mostly those of the teachers—who have gone there as missionaries to the colored people. A similar state of things exists in the colored schools of this State, and particularly in this city. No harm has ever come of this practice. No white person has ever married a Negro, and there is not the remotest probability that such a thing will ever occur. We think it is far better in the South at least that the two races should be educated in separate schools, and that they should worship in separate churches. But when it comes to making it a crime for missionaries to teach their own children in the schools which they are sustaining with a self-denial that is really sublime, we enter a most emphatic protest in the name of the Christian religion which those people are seeking to propagate among the ignorant and degraded blacks of the South. The author of this bill in the Georgia Legislature attempts to justify it on the ground of his interest in the colored people. He also says that he fears amalgamation. When assured that no such a result is at all probable he explains that he fears intellectual amalgamation even more than physical. This is not even respectable nonsense. If the contact of an inferior with a superior mind produces an intellectual hybrid, then we are all in danger. In denouncing this Georgia bill we do not advocate the co-education of the two races, nor do we believe there is any sensible man in this part of the world who does. If the Georgia legislator’s view is to become the law of the land, then let the Church of God recall its missionaries from heathen lands and acknowledge Christianity a failure. The men and women, all over this land, who have gone among the poor, unfortunate Negroes and taught them knowledge and the way of salvation deserve special honor and thanks at our hands. Every consideration of religion and patriotism ought to make the friends of the Glenn Bill in the Georgia Legislature ashamed of themselves. There is no nobler work in this world than helping the lowly. There is no danger that anybody will be hurt by trying to redeem the negro from ignorance and sin.

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GEORGIA’S NEED OF TEACHERS.

B. M. ZETTLER, Supt. of Public Schools, Macon, Ga., expresses himself in favor of the Blair Bill, in the following, which we take from the _Atlanta Constitution_. It should be remembered that the colored teachers to whom Mr. Zettler refers come largely from the A. M. A. schools, and especially from the Atlanta University:

“For fifteen years Georgia has been struggling with her public school system, and owing to lack of means but little progress has been made towards efficiency and thoroughness. Outside of our principal cities and towns the people are literally without school-houses, and the State ought to spend not less than a hundred thousand dollars annually for five years in providing suitable school-houses. But with a school fund not sufficient to keep the schools open three months in the year it is utterly useless to talk about appropriating a dime for such a purpose.

“Then, too, we need at least a dozen well-equipped normal or training schools for teachers in different sections of the State, or, perhaps, which would suit our immediate needs better, fifty summer institutes to introduce modern methods of teaching, and prepare persons to teach in the schools. It is a fact, sir, to-day in Georgia, that most of the white public schools of our rural districts are taught (?) by broken-down preachers, doctors and lawyers, men who not only know little about teaching, but who are ‘worn out’ and are physically unequal to the work of teaching. And just here let me call your attention to the difference in the white and the colored schools in this respect. The latter are, almost without exception, in the hands of young men and women as teachers, and these bring to their work the enthusiasm and freshness of youth. Scores of them come, too, from the training schools, not only instructed in modern methods, but overflowing with zeal in the cause of popular education. They become, in every sense of the word, ‘missionaries of education’ to their people, and when their State association convenes in annual session they come up by the hundred to report results and compare ideas, not forgetting to send words of greeting to the score or two of white teachers assembled in the same capacity. Is the contrast a pleasant one for the white people of our State? I think not.

“But I need not go beyond the borders of our own county to prove that we need the aid offered by the Blair Bill. Right here in Bibb we ought to spend ten thousand dollars a year for five years in building and equipping school-houses. We need, right now, thirty additional school-houses in the country districts, and at least two more in the city, and with the addition to our school fund of the eight to twelve thousand dollars a year for eight years that would fall to our share under the provisions of the Blair Bill, as it passed the Senate, we could afford to spend at least five thousand dollars a year of our county appropriation in these greatly needed school buildings.”

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LE MOYNE INSTITUTE.

I know some readers of THE AMERICAN MISSIONARY, as they follow the work of the various institutions from year to year in the accounts sent from the field, wonder how each year in succession can possibly be reported “the very best in the history of the school,” and ask rather dubiously if at such a rate perfection is not near. It is a fact, however, in the history of all our well-established schools, barring accidents of unusual nature that could not be foreseen or controlled, that each year does show gratifying advancement in many respects. Beginning eighteen to twenty or more years ago with nothing but our hands and plenty of exceedingly raw material to work upon, it would be strange if room were not found for improvement and growth, and while thankful for what has been gained we see abundance of room for yet further advancement. When this ceases to be the general report from the South it may be taken as a sign that our presence is no longer needed there. Le Moyne School can again, as often heretofore, report “the best year in its whole history.” We have had trials and cares and annoyances, but most of them have, we trust, but strengthened our work and given assurance of future triumphs.

Our total enrollment during this year has been larger than ever before. The average attendance has been much better, more students remaining in school steadily through the year, and we are certain that we see a steady growth in stability of mind and character among our young people. A truer conception of what life is and the best preparation possible to meet its requirements, we try to keep constantly in mind as the aim and end of all our work.

The complete equipment of our Manual Training Department and its complete destruction by fire in April, marks both a triumph and a trial to us, and its reconstruction and re-equipment before the middle of May, in every respect more complete and thorough than before, makes it easy for us to forget the loss and doubly to rejoice over the doubly won success.

This department adds greatly to the strength of our work and influence. We feel its reaction for good in every class and exercise of the school.

The closing exercises of the year were of unusual interest. The annual sermon was preached by Prof. Austin, a recent graduate of Fisk University. His sermon, plain and full of applications to life and personal conduct, showed, with his general bearing, that his own training had not been in vain, and as coming from one of their own number who had gained his education and his success by his own effort, it was received with perhaps better effect than might have been an abler sermon by one out of their sphere of life.

The Children’s Exhibition and that of the Junior Classes of the Normal Department were well attended, and of course a source of great enjoyment and delight to the pupils and their friends, while the proceeds of admission have given us a handsome sum to be expended in new books for our growing and most useful library, containing now over 1,600 volumes, gathered during the past twelve years by such efforts. The exercises of graduation were attended by a great throng of people, numbering from two to three thousand, filling to overflowing the largest church in the city, the African M. E.

Five students were graduated from the full Normal course, with the usual accompaniments of flowers and enthusiasm on the part of admiring friends. It would be difficult to state the meaning of such occasions to these people. I leave it to be imagined. The address this year was given by Judge Greer of the city, a most able and estimable man. He spoke of the advancement of the child over the parent, showing the vast progress made in the world in the past century, and hoping for yet better things for generations of youth coming on and yet to come.

The Alumni meeting brought together nearly thirty of the graduates of the school, most of the classes being represented. Only the graduates, the faculty and a few invited guests enjoy this the last and best exercise of the year.

The addresses then given, some impromptu and some after careful preparation, brought in themselves, and with the company of self-respecting young people present, ample reward for the years of toil and sacrifice that have led to such results. A. J. STEELE.

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THE CHINESE.

CALIFORNIA AS A MISSIONARY FIELD.

In the deeply interesting paper of Secretary Barrows, presented at the last Anniversary of the A. H. M. S., the expectation is expressed that California, and several other States, “will soon take upon themselves the whole burden of their own support and, not only so, will assist the mother society.” I venture to make this expectation my text for this month’s article in the MISSIONARY, because it represents a view of California very prevalent among our Eastern friends, and to one who looks at us through the newspapers and from a distance of from 2,000 to 4,000 miles, apparently well founded. It is not impertinent, I think, for me to remark upon this expectation; I even feel it _necessary_ that I should do so; because it suggests inevitably the query whether California—if the responsibility were thrown upon her—could not at once take care of all needed missionary work among the Chinese.

I think I may safely claim that but _one_ of my brethren is better acquainted with the condition of our churches in California than I am, and to him I have submitted the statement I am about to make. I refer to our veteran Home Missionary Superintendent, Rev. Dr. Warren. His reply is in these words: “Have read your note carefully twice; every word is true.”

There is great and rapidly increasing wealth in California; wealth, if it were held consecrate to Christ, far more than sufficient to sustain all needed religious institutions; but it is safe to say that forty-nine fiftieths (and I wrote at first, not without careful thought, ninety-nine one-hundredths,) of it is in hands of men who will not consider appeals for missionary contributions and evince no interest in any church work. There are also some strong churches in California, in connection with all the leading denominations, and we, Congregationalists, have perhaps our share of them. These churches have wealthy men in their congregations, and a few of these men are professors of religion. But what I wish noted is that _all_ such churches, so far as our own denomination is concerned, could be counted on the fingers of one hand. I name them: The First and Plymouth of San Francisco, the First in Oakland, and the First in Los Angeles.

Of course, when we speak of churches as strong or weak, we speak relatively. I have in mind what might be called the New England standard, and I say that only these four among all our churches would, if set down in Massachusetts or Connecticut, be accounted strong. The churches in Berkeley and in Sacramento would rank next to these, though in both of them the home work involves a constant struggle. There are certain other points, as Ferndale, Lockeford, Woodland, South San Juan, and especially Grass Valley, where single individuals of considerable wealth are connected more or less closely with our churches, but when I have spoken of these I have exhausted the list of those who _could_ give largely, however well disposed.

We have (say) 120 Congregational churches in the State, with (say) 8,000 members. (The last statistics, now nearly a year old, give 114 churches and 7,308 members.) More than three-eighths of this aggregate membership are to be found in five churches, leaving to the remaining 115 churches an average membership of about 40. Among these remaining churches are 15 that have an aggregate membership now of about 2,500; so that we have 100 churches with an average membership not exceeding 25. These churches are scattered over a territory nearly three times as large as all New England. A line drawn diagonally across California in either direction would reach from the northeastern point of Maine to the centre of North Carolina! It is a State of boundless possibilities, inviting and now welcoming a tremendous immigration. Opportunities abound. The demands for Christian work, in order to improve these opportunities, are imperious and almost oppressive. What might be possible if California Christians were all ideal Christians, I do not know; but taking Christian people as they average the country over, taking churches as we find them in this world and at this particular stage in the development of Christianity, it is chimerical to suppose that for a _long time_ to come the Home Missionary work that ought to be done in connection with our denomination in California will be sustained by contributions made upon the ground. Still more chimerical it would be to expect that this missionary work among the Chinese, to which we are summoned by every instinct of our faith and by a special call of Providence, but which _here_ is called to encounter special prejudices and pull a laboring oar unceasingly against both wind and tide, could be maintained without assistance from abroad. The fact is that but for the generous assistance of the American Missionary Association there would not be enough left of our Chinese mission to stir any interest or induce any giving at all in California. It is because the Association started us, and because it, and it alone, enables us to give to the work such extent as it has, and develop it into such present usefulness and gather about it such promise of larger good; it is thus, and thus only, that we have gained our vantage-ground for successful appeal. As it is, the amount contributed in California for this cause must be to every one acquainted with all the facts a grateful surprise. It reached last year a total of $2,654.05. I trust the amount will be no smaller this year. But should the Association stand aside, it would in another year be reduced almost to nothing. When effort becomes hopeless, enthusiasm dies.

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GRADUATING ADDRESS OF YAN PHOU LEE, AT YALE COLLEGE.

THE OTHER SIDE OF THE CHINESE QUESTION.

The torrents of hatred and abuse which have periodically swept over the Chinese industrial class in America had their sources in the early California days. They grew gradually in strength, and, uniting in one mighty stream, at last broke the barriers with which justice, humanity and the Constitution of the Republic had until then restrained their fury.

The catastrophe was too terrible, and has made too deep an impression to be easily forgotten. Even if Americans are disposed to forget, the Chinese will not fail to keep the sad record of faith unkept, of persecution permitted by an enlightened people, of rights violated without redress in a land where all are equal before the law.