Part 2

When the Asylum was no longer needed, the city of Wilmington undertaking to care for its poor, with the consent of Mrs. Perry, the funds which she had invested in it were transferred to the Brewer Normal School in Greenwood, S. C. This school so enlisted her thoughts and sympathies, that she determined to make over to it, two years before her death, the amount she had designed for it at her decease. Accordingly, she paid over to the Association, for the benefit of the school, two one-thousand-dollar U. S. Bonds, which realized $2,416.25. The writer remembers how her face shone after the act was done. Indeed, giving seemed to be, to her, a supreme luxury. The whole amount which she contributed to the Association, for its work of physical relief and Christian education, was not far from $4,000. And the school which she has left in her daughter’s name, the support of which is mainly from her bequest, will go on perpetuating her influence for the years and generations to come. Many, in the great day, will rise up and call her blessed. Are there not other dear saints of God, friends of the poor and the needy, who will imitate her spirit and her example?

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THE NEGRO IN THE UNITED STATES.

We attempt to give, though it is difficult, a condensation of the address made by President BUCKHAM, of Burlington, Vt., at the Boston Anniversary of the A. M. A., May 29th, 1878. It has been published in full in the _Congregationalist_, and in pamphlet form already.

The negro, it must be confessed, has lost the place he once held as an attractive object of philanthropy. Invested with the legal rights of a man, and thus by necessity thrust forward into comparison and competition with other men, he not only exhibits his inferiority on a conspicuous stage, but manifests some traits which make him repulsive and odious. The negro cause has thus sunk from an impassioned crusade to a common-place charity.

The Negro Question.

And yet the Negro Question is still the great American Question. Perhaps it is with questions like this as with the movements of a battle; those at a distance see them more clearly than those in the thick of action. The intelligent Englishman or Frenchman will tell you in an instant that our great problem is the negro question—the political, as dependent on the social and moral condition of the freedmen.

With a population as large as that of the colonies at the Revolution, with the full privileges of American citizens theirs by constitutional right, they hold in their hands—the very hands but recently manacled in cruel and degrading bondage—the balance of political power in the nation. As parties are now divided, the supremacy of one or the other depends on the negro vote; and whether the negro vote shall be the vote _of_ the negro, or merely the vote _by_ the negro, will depend on the degree of manhood he reaches through his social and moral condition.

The Southern Solution.

One party in the South, not including the best elements of Southern society, but for the present the dominant one, has already matured and avowed its solution of the problem. “The negro,” they say, “belongs to a race constitutionally and forever inferior—a race foreordained to serve in some capacity the superior white race. You have declared by law that he shall not be a chattel; we are determined that he shall not be more than a serf. Rule over us he shall not; rule with us he shall not; if he must vote, he shall vote as we bid him; by all the methods usually employed for that end wherever caste prevails, by compulsory ignorance, by superstition, by terrorism, by fraud, when necessary by force, he shall be compelled to stay in his place as a member of a subject, an abject race.”

There are others—and it must not be ignored that among them are some of the leaders of opinion at the South—whose language is less violent, and whose measures are less threatening, but whose end is substantially the same. They are willing, possibly I should say desirous, to better the condition of the negro, so far as to make him a better laborer, a more thrifty and useful factor in political economy, a more honest man and a more devout Christian, but with stringent limitations to his social and political ambition. They favor education, but an education so controlled by the superior race, and so differenced from the education given to the children of this race, that it shall beget no dangerous and revolutionary aspirations. These men favor religion for the blacks—but such a religion as shall keep them occupied with emotional fervors and boisterous bodily exercises, not such as shall encourage thoughtful study of truth in God’s word and works.

The Christian Solution.

Now, as the policy of the party unfriendly in a greater or less degree to the freedman, is based on the assumption of his inferiority, so the policy of his friends and benefactors—and he has friends at the South as well as at the North—must be based on the counter assertion of his manhood. It is not necessary—it is somewhat dogmatic, it is at least premature—to assert his equality in all respects with the white man. That is an ethnological question which it may take ages to settle, and when settled it will be mainly a matter of scientific interest. But that the negro is a man; that everything distinctively human belongs to him; that he is capable of improvement; that his intellectual faculties are expanded, and his moral nature is elevated by means of the same truths and the same influences which invigorate and enlarge and fructify the souls of other men, and that he is entitled to his full share, without stint or reserve, of all the knowledge and all the human agencies and the divine influences by which it is ordained that our common humanity shall reach its highest attainable perfection—this is the broad basis of principle on which the American Missionary Association, and all true missionary associations, found their policy in dealing with negroes, as with all other races of men whom God has made of one blood on all the face of the earth, and for whose common redemption and perfection Christ died, who is the Saviour of all men.

But in one sense the freedman is something more than a man; he is an American citizen; and he is more than an ordinary citizen; he is a voter. He has been entrusted by the nation with the highly important duty of giving expression to the municipal, the State, and the national will in legislative, judicial and executive acts. He is an integral part of the sovereignty of this nation. We may or may not think it a national mistake to have made him so important a functionary. But the negro is here. He is here either to corrupt our politics, to degrade our social life, to debase our religion, possibly to drag us into another civil war, if we continue or repeat in some other form our injustice and tyranny to him; or, he is here to perform some useful, perhaps some noble, part in the work of developing a Christian civilization at home and extending it abroad through the earth, if we are faithful to the trust committed to us by Providence in him.

The Negro Intellectually.

The question of the negro’s intellectual capacity has almost become obsolete as a debatable question. Strange that it should ever have been seriously maintained, that a race which has produced its full share of the world’s great men all along through history, a race which has given to the world a Hannibal, an Augustine, a Toussaint, is a race lacking intellectual capacity. Strange it is, on the other hand, that a race, however gifted, should, though oppressed and stupefied by ages of bondage, so frequently throw off minds of a high order.

If it should be said that these are a few picked men, whose cases do not indicate the intellectual capacity of the race, I reply it is only a few picked men of any race who are capable of high intellectual attainments, and that, because the rarest of talents is that ambition for high attainments which will carry one through toils and sacrifices to the far-away prize. I know no better test of intellectual capacity than the ardent desire for knowledge, and that desire the freedmen have in a remarkable degree. When the freedman spelt out, by the light of his pine-torch, the words: “Thou God seest me,” and then jumped to his feet and exclaimed: “John Martin, you can read! John Martin, you are a man!” he uttered a truth which too few of the boasted superior race so well appreciate—that manhood comes from power to appropriate great ideas. There is no doubt that the returns for money invested in freedmen’s schools are large. No one can read the accounts sent to us by teachers in these schools, and doubt that. The soil is a virgin one, and yields great crops for a small outlay. Think what the Peabody Fund is doing for the whole South! Think how wide-reaching would be the effects of a few thousand dollars put into the colleges at Atlanta, Berea and Nashville, where it might be hoped that almost every single dollar would quicken some mind which else were benighted, but which, if enlightened, might carry light to hundreds of benighted minds.

The Negro’s Moral Capacity.

If the negro had come out of this long, cruel bondage without being terribly degraded morally; if, as some pretend, his moral nature had been under an elevating discipline, then had slavery not been “the sum of all villainies.” But there is no denying that the American negro bears the marks of his bondage, in his indolence, his untruthfulness, his dishonesty, his animalism. But these are all vices of the slaves, not of the men; of the condition, not of the race. The possibilities of the negro nature are to be estimated by its highest actual attainments in the most favored individuals. Two of the noblest races of history have come from an ancestry less promising than our Southern freedmen—the Israelites and our own ancestors.

He would be a daring prophet who, in face of these examples, and of the instances of moral greatness actually produced by this race, should assert that something noble in character, some unique type of spiritual excellence, some splendid order of manhood, may not yet emerge from this now degraded and unpromising race. What the nature, the moral capacity of the American negro is, future ages will determine; and if we believe that God made him and gave him his nature, with all its unrealized possibilities, it surely cannot be hard for us to believe that there is for him a glorious future of moral and spiritual character.

Our Hope in Schools and Churches.

To the schools and to the churches, then, of the South we look as the hope of this race. But there are schools, and schools; there are churches, and churches; and everything depends on the kinds of schools and churches they have.

Depend upon it, unless we help the negroes to establish schools which will impart the kind of education which will give them intelligence and thrift, which will bring to them a consciousness of their resources and ambition to use them to the utmost, and thus raise themselves in the social and political scale, others will see to it that schools are established which, in response to their cry for knowledge, shall keep the word of promise to their ear, and break it to their hope; which shall give them the kind of education that occupies and amuses the mind without developing it, and that will leave them fit subjects for the ecclesiastical and political yoke which has even now been prepared for them. And, unless we plant churches among them, which shall aim to consecrate and employ in Christ’s service heart, soul, mind and strength—the whole man and all his capacities—others will see to it that churches are established which, appealing to his love of display and big responsiveness to sensational and dramatic demonstrations, shall keep him a child forever, submissive to his self-constituted masters at home and abroad.

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ITEMS FROM CHURCHES AND SCHOOLS.

WILMINGTON, N. C.—“Applications for next school-term are coming in. The students don’t mean to be caught as they were last year. I had to refuse so many for want of room.”

ATLANTA, GA.—There are known to be more than 142 of the present pupils of Atlanta University engaged in teaching during their three months’ vacation. This short term is all the present school system of Georgia contemplates during the year. Although many are prepared every year to take up the work, the demand is constantly larger than the supply. A short time since, application was made at the institution for three teachers in one day, to take schools already organized in the country, and none could be found to go. One graduate of the school, who has taught a school of his own in the southern part of the State for two years past, has raised up the present teachers of nearly every school in two counties, and a large part of those in seven others.

BYRON, GA.—Four persons united with the church, July 7th. One infant was baptized. Many are inquiring the way of life. A woman’s prayer-meeting is held every week. The Sunday-school numbers fifty-two.

WOODVILLE, GA.—Pilgrim Church has started a mission at Five-mile Bend, which promises well. They have licensed a brother to preach there. Mr. Sengstacke preaches there once or twice a month. Since last March thirty-five persons have been added to the church.

GEORGIA.—The railroads diverging from Atlanta generously passed at reduced rates the students of Atlanta University, after Commencement, to their homes and schools in the country. This reduction on one line, and on one trip, resulted in a saving to the students of a hundred and thirty-two dollars, a sum sufficient to pay the board and tuition of a student in that institution one year and two months.

ATHENS, ALA.—At the July communion, six children were baptized in Trinity Congregational Church. Two cases of discipline have just been issued. Rev. Horace J. Taylor is pastor.

NASHVILLE, TENN.—Nathaniel Nurse, a student of Fisk University, has been appointed a city missionary.

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GENERAL NOTES.

—The Atlanta _Republican_ says that, in proportion to their means, the colored people of that city are paying a much heavier tax than the whites, while their school facilities are far inferior. It also alleges that the hostility of the mayor to the colored school is evidenced by the removal of their best teachers, and especially of those who have gone thither from the North.

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—Catlin says that the Indians preserve their health by keeping their mouths shut. Some pale-faces might preserve their spiritual health by observing the same rule.—_Christian at Work._

—“It is a singular _non sequitur_ to refer to the discovery of frauds made by the Interior Department, as proofs of its inefficiency and unsuitableness to conduct the service, when, in fact, they are proofs of exactly the opposite.”—_Independent._

—The following resolutions, written by men who have worked in Oregon and Washington for thirty years, and who ought to know something about this question, were unanimously adopted by the Oregon Congregational Association:

“_Resolved_, That the Association affirm its faith in the redemption of the Indian from barbarism.

“_Resolved_, That we deplore the policy that tends to his extermination.

“_Resolved_, That the provisions of the Constitution, and the acts of Congress, and the pledges of treaties, furnish a strong motive for effort on the part of the friends of the Indian to secure him a homestead and citizenship as the best way to secure his rights in law, and promote his manhood and his welfare permanently, and

“_Whereas_, There is now a proposition in Congress to consolidate the various reservations in Oregon and Washington Territory, without regard to the previous labor and rights of the Indians, and without their consent, and

“_Whereas_, We believe such consolidation would be unjust to the Indians, dangerous to the surrounding settlers, and, in the end, of vast expense to the government, as well as a great hindrance to the civilization of the Indians physically, mentally and morally, therefore,

“_Resolved_, That before any consolidation takes place, we earnestly urge upon Congress the necessity of now, by positive act, granting to the Indians of industrious habits, on the reservations, homestead titles to their lands in severalty.

“_Resolved_, That the recommendation of the Secretary of the Interior, that boarding schools be established among Indians for the better training of their children, meets our convictions of what is needed.

“_Resolved_, That a copy of these resolutions be forwarded to the Secretary of the Interior.”

—General Crook is reported to have said, recently, to a newspaper man, “It is hard to be forced to kill the Indians when they are clearly in the right.”

—The question of Indian loyalty or revolt is generally decided by our treatment of them. If served by capable and faithful agents, supplied according to agreement, and protected from whiskey-dealing traders, they are peaceable and friendly. If defrauded of their rights, starved, and driven from place to place, they become “bad Indians,” and who wouldn’t? Witness the contrast between the Piutes and Shoshones, of Nevada, and the Bannocks.

—The Bannock war would seem to be nearly over. An official report announces that the Bannocks and Piutes have separated, and are fleeing, apparently towards their reservations or former haunts. Wheaton, and the boats on the Columbia, with Bernard and Forsythe pressing from other points, all under the direction of General Howard, who also operated separately with a small force of cavalry, prevented the intended crossing of the Columbia, and an escape into Washington Territory and the British Provinces. Settlers in the vicinity of Camas Prairie are now in terror from the returning Bannocks. Well they may be. The war began in connection with an attempt of these Indians to go back from their Fort Hall reservation, when nearly starved, to dig the camas, a nutritious root, from which that region is named. The white inhabitants objected, as they wanted the roots for their hogs. A difficulty arose, a white man was killed, the military was called upon, and, though the tribe did not justify the killing, nor shield the murderer, yet proceeded to inflict punishment upon the whole tribe by taking their horses and guns—largely their dependence for subsistence.—_Advance._

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—The President is said to be making careful inquiries into the facts as to the immigration of Chinamen to our Pacific Coast, and to purpose a special message to the next Congress on the subject. He has been reported as favoring its limitation by modification of the Burlingame treaty.

—On the 19th of July, Judge Belden, of the District Court, rendered a decision important to the interests of Chinese labor on the Pacific Coast, declaring the exorbitant license tax on Chinese laundries, of twenty dollars a month, to be void, and payments made recoverable, on the ground that such charges were excessive, disproportionate, and derogatory to fundamental principles of just government.

—Twenty-five Chinese laborers sailed July 19th for Peru, to work on a sugar estate. They are guaranteed prompt payment of sixteen dollars a month, and good treatment. Others will probably follow them.

—Judge Choate, of the United States District Court, ruled, July 10th, that a Chinaman cannot be naturalized under the laws of the United States. The application was made by a Chinaman known as Charles Miller, who has lived in New York for twenty-eight years. Judge Choate was guided by the decision of Judge Sawyer, of California, in the Ah Yup case, when thirteen hundred Chinamen petitioned that schools might be provided for them, as for Indians and negroes, and showed that in San Francisco alone they were paying $42,000 in school taxes. Their request was not granted, although it merely asked the carrying out of a provision of the State Constitution which the honorable gentleman had sworn to obey.

—Colonel F. A. Bee, attorney for the Chinese six companies, declares, upon official records, that during the past two years, up to June 1, the emigration and death-rate of the Chinese have exceeded the immigration by about 500; and that the entire number of Chinese residents on the Pacific Coast, as shown on the registers of the six companies, does not exceed 65,000.

THE FREEDMEN.

SYSTEMATIC BENEFICENCE IN ATLANTA UNIVERSITY.

BY REV. HORACE BUMSTEAD.

During a portion of the past school-year a plan of systematic beneficence has been in operation among the scholars and teachers of Atlanta University. It was undertaken largely as an experiment, and with many misgivings as to the results. Its success has been so gratifying as to suggest the possibility that other schools and churches in this missionary field might like to introduce it, if made acquainted with its practical workings.

THE PLAN.—This is set forth in the following recommendations, drawn up by a committee of teachers and scholars, and adopted by a unanimous vote of the school:—

“1. That we recognize more fully the duty and privilege of systematic giving.

“2. That during the remainder of the school-year we make twenty-five weekly offerings of money at the Friday afternoon meeting, to aid in paying the debt of the A. M. A.

“3. That all persons connected with the school be invited to hand in on slips of paper, to be provided, a statement of the amount which they will endeavor to give weekly.

“4. That all persons handing in these statements be provided with envelopes in which to deposit the weekly amount; and that envelopes be furnished also to any who may desire to give as they are able, without stating beforehand a definite amount.

“5. That any persons who prefer to devote their offerings to any other benevolent object than the one already suggested, be allowed to do so by giving timely notice of their desire.

“6. That arrangements be made for furnishing cents in exchange for larger coins, so that all may be enabled to give as small sums as they wish.

“7. That an account be kept with each holder of an envelope showing the amount given by each.

“8. That some person be appointed by the president to superintend the execution of this plan.”

ITS OBJECT.—We desired not so much to raise a large sum of money as to cultivate the habit of giving with thoughtfulness and regularity. The value of this habit we sought to impress upon our scholars in several prayer-meeting talks when the subject was under consideration. If each one gave only one cent a week, the _habit_ of giving would be acquired, and this would be worth acquiring. We wished also to encourage the idea that benevolent giving is a fitting act of Divine worship. Our offerings were made at the weekly school prayer-meeting on Friday afternoon, and were always preceded by a short prayer of consecration from the president.