Chapter 21
APPELLATE COURTS
For each of the States and Territories as well as for the United States there is one supreme court of appellate jurisdiction.
The Supreme Court of the United States can entertain original actions of certain kinds.[Footnote: See Chap. IX.] A few also of the State supreme courts of appeal have a limited original jurisdiction. This is generally confined to equity causes, election contests and certain actions for extraordinary relief known as prerogative writs, such as informations in the nature of _quo warranto_ and writs of mandamus.
The term "appeal" in its strictest signification is confined to a removal of a cause after trial to a higher court for a new trial on the merits.
It is also and now more commonly used to denote such a removal for the purpose only of inquiring whether any legal errors were committed on the trial or are to be found in the judgment. In this sense it covers proceedings by a writ of error, and any other mode of reviewing questions of law.[Footnote: See the _Federalist_, No. LXXXI.] If it does not appear from the record of the lower court that any of the errors that may be claimed (or "assigned," as the phrase is) exist, the judgment is affirmed; otherwise the cause is sent back for a new trial or, if the objections are fundamental and fatal to its maintenance, is dismissed.
Appellate courts are of many kinds. Some are such exclusively; some mainly. In others the functions of entertaining appeals is a minor one, most of their time being occupied in trying original causes. An appeal from judgments of a justice of the peace, for instance, is generally given on the merits to county courts, but the greater part of the litigation before them comes there in the first instance. So the judgments of county or other minor courts are often reviewable on appeal for errors in law in some superior court which, like them, is principally occupied in the exercise of an original jurisdiction.
When the American colonies passed into States, as has been seen, they were habituated to the thought of a supreme controlling authority exercised by one tribunal of a judicial character of last resort. The judicial committee of the Privy Council had administered this sovereign power for them, and for a long period of years, with general acquiescence.[Footnote: See Chap. I.] The uniformity of result thus obtained was acknowledged to be advantageous. It was now necessary to replace them by American courts of last resort, and it was not difficult in doing so to improve upon the English model. The time had come for separating, as far as it could conveniently be accomplished, judicial from political power.
Virginia was the first to act. A few days before the Declaration of Independence she adopted a Constitution (under which the government, was carried on until 1830, though it was never formally submitted to or ratified by the people) providing for a separate judiciary headed by a Supreme Court of Appeals whose judges should hold office during good behavior, and be ineligible to the Privy Council or General Assembly.
This divorce of judiciary and legislature was not the plan universally followed.
New Jersey, in which as a colony the Governor and Council had possessed an appellate power like that vested in the English House of Lords, was so well satisfied with this arrangement as to continue it in her Constitution of July 3, 1776, and up to the present time puts upon her Supreme Court a certain number of judges who give but a part of their time to this work, and are not necessarily (though in practice of late years they generally have been) lawyers.
New York, in her Constitution of 1777, pursued a somewhat similar plan. Her highest court was one "for the trials of impeachments and the correction of errors." Its members were the Senate with the Chancellor and judges of the Supreme Court. When a judgment of that court was brought up for review the judges were to state their reasons for giving it, but had no vote. This scheme was adhered to with little modification until 1846. What made it tolerable was that many of those elected Senators were naturally lawyers, and that to be in the Senate soon became the ambition of a lawyer with any desire to know how it would feel to be a judge. Able and learned opinions were pronounced by such men in exercising their judicial functions, and some of them in the New York reports are still frequently the subject of reference as clear and satisfactory statements of legal principles.
Connecticut, in 1784, when she instituted for the first time a court of last resort, made it up of the Lieutenant Governor and the twelve Assistants, and soon added to it the Governor himself. A plan of this kind was likely to work in that State, as in New York, better than it looked. Lawyers by this time had come to fill most of the higher offices of state. Although the Assistants were elected annually it was under a complicated scheme of nomination, which, unless in case of a political revolution, ensured re-election in every case. A majority of the Assistants were always members of the bar. They were also Federalists from the beginning of party divisions in the country. Naturally, the Republicans found such a state of things intolerable. All the power of government in Connecticut, said one of those who were celebrating Jefferson's second election to the Presidency in 1804, "together with a complete control of elections, are in the hands of seven lawyers who have gained a seat at the council board. These seven men virtually make and repeal laws as they please, appoint all the Judges, plead before those Judges, and constitute themselves a Supreme Court of Errors to decide in the last resort on the laws of their own making. To crown this absurdity, they have repealed a law which prohibited them to plead before the very court of which they are Judges." Attacks like this were too just to be resisted, and two years later the Governor, Lieutenant-Governor and Assistants were replaced by the Judges of the Superior Court.
Constitutional provisions that the right of trial by jury shall be preserved inviolate preclude, as a general rule, the establishment of courts in which the judges can make a final disposition of petty causes which turn on disputed facts. An appeal from their decision must be allowed, and a new hearing given on the merits in a court furnished with a jury. Under the Constitution of the United States a trial by jury cannot be claimed in civil cases at common law involving a demand of not over twenty dollars, and in most of the older States it cannot be in cases where it was not a matter of right prior to the adoption of their Constitutions.
The verdict of a jury can only be reviewed on its merits by a court of last resort where it was clearly and palpably against the weight of evidence, and in order to do this the whole evidence given in the trial court must be certified up.
Where a judgment has been rendered on a finding of facts made by a judge in a cause of an equitable nature, this finding can, in the courts of the United States and in many of the States, be reversed on any point on appeal. For this purpose also all the evidence that was before him, or all that is pertinent to questions involved, must be reported to the court above.
Except so far as the right of trial by jury may require it, it is a matter of legislative discretion whether to give any remedy in a higher court for the errors of a lower one.
In some States an appeal is given from a judgment of an inferior court even though rendered on the verdict of a jury, to a higher one where another trial may be had before a judge of presumably greater ability. In many States errors in law of petty courts may be reviewed in higher trial courts. In a few of the larger ones, as in the United States,[Footnote: See Chap. IX.] errors in law of the higher trial courts, in a considerable class of cases, are finally disposed of in an intermediate appellate court, constituted to relieve the court of last resort from an overweight of business.
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Ordinarily it is the statutory right of a defeated litigant to take an appeal, provided he can state any colorable ground of exception. In some jurisdictions he is required to obtain the approval of the trial court or else of some member of the appellate court. There are many judges who think that such a practice should be universally adopted. It would certainly tend to relieve the dockets of appellate tribunals, and to bring lawsuits to a speedier end. If one were sure that the judge to whom application was made for an approval of the appeal would always act intelligently and impartially, such a precaution against useless litigation would be admirable. But the trial judge is not in a position that naturally leads to an unprejudiced judgment. The appeal is asked on account of mistakes of his, and he will not be apt to think that he has made any. The judge of the appellate court will be impartial and unprejudiced, but he will have a very imperfect knowledge of the case. He could only be asked to make a hasty examination of the points involved, and it would be quite possible for him to reject as frivolous grounds which, on a lengthy investigation after a full argument, might have seemed to him substantial. In view of these objections, and of the unequal attainments and experience of the different judges of our courts, the bar are generally in favor of making appeals a matter of right; and what the bar favors in such a matter the legislature usually enacts.
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The opinions and judgments of all American courts of last resort are officially reported for publication. At first they were not so reported. The earliest volume of American judicial decisions (Kirby's) was published in 1789 as a private venture. A few years later the States began to provide official reporters for their highest courts and soon assumed the expense of publication. There are now more than fifty current sets of federal and State reports, the annual output being about four hundred volumes, containing 25,000 cases. The mere indexing and digesting of these reports for the use of the bench and bar has become a science. While consulted by comparatively few who are not connected with the legal profession, they constitute a set of public records of the highest value to every student of history and sociology.[Footnote: See "Two Centuries' Growth of American Law," 6.]
It is the custom to prefix to the report of each case a head-note stating briefly the points decided. Ordinarily this is the work of the reporter. In a few States the judges are required to prepare it; and to do so then naturally falls to the lot of that one of them who wrote the opinion. Occasionally the head-note contains statements not supported by the opinion. In such case the opinion controls unless it is otherwise provided by statute.
It has not been the usual custom of English judges of courts of last resort to write out their opinions. They have commonly pronounced them orally and left it to the reporters to put them in shape. The consequence has been that English reports have a conversational tone, and are not free from useless repetition. This has been not only a matter of tradition but of necessity. The English judges have always been few in number. Their time has been largely occupied in the trial of cases on the facts. It is only in recent years that certain judges have been set apart especially for appellate work.
American judges, on the other hand, are numerous. There is the waste of energy in our judicial system which is the necessary concomitant of the independent sphere belonging to each separate State. Combination of all of them into one empire would make it easy to reduce the judiciary to a tithe of its present numbers. Their salaries are part of the price we pay--and can well afford to pay--for our peculiar system of political government, under which every State is an _imperium in imperio_.
The ever-increasing number of our States, each with a body of law not exactly like that of any other, and each with a written Constitution which is its supreme law, requires a court of last resort in each. Experience tends to show that it ought not to be composed of less than five. There should certainly be an uneven number to facilitate decisions by a majority; and unless a minority consists of as many as two, its dissent is apt to carry little weight in public opinion.
In most of the States the court of last resort is not overworked. In some the judges find time to do considerable circuit duty in the trial of original causes. This keeps them in touch with the daily life of the community, and is so far good. On the other hand it disqualifies them from sitting on an appeal from their own decisions, and so either reduces the number of the appellate court occasionally below that which is normal and presumably necessary, or involves calling in some one to act temporarily, which imperils the continuity of thought and uniformity of doctrine which should characterize every such tribunal. There is also a certain natural bias, insensible perhaps to themselves, which tends to make appellate courts stand by one of their members whose rulings while holding a trial court are brought in question. For these reasons it has now become common for the States to confine their appellate judges exclusively to appellate work. The time, therefore, which the English judge gives to circuit duty the American judge can give to writing out his opinions with all the art and care which he can command.
He speaks in most instances to a small audience--the bar alone. But it is the bar of this year and the next year and the next century. Every volume of reports is part of the history of American jurisprudence and of American jurisprudence itself. Occasionally some case arises which involves large political questions, or one of especial local interest. The opinion is then read more widely. The newspapers seize it: reviews take it up. It is not always easy to anticipate what decision will become a matter of public notoriety; what opinion will be quoted as an authority in other States; and what drop unnoticed except by the lawyers in the cause. A judge, therefore, though he have no better motive than personal ambition, is apt to do his best in every case to state the grounds of his conclusions clearly and in order. A certain style of American judicial opinion has thus grown up. It is dogmatic. It offers no apologies. There is neither time nor need for them. The writer speaks "as one having authority." He does not argue out conclusions previously settled by former precedents, but contents himself with a reference to the case in the reports in which the precedent is to be found. He is as brief as he dares to be without risking obscurity.
It is undoubtedly true that many reported opinions are of a very different type. Some of Marshall's assume a tone of apology; but in his day it was needed. He struck at cherished rights of States, upheld by their highest courts, and struck them down, at a time when the country was unfamiliar with the conception of the United States as a national force. Many of those of judges of inferior ability do not rise above their source. They are verbose, repetitious, slovenly, inaccurate in statement, loose in form; perhaps sinking into a humor or sarcasm always out of place in the reports;[Footnote: See, for instance, Mincey _v._ Bradburn, 103 Tennessee Reports, 407; Terry _v._ McDaniel, _ibid_., 415; Hall-Moody Institute _v._ Copass, 108 _id_., 582.] possibly unfair in describing the claims that are overruled. But, as a whole, Americans need not fear to compare the reports of their courts with those of foreign tribunals. No judicial opinions, viewed from the point of style and argument, rank higher than some of those written by American judges.
Those of appellate courts are generally composed and delivered by a single one of their members, but he speaks not only for the court but for every other member of it who does not expressly dissent. Nevertheless, as their conclusions depend on one man for their proper expression, the responsibility for the particular manner in which the opinion may set them forth is properly deemed in a peculiar sense to rest upon him.
Nor, if the opinion is afterwards relied on as establishing a precedent, is the court bound by anything except the statement of the conclusions necessary to support the judgment. If unsound reasons for those conclusions are given, defective illustrations used, or unguarded assertions made, it is chargeable with no inconsistency in subsequently treating them as merely the individual expressions of the judge who wrote the opinion.[Footnote: Exchange Bank of St. Louis _v._ Rice, 107 Mass. Reports, 37, 41. This position is not, universally accepted. See Merriman _v._ Social Manufacturing Co., 12 R. I. Reports, 175, 184.]
When Marshall became Chief Justice of the United States he introduced the practice of writing all the opinions himself, and with a few exceptions maintained it for ten years, and until, by successive changes in the court, a majority were Republicans. This, as has been well said, "seemed all of a sudden to give to the judicial department a unity like that of the executive, to concentrate the whole force of that department in its chief, and to reduce the side justices to a sort of cabinet advisers."[Footnote: Thayer, "John Marshall," 54.]
In some of the State Supreme Courts in early days, it was the practice for the Chief Justice to deliver an opinion in every case, but his associates frequently added concurring or dissenting ones.
Of late years the business of appellate courts in the United States and in most of the States is so considerable that it is necessary to divide the labor, and the cases are generally distributed equally for the preparation of opinions.
It is the prevailing practice to have the opinion, when drafted by the judge to whom that duty is assigned, typewritten or printed, and a copy sent to each of the other judges for their consideration separately. At a subsequent conference each judge is called upon by the Chief Justice to state whether he concurs in it, and if alterations are proposed there is opportunity for their discussion. This practice did not become general until the latter part of the nineteenth century, when the typewriter had come into common use. Prior to that time the draft opinion was ordinarily first made known by its author to the other judges either by reading it aloud at the final consultation or by sending one manuscript copy around to each in succession for his endorsement of approval or disapproval. In some courts it was never thus submitted at all, and so they were occasionally committed to positions which they had never intended to adopt and afterwards found it necessary to repudiate.[Footnote: See for an example of this Wilcox _v._ Heywood, 12 R. I. Reports, 196, 198.]
Our courts of last resort generally have before them a printed statement of the doings in the lower court which they are asked to review, and a printed argument from each party to the appeal. Oral arguments are also usually heard, except in a few States where the press of business renders it practically impossible except in cases of special importance. Such a press occurs mainly in the largest States, but exists also in some whose Constitutions make it easy and over-cheap for every defeated litigant to carry his case up to the highest court.
In the Supreme Court of Georgia no costs exceeding $10 can be taxed against the unsuccessful party; and it has had eight hundred cases in one year upon its docket. In most States he has substantial costs to pay. These mainly are to meet the expense of printing the record sent up from the court below. A single case will sometimes fill a volume or even a set of volumes, particularly in equity causes in the federal courts, in which all the testimony is generally written out at length. The appellant has to pay for the printing in the first instance, but ordinarily, if he succeeds, the other party will be obliged to reimburse him. The cost involved is occasionally several thousand dollars.
The party taking the appeal must file a paper stating his grounds for it separately, distinctly, clearly and concisely. There is a temptation to include all that can be thought of, good, bad and indifferent; and whether this is done or not will depend largely on the opinion which the lawyers have of the ability of the court.
In the smaller States the judges have time to enable all to study each case with care. In the largest ones it is not uncommon to assign every case on the docket, in advance of the argument, to a particular judge. He is expected to give it special attention with a view to reporting his conclusions upon it to the court, and, should they be approved in consultation, to writing out its opinion subsequently. The assignment for a term of court is not infrequently made in the order in which the docket (or printed list of cases to be heard) is made out, the chief justice taking the first case, the senior associate justice the second, and so on. At the next term the same practice will be pursued, except that the justice next in seniority to the one who had the last case under the previous assignments will now take the first case on the new list, and the next junior justice the second.
Appellate courts generally sit not over four or five hours a day; this time being either preceded or followed by a consultation. They are seldom in session more than five days in the week. The cases before them are not usually assigned for argument on particular days. A list is made up of all which are ready to be heard, numbered in order, the oldest first. They are then taken up successively as reached, and the counsel concerned in each must be ready at their peril. Often a limit is fixed by rule as to the number of cases that can be called for argument in any one day. In the Supreme Court of the United States this is the practice, and the number is ten. In some of the States it rises as high as twenty.
At the first consultation over a case which has been argued, the Chief Justice (unless a special assignment has been previously made of it to some particular member of the court) asks the junior justice his opinion as to the proper disposition to be made of it, and each justice in turn then gives his, in the reverse order of seniority. If there is any serious disagreement the matter is generally allowed to stand over for further discussion later. At some convenient time after the views of the various justices have been ascertained the cases are distributed and, as a rule, equally for the purpose of preparing the opinions. This distribution is sometimes made by the Chief Justice and sometimes by agreement, or according to the arrangement of the docket.
Until the opinion has been finally adopted it is not usual to announce the decision. Not infrequently the ultimate decision is made the other way, and a new opinion prepared by the same, or, if he remains unconvinced that his first one was wrong, by another judge. Still more often the draft opinion is altered in material points to meet criticisms and avoid dissent.
Dissenting opinions are comparatively rare, particularly in courts where there is a Chief Justice with the qualities of a leader; that is, with ability, learning and tact, each in full measure.[Footnote: Perhaps tact counts the most, for the Chief Justice has the advantage of hearing the opinions of all his associates at all consultations before he gives his own. Senator Hoar makes a pungent comment on Chief Justice Shaw's want of it, in his Autobiography, II, 413.] Every instance of dissent has a certain tendency to weaken the authority of the decision and even of the court. Law should be certain, and the community in which those charged with its judicial administration differ irreconcilably as to what its rules really are, as applied to the transaction of the daily business of life, will have some cause to think that either their laws or their courts are defective and inadequate. For these reasons judges of appellate courts often concur in opinions, of the soundness of which they are only convinced because of the respect they entertain for the good judgment of their associates. They are willing to distrust themselves rather than them.
Not seldom, however, dissent and the preparation of a dissenting opinion has in the course of time, aided, perhaps, by some change of membership, converted the court and led to overruling a position incautiously taken which was inconsistent with settled law.[Footnote: A striking instance of this is the case of Sanderson _v._ Pennsylvania Coal Co., 86 Pennsylvania State Reports, 401; 94 _id_., 302; 102 _id_., 370; 113 _id_., 126; 6 Atlantic Reporter, 453.]
More than eighty out of every hundred of the opinions delivered in the courts of last resort of each State of the United States, excepting one (New Jersey), and contained in the last volume of the reports of each published prior to June, 1904, were unanimous. In New Jersey seventy-three out of every hundred were. In two States, Maryland and Vermont, there was dissent in but two out of every hundred cases, and in all the States taken together, out of nearly 5,000 cases decided a dissent is stated in 284 only. This made the proportion of unanimous decisions of State courts, in the country at large, to those in which there was dissent nineteen to one.[Footnote: _Law Notes_ for June, 1904, p. 285.]
A dissenting judge sometimes files an opinion which is then printed in full in the reports. More often the fact of his dissent is simply noted. In cases involving constitutional questions it is rare for a dissenting judge not to state his reasons. The importance of the subject justifies if it does not demand it. As Mr. Justice Story once observed, "Upon constitutional questions the public have a right to know the opinion of every judge who dissents from the opinion of the court, and the reasons of his dissent."[Footnote: Briscoe _v._ Bank of Kentucky, 11 Peters' Reports, 257, 349.]
The official reports of the courts have some of the faults of officialism. They often do not appear until long after the decisions which they chronicle have been made and their general make-up is sometimes unworkmanlike and unscientific. It requires rare gifts to make a good reporter of judicial opinions. He must have the art of clear and concise statement; the power to select what is material and drop the rest; and the faculty of close analysis of abstract reasoning.[Footnote: Four of the reporters of the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts have been appointed justices of that court, largely in consequence of their good work in reporting. A good reporter always has the making of a good judge.] Many of our reporters also are practicing lawyers of no special training for the work, and who give to it but a portion of the year.
The modern sense of the value of time, of scientific treatment of whatever can be treated scientifically, and of uniformity in scientific methods led toward the close of the nineteenth century to competition in reporting. Private publishing houses undertook the prompt publication, in scientific arrangement upon a uniform plan, of the opinions of the courts. This work began in 1879. The result has been that the series of official reports of the Circuit Court of Appeals of the United States has been discontinued, and that the decisions of all our other appellate courts are now twice reported. One publishing house has grouped the States into clusters, issuing for each cluster its own series of reports, known, respectively, as the Atlantic, the Northeastern, the Northwestern, the Southeastern, the Southern, the Southwestern and the Pacific Reporters. The States forming each group have been selected mainly because they were neighbors geographically, but partly from commercial reasons. Thus Massachusetts, which would naturally be assigned to the Atlantic Reporter, has been put into the Northeastern; and such inland States as Kansas and Colorado find their place in the Pacific Reporter. All the reported decisions of all the States in each group are printed in pamphlet form weekly, as they may be handed down, in chronological order; and every few months the whole issued as a bound volume. In this way, for a trifling sum a copy of any opinion of any American court of last resort can be had in a few days or weeks after its announcement, and a lawyer's library can, at slight expense, be furnished with the decisions not only of his own State but of several others having not unlike laws and institutions.
The multiplication of American reports makes judicial precedents of decreasing value to the American lawyer. English cases are cited as authority far less frequently than they were before the middle of the nineteenth century. The omnipotence of Parliament and the free hand with which that has been exerted to change the common law have tended to separate English from American jurisprudence. Our written Constitutions have perpetuated here ideas of government and property which England does not recognize. Hence American precedents are of more use than English. But American precedents are becoming so numerous that the advocate who seeks to avail himself of them is tempted to cite too many and to examine them with too little care. In each State its own reports are the expression of its ultimate law. With these every member of its bar must be familiar. But the courts before which he argues listen to him with more satisfaction and greater benefit if he deals with the principles of law rather than with foreign precedents which may or may not correctly apply them.[Footnote: See a valuable statistical article on "Reports and Citations" in _Law Notes_ for August, 1904.]
Not every opinion which is delivered is officially reported. In most States the court has and exercises the power of directing that such as they may deem of no substantial value to the profession at large shall not be. Many are simply applications of familiar rules which obviously control. Opinions of that kind interest only the lawyers in the cause. In the unofficial reports, however, such cases are sure to appear and the bar is divided in opinion as to whether they should not also be given a place in the official ones.
It is not always easy for the court or the reporter to determine what decision may thereafter be relied on as a precedent. Repeated instances have occurred in which such a use has in fact been made and properly made of some not noted in the regular reports, and not infrequently they have subsequently been inserted in them.[Footnote: In the centennial volume (Vol. CXXXI) of those of the Supreme Court of the United States, one hundred and twelve opinions are printed, the first delivered over fifty years before, which previous reporters had thought best to omit, and two hundred and twenty-one more such are published in Vol. CLIV. Whoever runs them over will be apt to think that the previous reporters were right.] There is also in case of an opinion not to be officially reported a loss of a valuable safeguard against unsound decisions. A judge writes with more care and examines the points of law which may be presented more closely if he writes for the public and for posterity.
On the whole the prevailing sentiment is that the reasons for repressing some are stronger than those for publishing all judicial opinions. It will be few only that, under any circumstances, will be omitted. The leading lawyers in every State are expected to run over, if they do not read, every case in every new volume of its reports. Every case dropped lightens this task. It helps to keep indexes of reports and digests of reports and legal treatises within reasonable limits. It cuts into an accumulating mass of material, most of which must, in any event, so far as points of law are concerned, be a mere repetition of twice-told tales, that is becoming so vast in the United States as to becloud rather than illuminate whoever seeks to know what American law really is.
If reporters will not select and discriminate between adjudged cases publishers can and will. Many sets have been prepared and issued in recent years of selected cases on all subjects taken from the official reports of all the States. Their professed aim has been to include all worth preserving. In fact, they have naturally been guided to a considerable extent by commercial considerations. To every lawyer the leading cases in his own State are of the first importance. He is not likely to buy any compilation in which a number of these do not appear, even if intrinsically, as statements of law, they may be of no great value. Hence in the collections in question the rule of selection is often the rule of three, and they are apt to contain a certain proportion of the decisions of every State.
The leading sets are the "American Decisions," running from 1760[Footnote: Long after the publication of Kirby's Reports in 1784, some unofficial reports were published of cases decided in colonial courts prior to any which he included.] to 1869; the "American Reports," from 1869 to 1886; the "American State Reports," from 1886 to the present time, which three sets include over two hundred and fifty volumes and nearly 40,000 opinions; and the "Lawyers' Reports Annotated," now extending over more than sixty volumes, the first of which was published in 1888, and contains no cases reported prior to the preceding year.
Spencer's rule of social evolution that all progress is from the homogeneous to the heterogeneous tends steadily and inexorably in the United States to lessen the value of judicial reports out of the State in which the cases were decided. Each of forty-five different commonwealths is building upon legal foundations that are not dissimilar, but some of them are advancing far faster than others, and none proceed at exactly the same rate or on exactly the same lines. They are building by statute, by popular usage and by judicial decision. Heterogeneity is most marked in legislation and it tells most there. Whoever looks over a volume of reports will find a large proportion of the cases turning upon some local statute. An important index title is that of "Statutes Cited and Expounded." In Vol. 138, for instance, of the Massachusetts Reports (a volume selected at random for this purpose), 223 statutes or sections of statutes are noted as having been made the subject of remark in the 170 cases which it contains. Almost all are Massachusetts statutes, a very small proportion of which have been re-enacted elsewhere.
Appellate courts thus forced at every turn to study with care into the effect of local legislation, much of which, to get at its meaning, must be traced back historically through various changes during a long course of years, and in the older States sometimes for centuries, listen unwillingly to citations from decisions of other States which are even remotely affected by the statutes that may be there in force.
The newer States and those with a small population are naturally the ones that rely most on foreign authority. In the last volume (Vol. 26) of the Nevada Reports, sixty-two per cent, of the cases cited in the opinions of the court are of that kind. In the last volume (Vol. 178) of the New York Reports, the percentage is but thirty, and in the last of the Massachusetts Reports (Vol. 185) it is only twenty-five.[Footnote: _Law Notes_ for April, 1905, 8.]
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In the Supreme Court of the United States and in several of the appellate courts of the larger States each judge is provided with a clerk at public expense. While this is a means of relief from much which is in the nature of drudgery, it sometimes leads to a deterioration in the quality of the judicial opinions. A dictated opinion is apt to be unnecessarily long, and when a clerk is set to looking up authorities, although he can hardly be expected always to select the most apposite, it is easier to accept his work and use what he has gathered than to institute an independent search.
Some of the appellate courts which are most fully employed, both State and federal, are provided with special libraries of considerable extent, and each of the individual judges is also often furnished with an official library, sometimes containing several thousand volumes, for his personal use, to be handed over to his successor when he retires from office.[Footnote: In New York, the private library of the Court of Appeals contains over 6,000 volumes, comprehending all the reports of all the States, and the personal libraries provided for each judge have come to comprise 3,500 volumes.]
In some States counsel have the right to demand to be heard before a full court, and those who have taken the appeal generally exercise it. As decisions go by majorities, the chance of reversing a judgment before, for instance, a court of five, which is a common number, is obviously greater when all its members sit than when four do. In either case it must be the act of three judges, and one is more likely to convince three out of five than three out of four.
In the Supreme Court of the United States there is no means of supplying the place of a judge who is absent or disqualified. The remaining members, provided they constitute a quorum (that is, a majority), proceed without him. In most of the States there is some provision for filling the vacancy in such a contingency. Sometimes it is by calling in a judge of an inferior court; sometimes by application to the Governor for the temporary appointment of some member of the bar as a special associate justice to sit in a particular case.
In several of the larger States all the members of the court of last resort do not and need not sit in every case. In some two permanent divisions are constituted, to each of which certain judges are assigned, and both divisions may be in session at the same time. In other States certain judges are detached for a certain time, during which they study causes which have been argued and prepare opinions. This done, they resume their seats, and others are released for similar duties.
In Ohio, for instance, the Supreme Court consists of six judges and commonly sits in two divisions of three each, having equal authority. The whole court sits to hear any cause involving a point of constitutional law. It also decides those which have been heard in one of its divisions and in which the divisional court is in favor of reversing the judgment appealed from. An affirmance by the divisional court is final, but if it inclines to a reversal the judges communicate their opinions to the full court, which also reads the printed briefs submitted on the original argument, and then without any further oral hearing pronounces final judgment. Four judges, therefore, at least, must concur to accomplish a reversal. Should the full court in any case be equally divided, the judgment appealed from stands.
Under the Constitution of California (Art. VI, Sec. 2) the Supreme Court, which consists of seven judges, ordinarily sits in two departments. Three judges can render a decision, but the judgment does not go into full effect for thirty days unless three, including the Chief Justice, have given it their approval. The Chief Justice also, with the concurrence of two of his associates, or four of these without his concurrence, can direct that any cause be heard before a full court within thirty days after judgment by a department court. He can also order the removal into the full court of any cause before judgment.
In Michigan only five out of the eight judges sit to hear a case, and if one of them files an opinion dissenting from that of his associates, the losing party can demand a rehearing before the full court.
Neither the bar nor the bench are quite satisfied with such methods of appellate procedure. The Ohio scheme is excellently adapted for the dispatch of business, but may prevent an oral argument before those who are ultimately to decide the cause. That of California often protracts litigation. Any such plan of division also must increase the risk of the court's taking a position inconsistent with one which it had previously assumed. The judges in one division may come to conclusions different from those reached in the other division; or where the court does not sit in divisions, a point may be determined by a narrow majority in one case which in a later one, through the substitution of one or two judges for those who heard the former, may be ruled the other way.
The freedom of appeal which is generally conceded to defeated litigants in this country has been made the subject of severe criticism. It seems, however, a necessary incident of our political institutions. They are built upon the foundation of a profound reverence for the rights of the individual and of the equality of all before the law. Our Constitutions guaranty every man against deprivation of life, liberty or property without due process of law. If we could count on having as judges of our trial courts none but men of ability, learning and independence, it might be safe to leave it to them to say what this due process was. But the tenure of judicial office in most States is too brief, the pay too meagre, and the mode of appointment too subject to political influence to give always that assurance that could be wished either of the independence of the judiciary or of its representing only what is best in the legal profession.
In England, until recently, there was little or no right of review in favor of one convicted of crime. But the judges are appointed for life on ample salaries, and tradition requires that they be selected only from among the leaders at the bar. Nor is the right of the individual against the State deemed so sacred under English as under American institutions. It cannot be in any country where an hereditary aristocracy has from ancient times had a share in government. As has been seen, the English practice in this respect for nearly a hundred years was adopted in the courts of the United States, but public sentiment finally pronounced against it. Much less could it be safely followed in the States, where criminal courts are often held by judges of little ability, less learning, and inferior standing at the bar, to which, after the expiration of a brief term, perhaps of but a year, they will return should they fail to secure a party renomination.
The same reasons, if in less degree, support a liberal right of appeal in cases involving property only, and oppose restrictions based only on the amount in controversy. Americans could never tolerate keeping their appellate courts for the trial of large causes only. There must be no rich men's courts. There certainly must be none to which a claim of right founded on a constitutional provision cannot be carried up, however trifling in pecuniary value may be the matter in demand.
Most appeals fail. There are few in which the counsel who takes them are fully confident of success. Every lawyer of large experience knows that he has often won when he expected to lose, and lost when he expected to prevail. There are not many cases involving large pecuniary interests or strong personal feeling that are not appealed if there is any color for it. The proportion of appeals which are successful will generally be not far from a third of the whole number taken. Of course, however, this must depend largely on the competency of the trial judges in the court where it is claimed that errors have occurred. The abler and more experienced those who do circuit duty may be, the oftener will their doings be supported in the court of last resort.
Short terms of office and consequent lack of practical acquaintance with the business of a trial judge is the real cause why so many appeals are taken, and are allowed to be taken in our American States. As for the federal courts of appeal, there is another and unavoidable occasion for large dockets. They have the last word to pronounce on constitutional questions, and there has probably never been a year since the United States came into existence when the legitimate powers of the general government have not been repeatedly infringed upon by State legislation.
In the Supreme Court of the United States, the reporter began its second century with a plan of stating the number of cases affirmed or reversed at each term, but dropped it after two years. The record of these years was as follows:
Affirmed Reversed October Term, 1890 248 104 October Term, 1891 185 103
A tabulation of the decisions reported in the various States in their last volumes published prior to June, 1904, shows that on a general average, in sixty-three out of every hundred appeals the judgment of the inferior court was affirmed. In Massachusetts the percentage was eighty-seven per cent. In Texas it was only thirty-four per cent., and in Arkansas and Kentucky not much over forty per cent.[Footnote: _Law Notes_ for June 1904, p. 285.]
Many more appeals are taken by convicted persons in criminal cases at the South than in the North. Many more criminal prosecutions are brought there, in proportion to the population. This is due largely to the presence of so large a body of colored people, most of whom have had a very inferior education and training. Many more such appeals are successful also in the South than in the North. In the reports of the courts of last resort of Alabama, Florida, Louisiana and Mississippi between December 20, 1902, and April 25, 1903,[Footnote: As given in Vol. XXXIII of the Southern Reporter.] ninety-four criminal cases appear, in forty-six of which the judgment of conviction was set aside. In Connecticut, Delaware, Maine, Maryland, New Hampshire, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island and Vermont between March 12 and June 25, 1903,[Footnote: As given in Vol. LIV of the Atlantic Reporter.] the reports show only twenty such cases, of which seven were set aside.[Footnote: _Law Notes_ for September, 1903, 105.] This would seem to indicate either that the trial judges of criminal courts in the Gulf States are careless or that the appellate courts there (under the pressure, perhaps, of unwise statutes)[Footnote: See Paper on "Judicial Independence," by Justice Henry B. Brown in the Reports of the Am. Bar Association for 1889, 265.] are inclined to be too technical. If either is true it is a just cause for public dissatisfaction with the administration of criminal justice, and some palliation for the frequent resorts to Lynch law by the Southern people.
The American plan of written opinions, at least in all cases of novelty or general interest, works better in small States than in large ones. No judge can find time to prepare more than a certain and quite moderate number in a year, if they are such as they should be. The shorter they are, the more time generally has been spent in condensing them. In a great State there must, therefore, either be a larger number of judges, or every few years there must be a temporary addition to the judicial force to clear off an accumulation of cases. The latter expedient is generally preferred. Sometimes a small number of lawyers are selected to serve as a special commission of appeals. They sit by themselves, but there may be a provision for their submitting their opinions to review by the regular court. Some of the leading cases in our reports have been decided by such commissioners. In California, where such a body now exists, its members are appointed by the court, and removable at its pleasure; but ordinarily they are chosen by the executive or legislative departments.
Sometimes when the cases on the docket of the court of last resort reach a certain number (in New York this is put at 200) the Governor may call in judges of the next court in rank to sit with the regular judges until the accumulation is cleared off.
Fewer causes can be heard and disposed of in American appellate courts than in those of other countries by reason of two things, our practice of delivering written opinions and the fulness of treatment thought necessary in such opinions, especially when they deal with questions of constitutional law. In France, the Court of Cassation in 1901 heard 816 appeals.[Footnote: Of these, 219 were sustained and 597 rejected.] Nothing approaching this number could be properly disposed of on the merits in any American Court of last resort. Many appeals, however, are here, as everywhere, abandoned or dismissed for some failure to comply with the rules of practice or because manifestly frivolous, and in these no opinions are ordinarily given. During the court year closing with the Summer of 1903, the Court of Appeals of New York filed only 221 opinions, although it disposed, in one way or another, of 640 cases; and the Supreme Court of the United States filed 212 opinions and disposed of 420 cases.[Footnote: See Chap. XXIV.]
In the calendar year 1904, the Court of Appeals of New York filed 327 opinions, and the Supreme Court of Illinois over 500.
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