The American Journal of Archaeology, 1893-1

Chapter 1

Chapter 131,458 wordsPublic domain

1893

_PRINCETON_: THE BUSINESS MANAGER _LONDON_: TRÜBNER & CO. _PARIS_: E. LEROUX _TURIN_, _FLORENCE_ and _ROME_: E. LOESCHER _LEIPZIG_: KARL W. HIERSEMANN.

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EDITORS.

_Managing Editor_: Prof. A.L. FROTHINGHAM, Jr., of Princeton University, Princeton, N.J.

_Literary Editor_: Prof. H.N. FOWLER, of Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio.

_Editorial Committee on behalf of the Archæological Institute_: Prof. A.C. MERRIAM, of Columbia College; Mr. T.W. LUDLOW, of Yonkers, N.Y.

_Publication Committee for the Papers of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens_: Prof. A.C. MERRIAM, of Columbia College; Mr. T.W. LUDLOW, of Yonkers, N.Y.

_Business Manager_: Prof. ALLAN MARQUAND, of Princeton University, Princeton, N.J.

All literary contributions should be addressed to the Managing Editor; all business communications to the Business Manager.

CONTRIBUTORS.

The following are among the contributors to past volumes:

M.E. BABELON, Conservateur an Cabinet des Médailles, National Library, Paris Prof. W.N. BATES, of Harvard University, Cambridge. Mr. SAMUEL BESWICK, Hollidaysburg, Pa. Mr. CARLETON L. BROWNSON, of Yale University, New Haven. Prof. CARL D. BUCK, of University of Chicago, Ill. Dr. A.A. CARUANA, Librarian and Director of Education, Malta Mr. JOSEPH T. CLARKE, Harrow, England. Dr. NICHOLAS E. CROSBY, Princeton University. Mr. HERBERT F. DE COU. Dr. WILHELM DÖRPFELD, Secretary German Archæological Institute, Athens. M. ÉMILE DUVAL, Director of the Musée Fol, Geneva. Dr. M.L. EARLE, of Barnard College, New York. Prof. ALFRED EMERSON, of Cornell University. Mr. ANDREW FOSSUM, of St. Olaf College, Northfield, Mass. Prof. HAROLD N. FOWLER, of Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio. Prof. A.L. FROTHINGHAM, Jr., of Princeton University. Dr. A. FURTWÄNGLER, Professor of Archæology in the University of Berlin. Page iii Mr. ERNEST A. GARDNER, Director of the British School of Archæology, Athens. Padre GERMANO DI S. STANISLAO, Passionista, Rome. Mr. WM. H. GOODYEAR, Curator, Brooklyn Institute. Prof. W. HELBIG, former Secretary of the German Archæological Institute, Rome. Prof. GUSTAV HIRSCHFELD, of Königsberg, Prussia. Dr. GEO. B. HUSSEY, of University of Nebraska, Lincoln, Neb. Dr. ALBERT L. LONG, of Robert College, Constantinople. Prof. ALLAN MARQUAND, of Princeton University. Comte de MARSY, Director of the Soc. Franc. d'Archéologie, _Bulletin Monumental_, _etc._ Prof. ORAZIO MARUCCHI, member of Archæol. Commission of Rome, _etc._ Prof. A.C. MERRIAM, of Columbia College. Prof. G. MASPERO, former Director of Antiq., Egypt; Prof. at Collège de France, Paris. M. JOACHIM MENANT, of Rouen, France. Mr. WILLIAM MERCER, of Gainsborough, England. Prof. ADOLPH MICHAELIS, of the University of Strassburg. Prof. WALTER MILLER, of Leland Stanford, Jr., University, Palo Alto, Cal. Prof. THEODOR MOMMSEN, Berlin. M. EUGÈNE MÜNTZ, Librarian and Conservateur of the École des Beaux-Arts, Paris. A.S. MURRAY, Keeper of Greek and Roman Antiquities, British Museum. Prof. CHARLES E. NORTON, of Harvard University, Cambridge. Rev. JOHN P. PETERS, Director of the Babylonian Expedition, New York City. Mr. JOHN PICKARD, Professor in the University of Missouri, Columbia, Mo. Mr. THEO. J. PINCHES, of the British Museum, London. Prof. WM. C. POLAND, of Brown University, Providence, R.I. Mr. W.M. RAMSAY, Professor in the University of Aberdeen. Dr. FRANZ V. REBER, Professor in the University and Polytechnic of Munich, _etc._ M. SALOMON REINACH, Conservateur of the Musée National de St. Germain. Prof. RUFUS B. RICHARDSON, of Dartmouth College, Hanover. Prof. JOHN C. ROLFE, of University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Dr. TH. SCHREIBER, Prof. of Archæol. in the Univ., and Director of Museum, Leipzig. Mr. ROBERT SEWELL, Madras Civil Service, F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S. Mrs. CORNELIUS STEVENSON, Curator Museum University of Pa., Philadelphia. Prof. FRANK B. TARBELL, of University of Chicago, Ill. Mr. S.B.P. TROWBRIDGE, of New York. Dr. CHARLES WALDSTEIN, of Cambridge University, England. Dr. WM. HAYES WARD, President Am. Oriental Society, and Ed. _Independent_, N.Y. Mr. HENRY S. WASHINGTON. Prof. J.R. WHEELER, University of Vermont, Burlington. Dr. PAUL WOLTERS, Secretary of the German Archæological Institute at Athens. Hon. JOHN WORTHINGTON, U.S. Consul at Malta. Prof. J.H. WRIGHT, of Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. The Director and Members of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens.

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PROGRAM.

The JOURNAL treats of the various branches of archæology and art history--Oriental, Classic, Christian and Early Renaissance. Its original articles are predominantly classic on account of the fact that it has become the official organ of the ARCHÆOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA and of the AMERICAN SCHOOL OF CLASSICAL STUDIES AT ATHENS, and the JOURNAL will aim to further the interests for which the Institute and the School were founded. In it are published the reports on all the excavations undertaken in Greece and elsewhere by the Institute and the School, and the studies carried on independently by the Directors and members of the School. By decision of the Council of the Archæological Institute the JOURNAL has been distributed during 1893 to all members of the Institute, and the same distribution will be made during 1894.

Beside articles the JOURNAL contains CORRESPONDENCE, BOOK NOTICES AND REVIEWS AND ARCHÆOLOGICAL NEWS. It is its aim to give notices of all important publications recently issued, sometimes written expressly for the JOURNAL, sometimes summarized from authorized reviews in other publications.

The department in which the JOURNAL stands quite alone is the RECORD OF DISCOVERIES AND INVESTIGATIONS. While all periods and all countries are represented, special attention is given to Egypt, Greece and Italy. Not merely are the results of actual excavations chronicled, but everything in the way of novel views and investigations as expressed in books and periodicals is noted. In order to secure thoroughness, more than one hundred periodicals are consulted and utilized. By these various methods, all important work is concentrated and made accessible in a convenient but scholarly form, equally suited to the specialist and to the general reader.

It has been the aim of the editors that the JOURNAL, besides giving a survey of the whole field of archæology, should be international in character. Its success in this attempt is shown by the many noted European writers whose contributions have appeared in its pages during the past eight years. Such are: MM. Babelon, de Marsy, Maspero, Menant, Müntz and Reinach for France: MM. Dörpfeld, Furtwängler, Hirschfeld, Michaelis, Mommsen, Schreiber and Wolters for Germany; MM. Gardner, Murray, Pinches and Ramsay for England, _etc._

The JOURNAL is published quarterly and forms, each year, a volume of between 500 and 600 pages royal 8vo, illustrated with Page v colored, heliotype, phototype, half-tone and other plates and numerous figures. The yearly subscription is $5.00 for America; and for countries of the Postal Union, 27 francs, 21 shillings or marks, post-paid.

Vol. I, containing 489 pages, 11 plates and 16 figures; Vol. II, containing 521 pages; 14 plates and 46 figures; Vol. III, containing 531 pages, 33 plates and 19 figures; Vol. IV, containing 550 pages, 20 plates and 19 figures; Vol. V, containing 534 pages, 13 plates and 55 figures; Vol. VI, containing 612 pages, 23 plates and 23 figures; Vol. VII, containing 578 pages; 26 plates and 8 figures; Vol. VIII, containing 631 pages, 18 plates and 26 figures--will be sent bound for $5.50, unbound for $5.00.

Vol. I has lately been out of print, but will be reprinted shortly in view of the increasing demand for back volumes; all who desire to complete their sets should send in their application.

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CONTENTS OF VOLUME VIII, 1893.

No. 1. JANUARY--MARCH. PAGE. I.--_THE TEMPLE OF THE ACROPOLIS BURNT BY THE PERSIANS_, By HAROLD N. FOWLER, 1

II.--_NOTES ON THE SUBJECTS OF GREEK TEMPLE-SCULPTURES_, By F.B. TARBELL and W.N. BATES, 18

III.--_PAPERS OF THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF CLASSICAL STUDIES AT ATHENS_. I.--_THE RELATION OF THE ARCHAIC PEDIMENT RELIEFS FROM THE ACROPOLIS TO VASE-PAINTING_, By CARLETON L. BROWNSON, 28 II.--_THE FRIEZE OF THE CHORAGIC MONUMENT OF LYSIKRATES AT ATHENS_, By HERBERT F. DE COU, 42 III.--_DIONYSUS_ [Greek: en Limnais], By JOHN PICKARD, 56

CORRESPONDENCE. _Hunting della Rabbia Monuments in Italy_, By ALLAN MARQUAND, 83

REVIEWS AND NOTICES OF BOOKS. M. COLLIGNON, _Histoire de la Sculpture Grecque_, By A.M. 87 HEINRICH BRUNN, _Griechische Götterideale_, By A.M. 89

ARCHÆOLOGICAL NEWS. AFRICA (Egypt, Ethiopia, Algeria and Tunisia); ASIA (Hindustan, Thibet, China, Central Asia, Arabia, Babylonia, Persia, Syria, Armenia, Caucasus, Asia Minor), By A.L. FROTHINGHAM, Jr., 154

No. 2. APRIL--JUNE.

I.--_SOME UNPUBLISHED MONUMENTS BY LUCA DELLA ROBBIA_, By ALLAN MARQUAND, 153

II.--_EGYPTIAN CHRONOLOGY_, By SAMUEL BESWICK, 171

III.--_A SERIES OF CYPRIOTE HEADS IN THE METROPOLITAN MUSEUM_, By A.C. MERRIAM, 184

IV.--_A TABLET REFERRING TO DUES PAID TO THE TEMPLE OF THE SUN AT SIPPARA_, By THEO. G. PINCHES, 190

V.--_A SEPULCHRAL INSCRIPTION FROM ATHENS_, By WM. CAREY POLAND, 191

VI.--_PAPERS OF THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF CLASSICAL STUDIES AT ATHENS_. I.--_SOME SCULPTURES FROM THE ARGIVE HERAEUM_ (reprinted), By CH. WALDSTEIN, 199 II.--_EXCAVATIONS AT THE HERAEUM OF ARGOS_, By CARLETON L. BROWNSON, 206 Page vii

CORRESPONDENCE. MONTEFALCO IN UMBRIA, By WM. MERCER, 226 LETTERS FROM GREECE, By F.B. TARBELL, 230

REVIEWS AND NOTICES OF BOOKS. ORIENTAL ARCHÆOLOGY, 239 CLASSICAL ARCHÆOLOGY, 246

ARCHÆOLOGICAL NEWS. AFRICA (Egypt, Central Africa, Algeria); ASIA (China, Cambodia, Asia Minor); EUROPE (Greece, Italy, Sicily, France, Spain), By A.L. FROTHINGHAM, Jr., 251

No. 3. JULY-SEPTEMBER.

I.--_NOTES OF EASTERN TRAVEL_, By JOHN P. PETERS, 325

II.--_THE TOPOGRAPHY OF SPARTA_, By NICHOLAS E. CROSBY, 335

III.--_THE NEATHERD IN THE ART OF THE MYCENÆAN PERIOD_, By GEORGE B. HUSSEY, 374

IV.--_FASTIGIUM IN PLINY_, N.H. XXXV, 152, By HAROLD N. FOWLER, 381

V.--_PAPERS OF THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF CLASSICAL STUDIES AT ATHENS_. I.--_EXCAVATIONS IN THE THEATRE AT SICYON IN 1891_, By M.L. EARLE, 388 II.--_FURTHER EXCAVATIONS AT THE THEATRE OF SICYON IN 1891_, By C.L. BROWNSON and C.H. YOUNG, 397

III.--_REPORT ON EXCAVATIONS AT SPARTA IN 1893_, By CH. WALDSTEIN and Z.M. PATON, 429

VI.--_NOTES ON ROMAN ARTISTS OF THE MIDDLE AGES_. IV. _THE CLOISTER OF THE LATERAN BASILICA_, By A.L. FROTHINGHAM, Jr., 437

VII.--_SOME INSCRIPTIONS FROM THE ORIENT_, By A.C. MERRIAM, 448

REVIEWS AND NOTICES OF BOOKS. CLASSICAL ARCHÆOLOGY, 456 CHRISTIAN ARCHÆOLOGY, 461 RENAISSANCE, 465

No. 4. OCTOBER-DECEMBER.

I.--_A HISTORY OF THE AKROPOLIS AT ATHENS_, By WALTER MlLLER, 473

ARCHÆOLOGICAL NEWS. AFRICA (Egypt, Algeria, Tunisia); ASIA (Hindustan, Thibet, China, Central Asia, Western Asia, Babylonia, Assyria, Syria, Phoeornicia, Palestine); EUROPE (Italy), By A.L. FROTHINGHAM, Jr., 557

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ALPHABETICAL TABLE.

AMERICAN SCHOOL OF CLASSICAL STUDIES AT ATHENS, PAPERS OF: I. The relation of the archaic pediment reliefs from the Akropolis to vase painting, 28 II. The frieze of the choragic monument of Lysikrates at Athens, 42 III. Dionysus [Greek: en Lemnais]. 56 IV. A Sepulchral inscription from Athens, 191 V. Some Sculptures from the Argive Heræum, 199 VI. Excavations at the Heræum of Argos, 205 VII. Excavations in the Theatre at Sicyon in 1891, 388 VIII. Further Excavations at the Theatre of Sicyon in 1891, 397 IX. Report on Excavations at Sparta in 1893, 410 X. Report on Excavations between Schenochori and Koutzopodi, Argolis, in 1893, 429

ARCHÆOLOGICAL NEWS: Abyssinia, 586 Africa (Central), 254, 586 Algeria, 113, 255, 588 Arabia, 131, 602 Armenia, 146 Asia (Central), 128 Asia (Western), 604 Asia Minor, 147, 256 Assyria, 609 Babylonia, 181, 606 Cambodia, 256 Caucasus, 146 China, 127, 256, 600 Crete, 270 Egypt, 91, 253, 557 Ethiopia, 111 France, 309 Greece, 257 Hindustan, 118, 589 Italy, 272, 620 Mongolia, 601 Palestine, 614 Persia, 134 Sicily, 293 Syria, 140, 610 Thibet, 127, 598 Tunisia, 114, 588

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BATES (W.N., and F.B. Tarbell). Notes on the subjects of Greek Temple Sculptures, 18

BESWICK (Samuel). Egyptian Chronology, 171

BROWNSON (Carleton L.). The relation of the archaic pediment reliefs from the Akropolis to vase-painting, 28 Excavations at the Heræum of Argos, 205 (and C.H. Young). Further Excavations at the Theatre of Sicyon in 1891, 397

CROSBY (Nicholas E.). The Topography of Sparta, 335

DE COU (Herbert F.). The frieze of the Choragic monument of Lysikrates at Athens, 42

EARLE (M.L.). Excavations in the Theatre at Sicyon in 1891, 388

FOWLER (Harold N.). The temple of the Akropolis burnt by the Persians, 1 Fastigium in Pliny, N.H. XXXV, 152. 381 Reviews and Notices of Books: History of Art in Phrygia, Lydia, Caria and Lycia, by Perrot and Chipiez; and History of Art in Persia, by the same, 239 Excursions in Greece to recently explored sites, etc., by Charles Diehl, 249

FROTHINGHAM (A.L., Jr.). Notes on the Roman Artists of the Middle Ages, IV. The Cloister of the Lateran Basilica, 437 Archæological News, 91, 251, 559

MARQUAND (Allan). Some unpublished monuments by Luca della Robbia, 153 Correspondence: Hunting Della Robbia monuments in Italy, 83 Reviews and Notices of Books; Histoire de la Sculpture Grecque, by Max Collignon, 87 Griechische Götterideale, by Heinrich Brunn, 89

MEADER (C.L. and Ch. Waldstein). Report on Excavations at Sparta in 1893, 410

MERCER (William). Correspondence: Montefalco in Umbria, 226

MERRIAM (A.C.). A series of Cypriote heads in the Metropolitan Museum, 184 Some inscriptions from the Orient, 448

MILLER (Walter). A History of the Akropolis of Athens, 473

PATON, (J.M. and Ch. Waldstein). Report on Excavations between Schenochori and Koutzopodi, Argolis, in 1893, 429

PETERS (John P.). Notes of Eastern Travel, 325

PICKARD (John). Dionysus [Greek: en Limnais], 56

POLAND (Wm. Carey). A Sepulchral inscription from Athens, 191

TARBELL (Frank B. and W.N. Bates). Notes on the subjects of Greek Temple Sculptures, 18 Correspondence: Letters from Greece, 230

WALDSTEIN (Charles). Some Sculptures from the Argive Heræum (reprinted), 199

YOUNG (C.H. and C.L. Brownson). Further Excavations at the Theatre of Sicyon in 1891, 397

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PLATES.

I.--The Typhon Pediment of the Akropolis, 28-41

II-III.--The frieze of the Choragic Monument of Lysikrates, 42-55

XIII.--Hyponomos and Stage of the Theatre, Sicyon, 388-409

XIV.--Cloister of S. John Lateran, Rome, 437-447

XV.--Plan of the Akropolis at Athens, | | XVI.--Sections of the Akropolis Excavations,| |- 473-556 XVII.--Herakles and the Old Man of the Sea, | | XVIII.--Figure of Athena from a pediment, |

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FIGURES.

Bull on a Babylonian contract tablet, 190

Fac-simile of Sepulchral inscription from Athens, 192

General Sketch-plan of Sparta, 338

Sketch-plan of the Agora, Sparta, 341

" " Street called Apheta, Sparta, 345

" " Skias Street, Sparta, 349

" " Western part of Sparta, 354

" " Road from Booneta to Limnaion, Sparta, 365

" " Akropolis, Sparta, 368

Bull in a fresco at Tiryns, 374

Bull from tomb at Gizeh, Egypt, 376

Bull from Presse d'Avennes, 376

Egyptian vintage scene, Gizeh, 377

Bull on Vaphio Cup, 378

Hyponomos in the theatre at Sicyon, plans and sections, 389

End of conduit, etc., in theatre, Sicyon, 394

Two stone blocks, theatre, Sicyon, 406

Section of wall AA, Sicyon, 308

Plan of circular building, Sparta, 411

Section through wall, Sparta, 415

Enlarged plan of poros blocks, Sparta, 418

Some poros blocks in detail, Sparta, 420

View of walls, Sparta, 426

Plan of Excavations between Schenochori and Kontzopodi, 430

The Pelargikon restored, 489

The serpent (Echidna) in the poros pediment, Akropolis, Athens, 497

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PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS.

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AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHÆOLOGY.

Vol. VIII. JANUARY-MARCH, 1893. No. I.

THE TEMPLE ON THE ACROPOLIS BURNT BY THE PERSIANS.

The excavations conducted by the Greek Archæological Society at Athens from 1883 to 1889 have laid bare the entire surface of the Acropolis, and shed an unexpected light upon the early history of Attic art. Many questions which once seemed unanswerable are now definitively answered, and, on the other hand, many new questions have been raised. When, in 1886, Kabbadias and Dörpfeld unearthed the foundations of a great temple close by the southern side of the Erechtheion, all questions concerning the exact site, the ground-plan, and the elevation of the great temple of Athena of the sixth century B.C. were decided once for all.[1] On these points little or nothing can be added to what has been done, and Dörpfeld's results must be accepted as final and certain.

[Footnote 1: DÖRPFELD, Preliminary Report, _Mitth. Ath._, X, p. 275; Plans and restorations, _Antike Denkmäler_, I, pls. 1, 2; Description and discussion, _Mitth. Ath._, XI, p. 337.]

The history of the temple presents, however, several questions, some of which seem still undecided. When was the temple built? Was it all built at one time? Was it restored after its destruction by the Persians? Did it continue in use after the erection of the Parthenon? Was it in existence in the days of Pausanias? Did Pausanias mention it in his description of the Acropolis? Conflicting answers to nearly all of these questions Page 2 have appeared since the discovery of the temple. Only the first question has received one and the same answer from all. The material and the technical execution of the peripteros, entablature, _etc._, of the temple show conclusively that this part, at least, was erected in the time of Peisistratos.[2] We may therefore accept so much without further discussion. Of the walls of the cella and opisthodomos nothing remains, but the foundations of this part are made of the hard blue limestone of the Acropolis, while the foundations of the outer part are of reddish-gray limestone from the Peiraieus. The foundations of the cella are also less accurately laid than those of the peripteros. These differences lead Dörpfeld to assume that the naos itself (the building contained within the peristyle) existed before the time of Peisistratos, although he does not deny the possibility that builders of one date may have employed different materials and methods, as convenience or economy dictated.[3] Positive proof is not to be hoped for in the absence of the upper walls of the naos, but probability is in favor of Dörpfeld's assumption, that the naos is older than the peristyle, _etc._[4] It is further certain, that this temple was called in the sixth century B.C. [Greek: to Ecatômpedon]( see below p. 9). So far, we have the most positive possible evidence--that of the remains of the temple itself and the inscription giving its name. The evidence regarding the subsequent history of the temple is not so simple.

[Footnote 2: DÖRPFELD, _Mitth. Ath._, XI, p. 349.]

[Footnote 3: _Mitth. Ath._, XI, p. 345.]

[Footnote 4: On the other hand, see PETERSEN, _Mitth. Ath._, XII, p. 66.]

Dörpfeld (_Mitth. Ath._, XII, p. 25 ff.) arrives at the following conclusions: (1) The temple was restored after the departure of the Persians; (2) it was injured by fire B.C. 406; (3) it was repaired and continued in use; (4) it was seen and described by Pausanias I. 24.3 in a lost passage. Let us take up these points in inverse order. The passage of Pausanias reads in our texts:--[Greek: Lelectai de moi kai proteron (17.1), ôs Athenaiois perissoteron ti e tois allois es ta theia esti spoudes, prôtoi men gar Athenan eponomasan Erganen prôtoi d'acôlous Ermas... omou de sphisin en tô naô Spoudaiôn daimôn estin.] Dörpfeld marks a lacuna between [Greek: Ermas] and Page 3 [Greek; omou], as do those editors who do not supply a recommendation. Dörpfeld, however, thinks the gap is far greater than has been supposed, including certainly the mention and probably the full description of the temple under discussion. His reasons are in substance about as follows: (1) Pausanias has reached a point in his periegesis where he would naturally mention this temple, because he is standing beside it,[5] and (2) the phrase [Greek: omou de sphisin en tô naô Spoudaiôn estin] implies that a temple has just been mentioned. These are, at least, the main arguments, those deduced from the passage following the description of the Erechtheion being merely accessory.

Now, if Pausanias followed precisely the route laid down for him by Dörpfeld (_i.e._, if he described the two rows of statues between the Propylaia and the eastern front of the Parthenon, taking first the southern and then the northern row), he would come to stand where Dörpfeld suggests. If, however, he followed some other order (_e.g._, that suggested by Wernicke, _Mitth._, XII, p. 187), he would not be where Dörpfeld thinks. Pausanias does not say that the statues he mentions are set up in two rows.[6] It may be that the Acropolis was so thickly peopled with statues that each side of the path was bordered with a double or triple row, or that the statues were not arranged in rows at all, and that Pausanias merely picks out from his memory (or his Polemon) a few noticeable figures with only general reference to their relative positions. Be this as it may, the assumption that Pausanias, when he mentions the [Greek Spoudaiôn] (or [Greek: spoudaiôn]) [Greek: daimôn] is standing, or imagines that he stands, beside the old temple rests upon very slight foundations.

[Footnote 5: DÖRPFELD'S arguments for the continued existence of the temple, without which his theory that Pausanias mentioned it must of course fall to the ground, will be discussed below. It seemed to me advisable to discuss the Pausanias question first, because, if he mentioned the temple, it must have existed, if not to his time, at least to that of Polemon or of his other (unknown) authority.]

[Footnote 6: The most than can be deduced from the use of [Greek: peran] (c. 24.1) is, that the statues were on both sides of the path.]

Whether Pausanias, in what he says of Ergane, the legless Hermæ, _etc._, is, as Wernicke (_Mitth._, XII, p. 185) would have it, merely inserting a bit of misunderstood learning, is of little moment. I am not one of those who picture to Page 4 themselves Pausanias going about copying inscriptions, asking questions, and forming his own judgments, referring only occasionally to books when he wished to refresh his memory or look up some matter of history. The labors of Kalkmann, Wilamowitz, and others have shown conclusively, that a large part of Pausanias' periegesis is adopted from the works of previous writers, and adopted in some cases with little care by a man of no very striking intellectual ability. It is convenient to speak as if Pausanias visited all the places and saw all the things he describes, but it is certain that he does not mention all he must in that case have seen, and perhaps possible that he describes things he never can have seen. Whether Pausanias travelled about Greece and then wrote his description with the aid (largely employed) of previous works, or wrote it without travelling, makes little difference except when it is important to know the exact topographical order of objects mentioned. In any case, however, his accuracy in detail is hardly to be accepted without question, especially in his description of the Acropolis, where he has to try his prentice hand upon a material far too great for him. A useless bit of lore stupidly applied may not be an impossibility for Pausanias, but, however low our opinion of his intellect may be, he is the best we have,[7] and must be treated accordingly. The passage about Ergane, _etc._, must not be simply cast aside as misunderstood lore, but neither should it be enriched by inserting the description of a temple together with the state-treasury. The passage must be explained without doing violence to the Ms. tradition. That this is possible has lately been shown by A.W. Verrall.[8] He says: _'What Pausanias actually says is this--:_ "The Athenians are specially distinguished by religious zeal. The name of Ergane was first given by them, and the name Hermæ; and in the temple along with them is a Good Fortune of the Zealous"_--words which are quite as apt for the meaning above explained_ (_i.e._, a note on the piety of the Athenians) _as those of the author often are in such cases.'_

[Footnote 7: I think it is F.G. WELCKEK to whom the saying is attributed: _Pausanias ist ein Schaf, aber ein Schaf mit goldenem Vliesse._]

[Footnote 8: HARRISON and VERRALL, _Mythology and Monuments of Athens_, p. 610. I am not sure that a colorless verb has not fallen out after [Greek: Ermas], though the assumption of a gap is not strictly necessary, as Prof. Verrall shows.]

Page 5 Whether we read [Greek: Spoudaiôn daimôn] or [Greek: spoudaiôn Daimôn] is, for our purposes immaterial. In either case, Verrall is right in calling attention to the connection between [Greek: es ta theia spoude] and the [Greek: daimôn Spoudaiôn (spoudaiôn)], a connection which is now very striking, but which is utterly lost by inserting the description of a temple. At this point, then, the temple is not mentioned by Pausanias.

But, if not at this point, perhaps elsewhere, for this also has been tried. Miss Harrison[9] thinks the temple in question is mentioned by Pausanias, c. 27.1. He has been describing the Erechtheion, has just mentioned the old [Greek: agalma] and the lamp of Kallimachos, which were certainly in the Erechtheion, [10] and continues: [Greek: kei tai de en tô naô poliados Ermes xulou, kte.], giving a list of anathemata, followed by the story of the miraculous growth of the sacred olive after its destruction by the Persians, and passing to the description of the Pandroseion with the words, [Greek: tô naô de tes Athenas Pandrosou naos suneches esti]. Miss Harrison thinks that, since Athena is Polias, the [Greek: naos tes poliados] and the [Greek naos tes Athenas] are one and the same, an opinion in which I heartily concur.[11] It remains to be decided whether this temple is the newly discovered old temple or the eastern cella of the Erechtheion. The passages cited by Jahn-Michaelis[12] show that the old [Greek: agalma] bore the special appellation [Greek: polias], and we know that the old [Greek: agalma] was in the Erechtheion. That does not, to be sure, prove that the Erechtheion was also called, in whole or in part [Greek: naos tes poliados (or tes Athena)], but it awakens suspicion to read of an ancient [Greek: agalma] which we know was called Polias, and which was perhaps the Polias [Greek: kat exochen], and immediately after, with no introduction or explanation, to read of a temple of Polias in which that [Greek: agalma] is not. Nothing is known of a statue in the newly discovered old temple.[13]

[Footnote 9: _Myth. and Mon. of Athens_, p. 608 ff.]

[Footnote 10: _CIA._, I. 322, § 1 with the passage of Pausanias.]

[Footnote 11: DÖRPFELD (_Mitth._, XII, p. 58 f.) thinks the [Greek: naos tes poliados] is the eastern cella of the Erechtheion, the [Greek: naos tes Athenas] the newly discovered old temple, but is opposed by Petersen (see below) and Miss Harrison.]

[Footnote 12: _Pausanias, Descr. Arcis Athen._, c. 26.6.35.]

[Footnote 13: For LOLLING'S opposing opinion, see below.]

Page 6 In the Erechtheion there was, then, a very ancient statue called Polias; in the temple beside the Erechtheion was no statue about which anything is known, and yet, according to Miss Harrison, the new found "old temple" is the [Greek: naos tes poliados] while the [Greek: polias] in bodily form dwells next door. That seems to me an untenable position. Again, the dog mentioned by Philochoros[14] which went into the temple of Polias, and, passing into the Pandroseion, lay down ([Greek: dusa eis to pandroseion ... catekeito]), can hardly have gone into the temple alongside of the Erechtheion, because there was no means of passing from the cella of that temple into the opisthodomos, and in order to reach the Pandroseion the dog would have had to come out from the temple by the door by which he entered it. The fact that the dog went into this temple could have nothing to do with his progress into the Pandroseion, whereas from the eastern cella of the Erechtheion he could very well pass down through the lower apartments and reach the Pandroseion. It seems after all that when Pausanias says [Greek: naos tes poliados], he means the eastern cella of the Erechtheion. But the [Greek: naos tes Athenas] is also the Erechtheion, for E. Petersen has already observed (_Mitth._ XII, p. 63) that, if the temple of Pandrosos was [Greek: suneches tô naô tes Athenas], the temple of Athena must be identified with the Erechtheion, not with the temple beside it, for the reason that the temple of Pandrosos, situated west of the Erechtheion, cannot be [Greek: suneches] ("adjoining" in the strict sense of the word) to the old temple, which stood upon the higher level to the south. If Pausanias had wished to pass from the Erechtheion to the temple of Athena standing(?) beside it, the opening words of c. 26.6 ([Greek: Iera men tes Athenas estin e te alle polis kte.]) would have formed the best possible transition; but those words introduce the mention of the ancient [Greek: agalma] which was in the Erechtheion. That Pausanias then, without any warning, jumps into another temple of Athena, is something of which even his detractors would hardly accuse him, and I hope I have shown that he is innocent of that offence.

[Footnote 14: Frg. 146, JAHN-MICH., _Paus. Discr. Arcis. Ath._, c. 27.2.8.]

Pausanias, then, does not mention the temple under discussion.

Xenophon (_Hell._ I. 6) says that, in the year 406 B.C. [Greek: o palaios naos tes Athenas enepresthe]. Until recently this page 7 statement was supposed to apply to the Erechtheion, called "ancient temple" because it took the place of the original temple of Athena, from which the great temple (the Parthenon) was to be distinguished. Of course, the new _building_ of the Erechtheion was not properly entitled to the epithet "ancient," but as a _temple_ it could be called ancient, being regarded as the original temple in renewed form. If, however, the newly discovered temple was in existence alongside the Erechtheion in 406, the expression [Greek: palaios naos] applied to the Erechtheion would be confusing, for the other temple was a much older _building_ than the Erechtheion. If the temple discovered in 1886 existed in 406 B.C., it would be natural to suppose that it was referred to by Xenophon as [Greek: o palaios naos]. But this passage is not enough to prove that the temple existed in 406 B.C.

Demosthenes (xxiv, 136) speaks of a fire in the opisthodomos. This is taken by Dörpfeld (_Mitth_., xii, p. 44) as a reference to the opisthodomos of the temple under discussion, and this fire is identified with the fire mentioned by Xenophon. But hitherto the opisthodomos in question has been supposed to be the rear part of the Parthenon, and there is no direct proof that Demosthenes and Xenophon refer to the same fire. If the temple discovered in 1886 existed in 406 B.C., it is highly probable that the passages mentioned refer to it, but the passages do not prove that it existed.

It remains for us to sift the evidence for the existence of the temple from the Persian War to 406 B.C. This has been collected by Dörpfeld[15] and Lolling,[16] who agree in thinking that the temple continued in existence throughout the fifth and fourth centuries, however much their views differ in other respects. But it seems to me that even thus much is not proved. I believe that, after the departure of the Persians, the Athenians partially restored the temple as soon as possible, because I do not see how they could have got along without it, inasmuch as it was used as the public treasury; but my belief, being founded upon little or no positive evidence, does not claim the force of proof.

[Footnote 15: _Mitth._, XII, p. 25, ff.; 190 ff.; XV, p. 420, ff.]

[Footnote 16: [Gree: Ecatompedon] in the periodical [Greek: Athena] 1890, p. 628, ff. The inscription there published appears also in the [Greek: Deltion Archaiologicon], 1890, p. 12, and its most important part is copied, with some corrections, by Dörpfeld, XV, p. 421.]

Page 8 Dörpfeld (XV, p. 424) says that the Persians left the walls of the temple and the outer portico standing; that this is evident from the present condition of the architraves, triglyphs and cornices, which are built into the Acropolis wall. These architectural members were ... taken from the building while it still stood, and built into the northern wall of the citadel. But, if the Athenians had wished to restore the temple as quickly as possible, they would have left these members where they were. It seems, at least, rather extravagant to take them carefully away and then restore the temple without a peristyle, for the restored building would probably need at least cornices if not triglyphs or architraves; then why not repair the old ones? It appears by no means impossible that, as Lolling (p. 655) suggests, only a part of the temple was restored.[17] Still more natural is the assumption, that the Athenians carried off the whole temple while they were about it. I do not, however, dare to proceed to this assumption, because I do not know where the Athenians would have kept their public monies if the entire building had been removed. Perhaps part of the peristyle was so badly injured by the Persians that it could not be repaired. At any rate, the Athenians intended (as Dörpfeld, XII, p. 202, also believes) to remove the whole building so soon as the great new temple should be completed. I think they carried out their intention.

[Footnote 17: LOLLING does not say how much of the temple was restored; but, as he assumes the continuation of a worship connected with the building, he would seem to imply that at least part (and in that case, doubtless, the whole) of the cella was restored, and he also maintains the continued existence of the opisthodomos and the two small chambers. E. CURTIUS, _Stadtgeschichte von Athen_, p. 132, believes that only the western half of the temple was restored. DÖRPFELD, p. 425, suggests the possibility that the entire building, even the peristyle, was restored, and that the peristyle remained until the erection of the Erechtheion.]

This brings us to the discussion of the names and uses of the various parts of the older temple and of the new one (the Parthenon), the evidence for the continued existence of the older temple being based upon the occurrence of these names in inscriptions and elsewhere. As these matters have been fully discussed by Dörpfeld and Lolling, I shall accept as facts without further discussion all points which seem to me to have been definitively settled by them.

Page 9 Lolling, in the article referred to above, publishes an inscription put together by him from forty-one fragments. It belongs to the last quarter of the sixth century B.C., and relates to the pre-Persian temple. Part of the inscription is too fragmentary to admit of interpretation, but the meaning of the greater part (republished by Dörpfeld) is clear at least in a general way. The [Greek: tamiai] are to make a list of certain objects on the Acropolis with certain exceptions. The servants of the temple, priests, _etc_., are to follow certain rules or be punished by fines. The [Greek: tamiai] are to open in person the doors of the chambers in the temple. These rules would not concern us except for the fact that the various parts of the building are mentioned. The whole building is called [Greek: to Ecatompedon]; parts of it are the [Greek: proneion], the [Greek: neôs], the [Greek: oikema tamieion] and [Greek: ta oikemata]. There can be no doubt that these are respectively the eastern porch, the main cella, the large western room and the two smaller chambers of the pre-Persian temple. But most important of all is the fact that the whole building was called in the sixth century B.C. [Greek: to Ekatompedon.]. The word [Greek: opisthodomos] does not occur in the inscription, and we cannot tell whether the western half of the building was called opisthodomos in the sixth century or not. Very likely it was.

Lolling (p. 637) says: "No one, I think, will doubt that [Greek: to Ecatompedon] is the [Greek: neô o Ecatompedos] often mentioned in the inscriptions of the [Greek: tamiai] and elsewhere." If this is correct, the eastern cella of the Parthenon cannot be the [Greek: veôs o Ecatompedos]. Lolling maintains that the eastern cella of the Parthenon was the _Parthenon_ proper, that the western room of the Parthenon was the opisthodomos, and that the [Greek: neôs o Ecatompedos], was the pre-Persian temple. Besides the official name [Greek: Ecatompedon] or [Greek: neô o Ekatompedos], Lolling thinks the pre-Persian temple was also called [Greek: archaios (palaios) neôs].[18] Dörpfeld maintains that the western cella of the Parthenon was the _Parthenon_ proper, the western part of the Page 10 "old temple" was the opisthodomos, and the eastern cella of the Parthenon was the [Greek: neôs o Ekatompedos], leaving the question undecided whether the "old temple" was still called [Greek: to Ecatompedon] in the fifth century, but laying great stress upon the difference in the expressions [Greek: to Ecatompedon] and [Greek: o neôs o Ecatompedos].[19] Both Lolling and Dörpfeld agree that the [Greek: proneôs] of the inscriptions of the fifth century is the porch of the Parthenon.[20]

[Footnote 18: LOLLING (p. 643) thinks the [Greek: archaios neôs] of the inscriptions of the [Greek: tamiai] CIA, II, 753, 758 (_cf_. 650, 672) is the old temple of Brauronian Artemis, because in the same inscriptions the [Greek: epistatai] of Brauronian Artemis are mentioned. This seems to me insufficient reason for assuming that [Greek: archaios neôs] means sometimes one temple and sometimes another.]

[Footnote 19: _Mitth._, xv, p. 427 ff.]

[Footnote 20: LOLLING (p. 644) thinks the expression [Greek: en tô neô tô Ecatompedô] could not be used of a part of a building of which [Greek: proneôs] and [Greek: Parthenôn] were parts, _i.e._, that a part of a temple could not be called [Greek: neôs]. Yet in the inscription published by Lolling the [Greek: proneion] and the [Greek: neôs] are mentioned in apparent contradistinction to [Greek: apan to Ecatompedon]. It seems, as Dörpfeld says, only natural that the [Greek: neôs] should belong to the same building as the [Greek: proneôs].]

Among the objects mentioned in the lists of treasure handed over by one board of [Greek: tamiai] to the next (_Ueberyab-Urkunden_ or "transmission-lists") are parts of a statue of Athena with a base and a [Greek Nike] and a shield [Greek: en tô Ekatompedô]. The material of this statue is gold and ivory. The only gold and ivory statue of Athena on the Acropolis was, so far as is known, the so-called _Parthenos_ of Pheidias. Those inscriptions therefore prove that the Parthenos stood in the Hekatompedos (or Hekatompedon); that is, that the eastern cella of the Parthenon was called [Greek: Ecatompedos (ov)] in the fifth century.[21] Certainly, if there had been a second chryselephantine statue of Athena on the Acropolis, we should know of its existence.

[Footnote 21: This was shown by U. KÖHLER. _Mitth_., v, p. 89 ff., and again by DÖRPFELD, xv, 480 ff, who quote the inscriptions. LOLLING'S distinction between [Greek: to agalma] and [Greek: to chrusoun agalma] cannot be maintained. _cf. U. Köhler, Sitzungsber, d. Berlin. Akad._, 1889, p. 223.]

When the Athenians built the great western room of the Parthenon, they certainly did not intend it to serve merely as a store-room for the objects described in the transmission-lists as [Greek: en tô Parthenôn] or [ek tou Parthenônos], these being mostly of little value or broken.[22] Now the treasury of Athens was the opisthodomos, and the western room of the Parthenon was, from the moment of the completion of the building, the greatest opisthodomos in Athens. It is Page 11 natural to regard this (with Lolling) as the opisthodomos where the treasure was kept. This room was doubtless divided into three parts by two partitions of some sort, probably of metal,[23] running from the eastern and western wall to the nearest columns and connecting the columns. This arrangement agrees with the provision (_CIA_, I, 32) that the monies of Athena be cared for [Greek: en tô dexi tou opisthodomou], those of the other gods [Greek: en tô ep dexeia tou opisthodomou]. Until the completion of the Parthenon, the opisthodomos of the pre-Persian temple might properly be _the_ opisthodomos [Greek: cat exochen], but so soon as the Parthenon was finished, the new treasure-house would naturally usurp the name as well as the functions of its predecessor.

[Footnote 22: A general view of these transmission-lists may be found at the back of MICHAELIS' _der Parthenon_: See also H. LEHNER, _Ueber die attischen Schatzverzeichnisse des vierten Jahrhunderts_ (which Lolling cites. I have not seen it.)]

[Footnote 23: See plans of the Parthenon, for instance, the one in the plan of the Acropolis accompanying Dörpfeld's article, _Mitth._, XII, _Taf. 1_.]

But, if the western room of the Periclean temple was the opisthodomos, where was the [Greek: Parthenôn] proper? It cannot be identical with the [Greek: neôs o Ecatompedos] nor with the opisthodomos, for the three appellations occur at the same date evidently designating three different places. It would be easier to tell where the [Greek: Parthenôn] proper was, if we knew why it was called [Greek: Parthenôn]. The name was in all probability not derived from the Parthenos, but rather the statue was named from the _Parthenon_ after the latter appellation had been extended to the whole building, for there is no evidence that the great statue was called Parthenos from the first. Its official title was, so far as is known, never Parthenos.[24] The Parthenon was not so named because it contained the Parthenos, but why it was so named we do not know. The [Greek: proneôs] is certainly the front porch, the [Greek: Ecatompedos neôs] is certainly the cella, 100 feet long, the [Greek: opisthodomos] is the rear apartment of some building, (even if I have not made it seem probable that it is the rear apartment of the Parthenon). These names carry their explanation with them. But the name [Greek: Parthenôn] gives us no information. It was a part of the great Periclean temple, for the name was in later times applied to the whole building, and the only part of the building not named is the western porch. It Page 12 is, however, incredible that the Athenians should use this porch, so prominently exposed to the eyes of every sight-seer, as a storehouse for festival apparatus, _etc_. It is more probable that the [Greek: Parthenôn] proper was within the walls of the building but separated from the other parts in some way. The middle division of the western room, separated by columns and metal partitions from the treasury of Athena on the right and that of the other gods on the left, was large enough and, being directly in front of the western door, prominent enough, to deserve a name of its own. If this room was the [Greek: Parthenôn] proper, it is evident that a fire in the opisthodomos would cause the [Greek: Parthenôn] to be emptied of its contents, which would then naturally be inventoried as [Greek: ek tou Parthenônos], while another list could properly be headed [Greek: ek tou opisthodomon] referring to the treasure-chambers.[25] The name Parthenon might then be extended first to the entire western part of the building and then to the whole edifice. This is not a _proof_ that the [Greek: Parthenôn] was the central part of the western room of the great temple. A complete proof is impossible. All I claim is that this hypothesis fulfils all the necessary conditions.

[Footnote 24: DÖRPFELD, XV, p. 480.]

[Footnote 25: DÖRPFELD, XII, p. 203 f., argues that these headings show that the treasure was moved after the fire of 406 from the opisthodomos of the old temple into the [Greek: Parthenôn] proper, which was emptied of its contents to make room. But the explanation given above seems equally possible. Dörpfeld, (Mitth., vi, p. 283, ff.) proved conclusively that the [Greek: Parthenôn] was not the eastern cella of the Parthenon. His proof that it was the great western room is based primarily upon the assumption (p. 300) that _Der Name Opisthodom bezeichnet hei alien Tempeln die dem Pronaos entsprechende Hinterhalle_. But for that assumption the [Greek: Parthenôn] might just as well be the western porch. Since the discovery of the pre-Persian temple, however, Dörpfeld maintains that the opisthodomos [Greek: kat exochen] was the entire western portion of that temple, consisting of three rooms besides the porch (though he does not expressly include the porch). There is, then, no reason in the nature of things why the whole western part of the Parthenon should not be called opisthodomos.]

Let us now compare the nomenclature of the pre-Persian and Periclean temples. Both were temples of Athena and more especially of Athena as guardian of the city, Athena Polias; a _pronaos_ or _proneion_ formed part of each; one temple was called [Greek: to Ecatomedon], and the main cella of the other was called [Greek: o Ecatompedos][26], and this name was extended to the whole building. An opisthodomos was a part of Page 13 each building, and, if I was right in my observations above, the new one, like the old, was called simply [Greek: o opisthodomos]. As soon as the great Periclean temple was completed, the temple burnt by the Persians was quietly removed as had been intended from the first, the treasure was deposited in the great new opisthodomos, the old ceremonies which might still cling to the temple of the sixth century were transferred, along with the old names, to the splendid new building; the greatest temple on the Acropolis was now as before the house of the patron goddess of the land, and contained her treasure and that of her faithful worshippers, but the two temples did not exist side by side. There was, then, no reason for differentiating between the two temples, as, for instance, by calling the one that had been removed [Greek: o archaios neôs], because the one that had been removed was no longer in existence. That the designation [Greek: archaios (palaios) neôs] is applicable to the Erechtheion has been accepted for many years and has been explained anew by Petersen.[27] If the temple burnt by the Persians had continued to exist alongside of the Parthenon, one might doubt whether it or the Erechtheion was meant by the expression [Greek: o archaios neôs], but if one of the two temples was no longer in existence, the name must belong to the other. It is just possible that in Hesychios, [Greek: Ecatompedos neôs en te acropolis te Parthenè cataskeuastheis upo Athenaiôn, meixôn tou empresthentos upa tôn Persôn posi penteconta], the expression [Greek: tou empresthentos upo tôn Persôn posi penteconta (neô or possibly Ecatompedon neô)] was originally chosen because the expression [Greek: archaiou neô] (which would otherwise be very appropriate here) was regularly used to designate the Erechtheion.[28]

[Footnote 26: Or [Greek: to Ecatompedon]. Even after Dörpfeld's arguments, I cannot believe that any great difference in the use of the two expressions can be found.]

[Footnote 27: _Mitth_., XII, p. 63 ff. Comparison of modern with ancient instances is frequently misleading, but sometimes furnishes a useful illustration. There is in Boston, Mass., a church called the _Old South_ church. This became too small and too inconvenient for its congregation, so a new church was built in a distant part of the city. The intention then was to destroy the old building, in which case the new one (though new and in a different part of the city) would have been called the Old South church. The old building was, however, preserved, and the new one now goes by the name of the New Old South church, though I have also heard it called the Old South in spite of the continued existence of the old building. So the new building of the Erechtheion retained the name [Greek: archaios neôs] which had belonged to its predecessor on the same spot.]

[Footnote 28: LOLLING (p. 638 ff.) discusses the measurements of the Parthenon and the old Hekatompedon, and finds a slight inaccuracy in the statement of Hesychios. He thinks, however, (p. 641) that Hesychios would not compare the two unless they had both been standing at the same time. Possibly any inaccuracy may be accounted for by the fact that the older temple was no longer standing when the comparison was first made. Possibly, too, the name Hekatompedon was not originally meant to be taken quite literally, but rather, as Curtitis, _Stadtgeschichte,_ p. 72, seems to think, as a proud designation of a grand new building.]

Page 14 At the end of his last article on this subject, Dörpfeld calls attention to the fact that "not only the lower step (_Unterstufe_) of the temple, but also a stone of the stylobate are still in their old position, and several stylobate-stones are still lying about upon the temple," and says that the whole stylobate, with the exception of the part cut away by the Erechtheion, must therefore have existed in Roman times. I do not see why quite so much is to be assumed. Even granting that we know the exact level of the surface of the Acropolis in classical times at every point, we certainly do not know all the objects--votive offerings and the like--set up in various places. Some small part of the stylobate of the ruined temple may have been used as a foundation for some group of statuary or other offering,[29] or a fragment of the building itself may have been left as a reminder to future generations of the devastations of the barbarians. The existence of these stones is called by Dörpfeld "a fact hitherto insufficiently considered" (_eine bisher nicht genügend bechtete Thatsache_). I cannot believe that the fact would have remained so long "insufficiently considered" by Dörpfeld and others if it were really in itself a sufficient proof that the pre-Persian temple continued in existence until the end of ancient Athens. If I am right in thinking that the temple did not exist during the last centuries of classical antiquity, it must have ceased to exist when the Parthenon was completed. Dörpfeld is certainly justified in saying[30] that "he who concedes the continued Page 15 existence of the temple until the end of the fourth century has no right to let the temple disappear in silence later" (_darf den Tempel nicht spater ohne weiteres verschwinden lassen_).

[Footnote 29: Whether the present condition of the stone of the stylobate still _in situ_ favors this conjecture, is for those on the spot to decide. It looks in Dörpfeld's plans (_Ant. Denkm.,_ i, I, and _Mitth.,_ XI, p. 337) as if it had a hole in it, such as are found in the pedestals of statues.]

[Footnote 30: _Mitth.,_ xv, 438. This is directed against the closing paragraph of Lolling's article, where he says: "We cannot determine exactly when this (the removal of the temple) happened, but it seems that the temple no longer existed in the times of Plutarch," _etc._]

In the above discussion I have purposely passed over some points because I wished to confine myself to what was necessary. So I have not reviewed in detail the passages containing the expression [Greek: archaios (palaios) neôs], as they have been sufficiently discussed by others. So, too, I have omitted all mention of the [Greek: megaron ta pros esperan tetrammenon],[31] the [Greek: parastades],[32] the passages in Homer,[33] Aristophanes,[34] and some other writers, because these references and allusions, being more or less uncertain or indefinite, may be (and have been) explained, according to the wish of the interpreter, as evidence for or against the continued existence of the temple burnt by the Persians. Those who agree with me will interpret the passages in question accordingly.

To recapitulate briefly, I hope that I have shown: (1) that Pausanias does not mention the temple excavated in 1886, and (2) that the existence of that temple during the latter part of the fifth and the fourth centuries is not proved. I believe that the temple continued to exist in some form until the completion of the Parthenon, but this belief is founded not so much upon documentary evidence as upon the consideration that the Athenians and their goddess must have had a treasure-house during the time from the Persian invasion to the completion of the Parthenon; especially after the treasure of the confederacy of Delos was moved to Athens in 454 B.C. As soon, however, as the Parthenon was completed, the temple burnt by the Persians was removed. This was before the fire of 406 B.C. The fire, therefore, injured, as has been supposed hitherto, the Erechtheion. The opisthodomos, which was injured by fire at some time not definitely ascertained (but probably not very far from the date of the fire in the Erechtheion), was the opisthodomos of the Parthenon.

[Footnote 31: HEROD, v, 77.]

[Footnote 32: _CIA_, II, 733, 735, 708.]

[Footnote 33: _Od._, VII. 80 f.; _Il._, II. 546 ff. _Mitth._, XII, pp. 26, 62, 207.]

[Footnote 34: PLUT., 1191 ff. _cf. Mitth._, XII., pp. 69, 206.]

It will, I hope, be observed, that I do not claim to have _proved_ the non-existence of the earlier temple after the completion of the Parthenon. All I claim is that its existence Page 16 is not proved. Now if, as I hope I have shown, the temple is not mentioned by Pausanias,[35] and there is no reasonable likelihood of its silent disappearance between 435 B.C. and the time of Pausanias, the probabilities are in favor of its disappearance about 435 B.C., when it was supplanted by the Parthenon. No one, however, would welcome more gladly than I any further evidence either for or against its continued existence.

HAROLD N. FOWLER. _Exeter, New Hampshire_, March, 1892.

[Footnote 35: The fact that Pausanias does not mention this temple is not a certain proof that he might not have seen it, for he fails to mention other things that certainly existed in his day. This temple, however, if it then existed, must have been in marked contrast to almost every other building in the Acropolis, and would have had special attractions for a person of Pausanias' archæological tastes.]

POSTSCRIPT.--This article had already left my hands when I received the _Journal of Hellenic Studies_ (XII. 2), containing an article by Mr. Penrose, _On the Ancient Hecatompedon which occupied the site of the Parthenon on the Acropolis of Athens_. Mr. Penrose contends that the old Hekatompedon was a temple of unusual length in proportion to its width, that it stood on the site of the Parthenon, and was built 100 years or more before the Persian invasion. He thinks, too, that the Doric architectural members built into the Acropolis-wall, which are referred by Dörpfeld to the archaic temple beside the Erechtheion, belonged to the building on the site of the Parthenon. He is led to these assumptions chiefly by masons' marks on some of the stones of the sub-structure of the Parthenon. He holds it "as incontrovertible that the marks have reference to the building on which they are found." The distances between these marks offer certain numerical relations which must, Mr. Penrose thinks, correspond to some of the dimensions of the building to which the marks refer. "If they had reference to the Parthenon, they would have shown a number of exact coincidences with the important sub-divisions of the temple." Of these coincidences Mr. Penrose has found but three, which he considers fortuitous. As accessory arguments he adduces the condition of the filling in to the south of the Page 17 Parthenon, and the absence of old architectural material in the sub-structure of the Parthenon, _etc_. He seems, however, to rest his case chiefly upon the masons' marks.

I cannot even attempt to discuss this new theory in detail, but would mention one or two things which seem to tell against Mr. Penrose's view. The inscription published by Lolling mentions an [Greek: oikema tamieion] and [Greek: oikemata] as parts of the Hekatompedon, and such apartments evidently existed in the temple beside the Erechtheion. Mr. Penrose assumes that the temple beside the Erechtheion antedates his Hekatompedon, without regard to the fact that the use of the stone employed in the outer foundations of the archaic temple points to a much later period. The archaic temple was (at least approximately) 100 feet long, which makes it seem almost impossible that a new temple should be built on the Acropolis and called the Hundred-foot-temple (Hekatompedon). I cannot avoid attaching more importance to these considerations than to the arguments advanced by Mr. Penrose. It may be, however, that answers to these and other objections will be found.

If Mr. Penrose's theory is correct, it is evident that the old Hekatompedon must have ceased to exist before the building of the Parthenon. Whether the archaic temple excavated in 1886 continued to exist or not is, then, another matter. My main contention (that there is no good reason for assuming the continued existence through the fifth and fourth centuries B.C. of the archaic temple) is not affected by Mr. Penrose's theory, and I leave my arguments, such as they are, for the consideration alike of those who do and who do not agree with Mr. Penrose. Much of my article will appear irrelevant to the former class, but, as Mr. Penrose's views may not be at once generally accepted, it is as well to leave the discussion of previous theories as it was before the appearance of Mr. Penrose's article.

H. N. F.

NOTE.--For a discussion of Mr. Penrose's theories and conclusions, see now (Nov. 1892), Dörpfeld, _Ath. Mitth.,_ XVII, pp. 158, ff.

Page 18

NOTES ON THE SUBJECTS OF GREEK TEMPLE SCULPTURES.

The following compilation is intended to present in compact form the evidence at present available on this question: How far did the Greeks choose, for the sculptured decorations of a temple, subjects connected with the principal divinity or divinities worshiped in that temple? We have omitted some examples of sculpture in very exceptional situations, _e.g._, the sculptured drums of the sixth century and fourth century temples of Artemis at Ephesos. Acroteria have also been omitted. But we have attempted to include every Greek temple known to have had pediment-figures or sculptured metopes or frieze, and have thus, for the sake of completeness, registered some examples which are valueless for the main question. The groups from Delos, attributed on their first discovery to the pediments of the Apollon-temple, have been proved by Furtwängler to have been acroteria (_Arch, Zeitung_, 1882, p. 336 ff.) It does not appear that Lebas had any good grounds for attributing to a temple the relief found by him at Rhamnus (_Voyage archéologique Monuments figurés_, No. 19,) and now in Munich. The frieze from Priene representing a gigantomachy was not a part of the temple there (Wolters, _Jahrbuch des deutschen arch. Instituts_, I, pp. 56, ff.) The Poseidon and Amphitrite frieze in Munich (Brunn, _Beschreibung der Glyptothek_, No. 115) has been, by some, taken for a piece of temple decoration, but is too doubtful an example to be catalogued. The statement of Pausanias (II. 11. 8) about the pediment-sculptures ([Greek: ta en tois aetois]) of the Asklepieion at Titane is hopelessly inadequate and perhaps inaccurate.

The order of arrangement in the following table is roughly chronological, absolute precision being impossible. Ionic Page 19 temples are designated by a prefixed asterisk, the one Corinthian by a dagger. The others are Doric, and, in the ease of these, "Sculptures of the Exterior Frieze" refers, of course, to sculptured metopes.

It has not been our purpose to discuss at length the conclusions to be drawn from this evidence. Briefly, the results may be summarized as follows:

The principal sculpture (_i.e._, sculpture of the principal pediment, or, in the absence of pediment-sculpture, the frieze in the most important situation) included the figure of the temple divinity, generally in central position, in the following numbers: [A] 7, 8, 9, 11, 13, 16, 18, 19, 26. If 12, 14 and 32 had no pediment-sculptures, they should be added; probably also 33 and 34. In 30 the subject of the pediment-sculpture, if correctly divined by Conze, was, at any rate, closely related to the temple-divinities.

[Footnote A: In counting the Aigina temple we commit deliberately a _circulus in probando_.]

The principal sculpture apparently did not include or especially refer to the temple-divinity in the following: 20, 24, 25. Practice would seem to have become somewhat relaxed after about 425 B.C. The very singular temple of Assos, (No. 5), though earlier, should perhaps be added.

The temple-divinity was represented in the western pediments of 7, 13 and perhaps of 20, but not of that in 9, 11, 24 (?) or 25.

The subjects of sculptured metopes and friezes were largely or wholly without obvious relation to the temple-divinity in the following: 1, 5, 9, 11, 12, 14, 1.9, 23, 29, 32.

P.B. TARBELL. W.N. BATES.

Page 20

PLACE. DIVINITY. DATE. PEDIMENT-SCULPTURES.

B.C. 1 Selinous Apollon (?) _ca._ 625 (Temple C)

2 Selinous _ca._ 625

3 Athens _ca._ 600 E.: (?) Zeus fighting Typhon; (Acropolis) Herakles fighting serpent. W. (?): Herakles fighting Triton; Kerkopes(?)

4 Athens _ca._ 600 E. (?): Herakles fighting (Acropolis) Hydra. W. (?): Herakles fighting Triton.

5 Assos VI cent. (?)

6 Metapontum Apollon VI cent. (?) Subject unknown

7 Aigina Athena _ca._ 530 (?) E. & W.: Combats of Greeks and Trojans; Athena in centre.

8 Athens Athena _ca._ 530 (?) E. (?): Gigantomachy, (Acropolis) including Athena (in centre?)

9 Delphi Apollon VI cent. after E.: Apollon, Artemis, 548 Leto, Muses. W.: Dionysos, Thyiads, Setting Sun, _etc._

10 Selinous VI cent. (Temple F)

11 Olympia Zeus _ca._ 460 E.: Preparations for chariot-race of Pelops and Oinomaos; Zeus as arbiter in centre. W.: Centauromachy; Apollon (?) in centre. Page 21 OTHER SCULPTURES OF EXTERIOR FRIEZE SCULPTURED DECORATIONS.

1 E.: in centre, two quadrigae with unidentified figs., also Perseus slaying Medusa, Herakles carrying Kerkopes, _etc._ W.: Subjects unknown.

2 Europa on bull, winged sphinx, _etc._

5 E. (and W. ?): Pair of sphinxes, Exterior architrave: pairs Centaur, wild hog, man pursuing of sphinxes in centre of E. & woman, two men in combat, W. fronts (?), Herakles and _etc._ Triton, Herakles and Centaurs, symposium, combats of animals.

7 None.

9 Herakles killing Hydra, Bellerophon killing Chimaera, combats of gods and giants, _etc._

10 E.: Scenes from Gigantomachy.

11 12 metopes over columns and antæ of pronaos and opisthodomos: labors of Herakles. Page 22

Page 23

Page 24

Page 25

=================================================================== |SCULPTURES OF EXTERIOR FRIEZE| OTHER SCULPTURED DECORATIONS. ---+-----------------------------+--------------------------------- | | 20|E.: Gigantomachy (?) | |W.: Iliupersis (?) | | | *21|Uninterpreted. | | | *22| | | | | | *23|Dancing women. | 24| | | | | | | | | | 25| | | | 26| | *27|Mythological scenes. | *28|Scenes of combat. | | | *29|Amazonomachy. | 30| | | | *31|Subjects unknown. | 32|Helios in chariot, Athena and| | Enkelados, other scenes of | | combat. | *33|Dionysiac procession. | *34|Dionysiac scenes, etc. |

Page 26

[Note 1: BENNDORF, _Metopen von Selinunt_, pp. 38-50; SERRADIFALCO, _Antichità di Sicilia_, II, p. 16.]

[Note 2: _Monumenti Antichi_, I, p. 950 ff.]

[Note 3: BRÜCKNER, _Athenische Mittheilungen_, 1889, pp. 67 ff.; 1890, pp. 84 ff.]

[Note 4: MEIER, _Ath. Mitth._, 1885, pp. 237 ff., 322 ff.]

[Note 5: CLARAC, _Musée de Sculpture_, II, pp. 1149 ff.; CLARKE, _Report on Investigations at Assos_, pp. 105-121. This temple has been usually assigned to the sixth century. Mr. Clarke brings it down to about the middle of the fifth. His arguments have not yet been published in full.]

[Note 6: LACAVA, _Topografia e Storia di Metaponto_, p. 81.]

[Note 7: Since the inscription which was at one time supposed to fix the divinity of this temple has been disposed of by LOLLING, in _Arch. Zeitung_, XXXI (1874, p. 58), the designation given above rests solely on the prominence given to Athena in the pediment-sculptures. As for the date, the building is assigned by Dörpfeld to the sixth cent. (_Olympia_, _Textband_ II, p. 20). The pediment-sculptures might be later, but are now confidently carried by STUDNICZKA (_Ath. Mitth._, 1886, pp. 197-8) some decades back in the sixth century.]

[Note 8: STUDNICZKA, _Ath. Mitth._, 1886. pp. 185, ff.; MAYER, _Giganten and Titanen_, pp. 290-91. According to DÖRPFELD, the metopes of this temple, or some of them, may have been sculptured.]

[Note 9: PAUS., X, 19. 4. EURIP., _Ion_, 184 ff. The temple seems to have been long in building. If AISCH, _contra Cles._, § 116, is to be believed, the dedication did not take place till after 479. According to Pausanias, the pediment-sculptures were the work of Praxias and Androsthenes. These sculptures have been generally supposed to have been executed about 424, but may have been considerably earlier, so far as Pausanias goes to show. The excavations now in progress will, it is to be hoped, clear up the whole subject.]

[Note 10: BENNDORF, _op. cit._, pp. 50-52.]

[Note 11: PAUS., V., 10. 6-9. For the date, see DÖRPFELD, _Olympia_, _Textband_ II, pp. 19 ff. FLASCH, in Baumeister's _Denkmäler_, pp. 1098-1100.]

[Note 12: BENNDORF, _op. cit._, pp. 53-60. The attribution of the temple to Hera rests on the dubious ground of a single votive inscription to Hera found within the cella; _op. cit._, p. 34.]

[Note 13: PAUS., I. 24. 5; MICHAELIS, _Der Parthenon_, pp. 107-265; ROBERT, _Arch. Zeit_, 1884, pp. 47-58; MAYER, _Giganten and Titanen_, pp. 366-370.]

[Note 14: FABRICIUS, _Ath. Mitth._, 1884, 338 ff.; for the date, DÖRPFELD, _ibid._ p. 336.]

[Note 15: The so-called Theseion.]

[Note 16: ROSS, _Temple der Nike Apteros_, pls. 11-12; FRIEDERICHS, _Bausteine_, (ed. Wolters) Nos. 747-760. On the date, see WOLTERS, _Bonger Studien Reinhard Kekulé gewidmet_, pp. 92-101.]

[Note 17: _Eighth Annual Report of the Archæological Institute of America_, pp. 42 ff.]

[Note 18: DIOD. SIC., XIII. 82. It is disputed whether Diodoros speaks of pediment-sculptures or metopes; see PETERSEN, _Kunst des Pheidias_, p. 208, Note 4. Nothing can be made of the existing fragments; published by SERRADIFALCO, _Antichità di Sicilia_, III, pl. 25.]

[Note 19: COCKERELL. _Temples of Aegina and Bassae_, pp. 49-50, 52.]

[Note 20: PAUS, II. 17. 3. The distribution of subjects given above is that proposed by Dr. Waldstein, in the light of the Page 27 discoveries made on the site of the Heraion under his direction in the spring of 1892. See Thirteenth _Annual Report of the Archæological Institute of America_, p. 64.]

[Note 21: FRIEDERICHS, Bausteine (ed. Wolters) Nos. 812-820. On the date see MICHAELIS, Ath. Mitth., 1889, pp. 349 ff.]

[Note 22: _Notiziz degli Scavi_, 1890, pp. 255-57; PETERSEN, _Bull, dell' Istituto_, 1890, pp. 201-27.]

[Note 23: CONZE, _etc., Arch. Untersuchungen auf Samothrake_, II, pp. 13-14, 23-25.]

[Note 24: PAUS., VIII. 45. 4-7; TREU, Ath. Mitth., 1881, pp. 393-423; WEIL, in Baumeister's Denkmäler, 1666-69.]

[Note 25: [Greek: Ephemeris Archaiologike], 1884, pp. 49-60; 1885, pp. 41-44. For the date see FOUCART, _Bull, de corr. hellén._, 1890, pp. 589-92.]

[Note 26: PAUS., IX. 11. 4. The date given above conforms to the view of BRUNN, _Sitzungsber. d. Münch. Akademie_, 1880, pp. 435 ff.]

[Note 27: WOOD, _Discoveries at Ephesus_, p. 271.]

[Note 28: _Antiquities of Ionia_, IV. p. 46. Mr. Pullan is inclined to date the temple after Alexander; Prof. Middleton somewhat earlier (_Smith's, Dict, of Antiq._, 3d ed.,] II, p. 785).

[Note 29: CLARAC, _Musée de Sculpture_, II, pp. 1193-1233; pls. 117 C-J. Additional pieces of the frieze have recently been found in the course of excavations conducted by the German Archæological Institute. The date given above for the building is that suggested by DÖRPFELD, _Ath. Mitth._, 1891, pp. 264-5. Most of the sculpture is generally regarded as of much later date.]

[Note 30: CONZE, _etc._, _Untersuchungen auf Samothrake_, I, pp. 24-7, 43-4.]

[Note 3: NEWTON, _Discoveries at Halicarnassus_, _etc._, II, pp. 554-67.]

[Note 32: MAYER, _Giganten und Titanen_, pp. 370-71.]

[Note 33: _Antiquities of Ionia_, IV, pp. 38-9.]

[Note 34: NEWTON, _Discoveries at Halicarnassus_, _etc._, II, pp. 449-50, 633.]

Page 28

PAPERS OF THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF CLASSICAL STUDIES AT ATHENS.

THE RELATION OF THE ARCHAIC PEDIMENT RELIEFS FROM THE ACROPOLIS TO VASE-PAINTING.

[PLATE I.]

From one point of view it is a misfortune in the study of archæology that, with the progress of excavation, fresh discoveries are continually being made. If only the evidence of the facts were all in, the case might be summed up and a final judgment pronounced on points in dispute. As it is, the ablest scholar must feel cautious about expressing a decided opinion; for the whole fabric of his argument may be overturned any day by the unearthing of a fragment of pottery or a sculptured head. Years ago, it was easy to demonstrate the absurdity of any theory of polychrome decoration. The few who dared to believe that the Greek temple was not in every part as white as the original marble subjected themselves to the pitying scorn of their fellows. Only the discoveries of recent years have brought proof too positive to be gainsaid. The process of unlearning and throwing over old and cherished notions is always hard; perhaps it has been especially so in archæology.

The thorough investigation of the soil and rock of the Acropolis lately finished by the Greek Government has brought to light so much that is new and strange that definite explanations and conclusions are still far away. The pediment-reliefs in poros which now occupy the second and third rooms of the Acropolis Museum have already been somewhat fully treated, especially in their architectural bearings. Dr. Page 29 Brückner of the German Institute has written a full monograph on the subject,[36] and it has also been fully treated by Lechat in the _Revue Archeologique_.[37] Shorter papers have appeared in the _Mittheilungen_ by Studniczka[38] and P.J. Meier.[39] Dr. Waldstein in a recent peripatetic lecture suggested a new point of view in the connection between these reliefs and Greek vase-paintings. It is this suggestion that I have tried to follow out.

The groups in question are too well known to need a detailed description here. The first,[40] in a fairly good state of preservation, represents Herakles in his conflict with the Hydra, and at the left Iolaos, his charioteer, as a spectator. Corresponding to this, is the second group,[41] with Herakles overpowering the Triton; but the whole of this is so damaged that it is scarcely recognizable. Then there are two larger pediments in much higher relief, the one[42] repeating the scene of Herakles and the Triton, the other[43] representing the three-headed Typhon in conflict, as supposed, with Zeus. All four of these groups have been reconstructed from a great number of fragments. Many more pieces which are to be seen in these two rooms of the Museum surely belonged to the original works, though their relations and position cannot be determined. The circumstances of their discovery between the south supporting-wall of the Parthenon and Kimon's inner Acropolis wall make it certain that we are dealing with pre-Persian art. It is quite as certain, in spite of the fragmentary condition of the remains, that they were pedimental compositions and the earliest of the kind yet known.

[Footnote 36: _Mitth. deutsch. arch. Inst. Athen._, XIV, p. 67; XV, p. 84.]

[Footnote 37: _Rev. Arch._, XVII, p. 304; XVIII, pp. 12, 137.]

[Footnote 38: _Mitth. Athen._, XI, p. 61.]

[Footnote 39: X, pp. 237, 322. _Cf. Studniczka_, _Jahrbuch deutsch. arch. Inst._, I, p. 87; _Purgold_, [Greek: Ephemeris Archaiologike], 1884, p. 147, 1885, p. 234.]

[Footnote 40: _Mitth. Athen._, X, cut opposite p. 237; [Greek: Ephemeris], 1884, [Greek: pinax] 7.]

[Footnote 41: _Mitth. Athen._, XI, _Taf._ II.]

[Footnote 42: _Idem_, XV, _Taf._ II.]

[Footnote 43: _Idem_, XIV, _Taf._ II, III.]

The first question which presents itself in the present consideration is: Why should these pedimental groups follow vase paintings? We might say that in vases we have practically the first products of Greek art; and further we might show resemblances, more or less material, between these archaic reliefs and vase pictures. But the proof of any connection between the two would still be wanting. Here the discoveries Page 30 made by the Germans at Olympia and confirmed by later researches in Sicily and Magna Graecia, are of the utmost importance.[44] In the Byzantine west wall at Olympia were found great numbers of painted terracotta plates[45] which examination proved to have covered the cornices of the Geloan Treasury. They were fastened to the stone by iron nails, the distance between the nail-holes in terracottas and cornice blocks corresponding exactly. The fact that the stone, where covered, was only roughly worked made the connection still more sure. These plates were used on the cornice of the long side, and bounded the pediment space above and below. The corresponding cyma was of the same material and similarly decorated.

It seems surprising that such a terracotta sheathing should be applied on a structure of stone. For a wooden building, on the other hand, it would be altogether natural. It was possible to protect wooden columns, architraves and triglyphs from the weather by means of a wide cornice. But the cornice itself could not but be exposed, and so this means of protection was devised. Of course no visible proof of all this is at hand in the shape of wooden temples yet remaining. But Dr. Dörpfeld's demonstration[46] removes all possible doubt. Pausanias[47] tells us that in the Heraion at Olympia there was still preserved in his day an old wooden column. Now from the same temple no trace of architrave, triglyph or cornice has been found; a fact that is true of no other building in Olympia and seems to make it certain that here wood never was replaced by stone. When temples came to be built of stone, it seems that this plan of terracotta covering was retained for a time, partly from habit, partly because of its fine decorative effect. But it was soon found that marble was capable of withstanding the wear of weather and that the ornament could be applied to it directly by painting.

[Footnote 44: I follow closely Dr. Dörpfeld's account and explanation of these discoveries in _Ausgrabungen zu Olympia_, v, 30 _seq_. See also _Programm zum Winckelmannsfeste_, Berlin, 1881. _Ueber die Verwendung Terracotten_, by Messrs. DÖRPFELD, GRÄBER, BORRMANN, and SIEBOLD.]

[Footnote 45: Reproduced in _Ausgrabungen zu Olympia_, V, _Taf._ XXXIV. BAUMEISTER, _Denkmäler des klassischen Altertums_, _Taf._ XLV. RAYET et COLLIGNON, _Histoire de la Céramique Grecque_, pl. XV.]

[Footnote 46: _Historische und philologische Aufsätze_, _Ernst Cartius gewidmet_. Berlin, 1884, p. 137 _seq_.]

[Footnote 47: V, 20. 6.]

Page 31 In order to carry the investigation a step further Messrs. Dörpfeld, Gräber, Borrmann and Siebold undertook a journey to Gela and the neighboring cities of Sicily and Magna Graecia.[48] The results of this journey were most satisfactory. Not only in Gela, but in Syracuse, Selinous, Akrai, Kroton, Metapontum and Paestum, precisely similar terracottas were found to have been employed in the same way. Furthermore just such cyma pieces have been discovered belonging to other structures in Olympia and amid the pre-Persian ruins on the Acropolis of Athens. It is not yet proven that this method of decoration was universal or even widespread in Greece; but of course the fragile nature of terracotta and the fact that it was employed only in the oldest structures, would make discoveries rare.

Another important argument is furnished by the certain use of terracotta plates as acroteria. Pausanias[49] mentions such acroteria on the Stoa Basileios on the agora of Athens. Pliny[50] says that such works existed down to his day, and speaks of their great antiquity. Fortunately a notable example has been preserved in the acroterium of the gable of the Heraion at Olympia,[51] a great disk of clay over seven feet in diameter. It forms a part, says Dr. Dörpfeld, of the oldest artistic roof construction that has remained to us from Greek antiquity. That is, the original material of the acroteria was the same used in the whole covering of the roof, namely terracotta. The gargoyles also, which later were always of stone, were originally of terracotta. Further we find reliefs in terracotta pierced with nail-holes and evidently intended for the covering of various wooden objects; sometimes, it is safe to say, for wooden sarcophagi. Here appears clearly the connection that these works may have had with the later reliefs in marble.

To make now a definite application, it is evident that the connection between vase-paintings and painted terracottas must from the nature of the case be a very close one. But when these terracottas are found to reproduce throughout the exact designs and figures of vase-paintings, the line between the two fades away. All the most familiar ornaments of vase technic recur Page 32 again and again, maeanders, palmettes, lotuses, the scale and lattice-work patterns, the bar-and-tooth ornament, besides spirals of all descriptions. In exception, also, the parallel is quite as close. In the great acroterium of the Heraion, for example, the surface was first covered with a dark varnish-like coating on which the drawing was incised down to the original clay. Then the outlines were filled in black, red and white. Here the bearing becomes clear of an incidental remark of Pausanias in his description of Olympia. He says (v. 10.): [Greek: en de Olympia] (of the Zeus temple) [Greek: lebes epichrysos epi ecastô tou orophou tô perati epikeitai]. That is originally aeroteria were only vases set up at the apex and on the end of the gable. Naturally enough the later terracottas would keep close to the old tradition.

[Footnote 48: _Cf. supra, Programm zum Winckelmannsfeste_.]

[Footnote 49: I, 3. 1.]

[Footnote 50: His. Nat., xxxv, 158.]

[Footnote 51: _Ausgrabungen zu Olympia_, v, 35 and _Taf_. XXXIV.]

It is interesting also to find relief-work in terracotta as well as painting on a plane surface. An example where color and relief thus unite, which comes from a temple in Caere,[52] might very well have been copied from a vase design. It represents a female face in relief, as occurs so often in Greek pottery, surrounded by an ornament of lotus, maeander and palmette. Such a raised surface is far from unusual; and we seem to find here an intermediate stage between painting and sculpture. The step is indeed a slight one. A terracotta figurine[53] from Tarentum helps to make the connection complete. It is moulded fully in the round, but by way of adornment, in close agreement with the tradition of vase-painting, the head is wreathed with rosettes and crowned by a single palmette. So these smaller covering plates just spoken of, which were devoted to minor uses, recall continually not only the identical manner of representation but the identical scenes of vase paintings,--such favorite subjects, to cite only one example, as the meeting of Agamemnon's children at his tomb.

[Footnote 52: _Arch. Zeitung_, xxix, 1872, _Taf._ 41; RAYET et COLLIGNON, _Hist. Céram. Grecque_, fig. 143.]

[Footnote 53: _Arch. Zeitung_, 1882, _Taf._ 13.]

From this point of view, it does not seem impossible that pedimental groups might have fallen under the influence of vase technic. The whole architectural adornment of the oldest temple was of pottery. It covered the cornice of the sides, completely Page 33 bounded the pedimental space, above and below, and finally crowned the whole structure in the acroteria. It would surely be strange if the pedimental group, framed in this way by vase designs, were in no way influenced by them. The painted decoration of these terracottas is that of the bounding friezes in vase-pictures. The vase-painter employs them to frame and set off the central scene. Might not the same end have been served by the terracottas on the temple, with reference to the scene within the typanum? We must remember, also, that at this early time the sculptor's art was in its infancy while painting and the ceramic art had reached a considerable development. Even if all analogy did not lead the other way, an artist would shrink from trying to fill up a pediment with statues in the round. The most natural method was also the easiest for him.

On the question of the original character of the pedimental group, the Heraion at Olympia, probably the oldest Greek columnar structure known, furnishes important light. Pausanias says nothing whatever of any pedimental figures. Of course his silence does not prove that there were none; but with all the finds of acroteria, terracottas and the like, no trace of any such sculptures was discovered. The inference seems certain that the pedimental decoration, if present at all, was either of wood or of terracotta, or was merely painted on a smooth surface. The weight of authority inclines to the last view. It is held that, if artists had become accustomed to carving pedimental groups in wood, the first examples that we have in stone would not show so great inability to deal with the conditions of pedimental composition. If ever the tympanum was simply painted or filled with a group in terracotta, it is easy to see why the fashion died and why consequently we can bring forward no direct proof to-day. It was simply that only figures in the round can satisfy the requirements of a pedimental composition. The strong shadows thrown by the cornice, the distance from the spectator, and the height, must combine to confuse the lines of a scene painted on a plane surface, or even of a low relief. So soon as this was discovered and so soon as the art of sculpture found itself able to supply the want, a new period in pedimental decoration began.

Literary evidence to support this theory of the origin of pediment sculpture is not lacking. Pliny says in his Natural Page 34 History (xxxv. 156.): _Laudat_ (Varro) _et Pasitelen qui plasticen matrem caelaturæ et statuariæ sculpturaeque dixit et cum esset in omnibus his summus nihil unquam fecit antequam finxit_. Also (xxxiv. 35.): _Similitudines exprimendi quae prima fuerit origo, in ea quam plasticen Graeci vocant dici convenientius erit, etenim prior quam statuaria fuit_. In both these cases the meaning of "plasticen" is clearly working, that is, moulding, in clay. Pliny, again (xxxv. 152.), tells us of the Corinthian Butades: _Butadis inventum est rubricam addere aut ex rubra creta fingere, primusque personas tegularum extremis imbricibus inposuit, quae inter initia prostypa vocavit, postea idem ectypa fecit. hinc et fastigia templorum orta_. The phrase _hinc et fastigia templorum orla_, has been bracketed by some editors because they could not believe the fact which it stated. _Fastigia_ may from the whole connection and the Latin mean "pediments." This is quite in accord with the famous passage in Pindar,[54] attributing to the Corinthians the invention of pedimental composition. Here then we have stated approximately the conclusion which seems at least probable on other grounds, namely, that the tympanum of the pediment was originally filled with a group in terracotta, beyond doubt painted and in low relief.

[Footnote 54: _Olymp._, XIII, 21.]

But if we assume that the pedimental group could have originated in this way, we must be prepared to explain the course of its development up to the pediments of Aegina and the Parthenon, in which we find an entirely different principle, namely, the filling of these tympana with figures in the round. It is maintained by some scholars, notably by Koepp,[55] that no connection can be established between high relief and low relief, much less between statues entirely in the round and low relief. High relief follows all the principles of sculpture, while low relief may almost be considered as a branch of the painter's art. But this view seems opposed to the evidence of the facts. For there still exists a continuous series of pedimental groups, first in low relief then in high relief, and finally standing altogether free from the background, and becoming sculpture in the round. Examples in low relief are the Hydra pediment from the Acropolis and the pediment of the Page 35 Megarian Treasury at Olympia, which, on artistic grounds, can be set down as the two earliest now in existence. Then follow, in order of time and development, the Triton and Typhon pediments, in high relief, from the Acropolis; and after these the idea of relief is lost, and the pediment becomes merely a space destined to be adorned with statuary. Can we reasonably believe that the Hydra and Triton pediments, standing side by side on the Acropolis, so close to each other in time and in technic, owe their origin to entirely different motives, merely for the reason that the figures of one stand further out from the background than those of the other? Is it not easier to suppose that the higher reliefs, as they follow the older low reliefs in time, are developed from them, than to assume that just at the dividing-line a new principle came into operation?

[Footnote 55: _Jahrbuch deutschen archäol. Instituts_, II, 118.]

It is a commonplace to say that sculpture in relief is only one branch of painting. Conze[56] publishes a sepulchral monument which seems to him to mark the first stage of growth. The surface of the figure and that of the surrounding ground remain the same; they are separated only by a shallow incised line. Conze says of it; "The tracing of the outline is no more than, and is in fact exactly the same as, the tracing employed by the Greek vase-painter when he outlined his figure with a brush full of black paint before he filled in with black the ground about it." The next step naturally is to cut away the surface outside and beyond the figures; the representation is still a picture except in the clearer marking of the bounding-line. The entire further growth and development of the Greek relief is in the direction of rounding these lines and of detaching the relief more and more from the back surface. This primitive picturesque method of treatment is found as well in high relief as in low. How then can the process of development be different for the two? I quote from Friedrichs-Wolters[57] on the metopes of the temple of Apollon at Selinous, which are distinctly in high relief: "The relief of these works stands very near to the origin of relief-style. The surface of the figures is kept flat throughout, although the effort to represent them in their full Page 36 roundness is not to be mistaken. Only later were relief-figures rounded on the front and sides after the manner of free figures. Originally, whether in high or in low relief, they were flat forms, modelled for the plane surface whose ornament they were to be." As the sculptured works were brought out further and further from the background, this background tended to disappear. It was no longer a distinctly marked surface on which the figures were projected, but now higher and now lower, serving only to hold the figures together. When this point was reached, the entire separation of the figures from one another and from the background, became easy. That is, the change in conception is an easy step by which the relief was lost and free-standing figures substituted. This process of change was especially rapid in pedimental groups, for the reason stated above. The pediment field from its architectonic conditions was never suited to decoration in relief. But we find from the works before us that such a system was at least attempted, that painting and an increased projection of relief were employed as aids. We are bound to seek a logical explanation of the facts and of their bearing on the later history of art, and it is safer to assume a process of regular development than a series of anomalous changes. Koepp (_cf. supra_), for example, assumes that these two pediments in low relief are simply exceptions to the general rule, accounting for them by the fact that it was difficult to work out high reliefs from the poros stone of which they were made. He seems to forget that the higher reliefs from the Acropolis are of the same poros. This material in fact appears to have been chosen by the artist because it was almost as easy to incise and carve as the wood and clay to which he had been accustomed. The monuments of later Greek art give no hint of a distinction to be drawn between high and low relief. We find on the same stele figures barely attached to the ground, and others in mere outline. If then there are reasons for finding the origin of pedimental decoration in a plane or low-relief composition of terracotta, made more effective both by a framing of like material and technic, and by the acroteria at either extremity and above, then the process of development which leads at length to the pediments at Aegina and the Parthenon becomes at once easy and natural. We note first the change from terracotta to a low painted Page 37 relief in stone, then this relief becomes, from the necessities of the case, higher and higher until finally it gives place to free figures.

[Footnote 56: _Das Relief bei den Griechen. Sitzungs-Berichte der Berliner Akademie_, 1882, 567.]

[Footnote 57: _Gipsabgüsse antiker Bilderwerke_, Nos. 149-151.]

If ceramic art really did exert such an influence on temple-sculpture, we should be able to trace analogies in other lines. The most interesting is found in the design and execution of sepulchral monuments. Milchhoefer[58] is of the opinion that the tomb was not originally marked by an upright slab with sculptured figures. He finds what he thinks the oldest representation of sepulchral ornament in a black-figured vase of the so-called "prothesis" class.[59] Here are two women weeping about a sepulchral mound on which rests an amphora of like form to the one that bears the scene. He maintains then that such a prothesis vase was the first sepulchral monument, that this was later replaced by a vase of the same description in marble, of course on account of the fragile nature of pottery. For this reason, too, we find no certain proof of the fact in the old tombs, though Dr. Wolters[60] thinks that the discovery of fragments of vases on undisturbed tombs makes the case a very strong one. The use of such vases or urns of marble for this purpose became very prevalent. They are nearly always without ornament, save for a single small group, in relief or sometimes in color, representing the dead and the bereaved ones. A very evident connecting-link between these urns and the later sepulchral stele appears in monuments which show just such urns projected in relief upon a plane surface. The relief is sometimes bounded by the outlines of the urn itself,[61] sometimes a surrounding background is indicated. In many cases this background assumes the form of the ordinary sepulchral stele. The Central Museum at Athens is especially rich in examples of this kind. On two steles which I have noticed there, three urns are represented side by side. A still more interesting specimen is a stone so divided that its lower part is occupied by an urn in relief, above which is sculptured the Page 38 usual scene of parting. This scene has its normal place as a relief or a drawing in color on the surface of the urn itself; here, where the step in advance of choosing the plane stele to bear the relief seems already taken, the strength of tradition still asserts itself, and a similar group is repeated on the rounded face of the urn below. The transition to the more common form of sepulchral monument has now become easy; but the characteristics which point to its genesis in the funeral vase are still prominent.

[Footnote 58: _Mitth. Athen._, v, 164.]

[Footnote 59: _Monumenti dell' Inst._, viii, _tav._ v. 1. _g.h._: found near Cape Kolias; at present in the Polytechnic Museum at Athens.]

[Footnote 60: _Attische Grabvasen_, a paper read before the German Institute in Athens, Dec. 9, 1890.]

[Footnote 61: Examples are Nos. 2099 and 2100 in the archaic room of the Louvre. I remember having seen nothing similar in any other European museum.]

This process of development, so far as can be judged from existing types, reaches down to the beginning of the fourth century B.C. Steles of a different class are found, dating from a period long before this. Instead of a group, they bear only the dead man in a way to suggest his position, or vocation during life. All show distinctly a clinging to the technic of ceramic art. Sculptured steles and others merely painted exist side by side. The best known of the latter class is the Lyseas stele, in the Central Museum at Athens. Many more of the same sort have been discovered, differing from their vase predecessors in material and form, but keeping to the old principles. The outlines, for example, are first incised, and then the picture is finished with color. The Aristion stele may be taken as an example of the second order. Relief plays here the leading part; but it must still be assisted by painting, while the resemblance to vase-figures in position, arrangement of clothing, proportion and profile, remains as close as in the simply painted stele. An ever present feature, also, is the palmette acroterium, treated in conventional ceramic style. Loeschke thinks that the origin of red-figured pottery is to be found in the dark ground and light coloring of these steles. Whether the opinion be correct or not, it points to a very close connection between the two forms of art.

The influence of ceramic decoration spread still further. Large numbers of steles and bases for votive offerings have been discovered on the Acropolis, which alike repeat over and over again conventional vase-patterns, and show the use of incised lines and other peculiarities of the technic of pottery.[62]

[Footnote 62: BORRMANN, _Jahrbuch des Instituts_, III, 274.]

As to specific resemblances between the pediments of the Acropolis and vase-pictures, the subjects of all the groups are Page 39 such as appear very frequently on vases of all periods. About seventy Attic vases are known which deal with the contest of Herakles and Triton. One of these is a hydria at present in the Berlin Museum, No. 1906.[63] Herakles is represented astride the Triton, and he clasps him with both arms as in the Acropolis group. The Triton's scaly length, his fins and tail, are drawn in quite the same way. It is very noticeable that on the vase the contortions of the Triton's body seem much more violent; here the sculptor could not well follow the vase-painter so closely. It was far easier for him to work out the figure in milder curves; but he followed the vase-type as closely as possible. On the other hand, if the potter had copied the pedimental group the copy could perfectly well have been an exact one. The group is very similar also to a scene in the Assos frieze, with regard to which I quote from Friedrichs-Wolters;[64] "It corresponds to the oldest Greek vase-paintings, in which we find beast fights borrowed from Oriental art, united with Greek myths and represented after the Greek manner." This frieze is ascribed to the sixth century B.C., and is not much later than our pediments.

For the Hydra pediment, there exists a still closer parallel, in an archaic Corinthian amphora, published by Gerhard.[65] Athena appears here as a spectator, though she has no part in the pedimental group; but in every other point, in the drawing of the Hydra, of Herakles and Iolaos, the identity is almost complete. Athena seems to have been omitted, because the artist found it difficult to introduce another figure in the narrow space. Evidently the vase must have represented a type known to the sculptor and copied by him.

[Footnote 63: Published by GERHARD, _Auserlesene griechische Vasenbilder_, No. 111; RAYET et COLLIGNON, _Hist. Céram. Grecque_. fig. 57, p. 125. In the National Museum at Naples, No. 3419, is a black-figured amphora which repeats the same scene. The drawing and position of the two contestants is just as on the Berlin vase, the Triton seeking with one hand to break Herakles' hold about his neck, while with the other he holds a fish as attribute. Athena stands close by, watching the struggle.]

[Footnote 64: _Gipsabgüsse antiker Bildwerke_, Nos. 8-12.]

[Footnote 65: _Auserlesene Vasenbilder_, Nos. 95, 96.]

For the Typhon pediment, no such close analogies are possible, at least in the form and arrangement of figures. It would seem that this is so simply because no vase-picture of this subject Page 40 that we know so far answers the conditions of a pedimental group that it could be used as a pattern. In matters of detail, a hydria in Munich, No. 125,[66] offers the best illustration. For example, the vase-painting and the relief show quite the same treatment of hair, beard and wings in the figure of Typhon.

Speaking more generally, we find continually in the pediments reminiscences of ceramic drawing and treatment. The acroteria, painted in black and red on the natural surface of poros stone, take the shape of palmettes and lotuses. The cornices above and below are of clay or poros, painted in just such designs as appear on the Olympian terracottas; and these designs are frequently repeated in the sculptures themselves. The feathers of Typhon's wings are conventionally represented by a scale-pattern; the arc of the scales has been drawn with compass; we observe still the hole left in the centre by the leg of the compass. The larger pinions at the ends of the wings have been outlined, regularly by incised lines, and then filled up with color. All this is as like the treatment of vase-figures, as it unlike anything else in plastic art. In the former the scale-pattern is used conventionally to denote almost anything. Fragments of vases found on the Acropolis itself picture wings in just this way; or it may be Athena's aegis, the fleece of a sheep or the earth's surface that is so represented. On the body of the Triton and the Echidna of the pediments no attempt is made to indicate movement and contortion by the position of the scales; it is everywhere the lifeless conventionality of archaic vase-drawing. In sculptured representations the scale device is dropped, and with it the rigid regularity in the ordering of the pinions. Further, in drawing the scales of the Triton, the artist has dropped usual patterns and copied exactly a so-called bar-ornament which decorates the cornice just over the pediment. Here again he chooses one of the most common motives on vases. For the body of the Echidna, on the other hand, it is the so-called lattice-work pattern which represents the scale covering,--a pattern employed in vases for the most varied purposes, and found on the earliest Cypriote pottery. Even the roll of the snake-bodies of Typhon seems to follow a conventional spiral which we find on old Rhodian ware.

[Footnote 66: _Ibid._, No. 287.]

Page 41 The outlining and coloring of the figures is most interesting. The poros stone of the reliefs is so soft that it could easily be worked with a knife; so incised lines are constantly used, and regular geometrical designs traced. Quite an assortment of colors is employed: black, white, red, dark brown, apparent green, and in the Typhon group, blue. It is very noticeable that these reliefs, unlike the others which in general furnish the closest analogies, the metopes of the temple at Selinous and the pediment of the Megarian Treasury at Olympia, have the ground unpainted. This is distinctly after the manner of the oldest Greek pottery and of archaic wall paintings. Herein they resemble also another archaic pedimental relief, found near the old temple of Dionysos at Athens, and representing just such a procession of satyrs and mænads as appears so often on vases.

To give a local habitation to the class of pottery which most nearly influenced the artist of these reliefs, is not easy. Perhaps it is a reasonable conjecture to make it Kamiros of Rhodes. Kamiros ware shows just such an admixture of oriental and geometrical designs as characterizes our pediments. Strange monsters of all kinds are represented there; while in the reliefs before us a goodly number of such monsters are translated to Greek soil.

CARLETON L. BROWNSON. American School of Classical Studies, Athens, Nov. 10, 1891.

Page 42

PAPERS OF THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF CLASSICAL STUDIES AT ATHENS. THE FRIEZE OF THE CHORAGIC MONUMENT OF LYSIKRATES AT ATHENS.[67]

[PLATE II-III.]

The small circular Corinthian edifice, called among the common people the Lantern of Diogenes,[68] and erected, as we know from the inscription[69] on the architrave, to commemorate a choragic victory won by Lysikrates, son of Lysitheides, with a boy-chorus of the tribe Akamantis, in the archonship of Euainetos (B.C. 335/4), has long been one of the most familiar of the lesser remains of ancient Athens. The monument was originally crowned by the tripod which was the prize of the successful chorus, and it doubtless was one of many buildings of similar character along the famous "Street of Tripods." [70] It is the aim of this paper to show, that the earliest publications of the sculptured reliefs on this monument have given a faulty representation of them, owing to the transposition of two sets of figures; that this mistake has been repeated in most subsequent publications down to our day; that inferences deduced therefrom have in so far been vitiated; and that new instructive facts concerning Greek composition in sculpture can be derived from a corrected rendering of the original.

[Footnote 67: It is a pleasure to acknowledge my obligations to the Director of the School, Dr. Waldstein, who has kindly assisted me in the preparation of this paper by personal suggestions.]

[Footnote 68: This does not exclude the tolerably well-attested fact, that the name "Lantern of Diogenes" formerly belonged to another similar building near by, which had disappeared by 1676.]

[Footnote 69: _C._ 1. _G._ 221.]

[Footnote 70: _Cf._ PAUS., I, 20, 1.]

Although we are not now concerned either with the subsequent fortunes of the monument arid the story of its preservation, or Page 43 with its architectural features and the various attempts which have been made to restore the original design, it may be convenient to recall briefly a few of the more important facts pertaining to these questions. The Monument of Lysikrates first became an object of antiquarian interest in 1669, when it was purchased by the Capuchin monks, whose mission had succeeded that of the Jesuits in 1658, and it was partially enclosed in their _hospitium_.[71] The first attempt to explain its purpose and meaning was made by a Prussian soldier, Johann Georg Transfeldt, who, after escaping from slavery in the latter part of 1674, fled to Athens, where he lived for more than a year.[72] Transfeldt deciphered the inscription, but was unable to decide whether the building was a "_templum Demosthenis_" or a "_Gymnasium a Lysicrate * * * exstructum propter juventutem Atheniensem ex tribu Acamantia_." [73] Much more important for the interpretation of the monument was the visit of Dr. Jacob Spon of Lyons, who arrived at Athens early in the year 1676. Spon also read the inscription,[74] and, from a comparison with other similar inscriptions, determined the true purpose of edifices of this class.[75] Finally the first volume of Stuart and Revett's _Antiquities of Athens_, which appeared in 1762, confirmed, corrected and extended Spon's results. Careful and exhaustive drawings accompanied the description of the monument.

In the latter part of the eighteenth and the early part of the nineteenth century, Athens was visited by many strangers from western Europe, and the hospitable convent of the Capuchins and the enclosed "Lantern," which at this time was used as a closet for books, acquired some notoriety. Late in the year 1821, however, during the occupation of Athens by the Turkish troops under Omer Vrioni, the convent was accidentally burned, and its most precious treasure was liberated, to be sure, but, as may still be seen, sadly damaged by the fire, and what was still more unfortunate, left unprotected and exposed to the destructive mischief of Athenian street-arabs and their less innocent elders.

[Footnote 71: SPON, _Voyage_, II, p. 244; LABORDE, _Athènes_, I, p. 75 and note 2.]

[Footnote 72: MICHAELIS, _Mitth. Athen_., I, p. 103. ]

[Footnote 73: _Mitth. Athen._, I, p. 114.]

[Footnote 74: SPON, III, 2, p. 21 f. ]

[Footnote 75: SPON, II, p. 174.]

Aside from some slight repairs and the clearing away of rubbish, the monument remained in this condition until 1867, Page 44 when the French Minister at Athens, M. de Gobineau, acting on behalf of his government, into whose possession the site of the former monastery had fallen, employed the architect Boulanger to make such restorations as were necessary to save the monument from falling to pieces.[76] At the same time the last remains of the old convent were removed, and some measures taken to prevent further injury to the ruin. Repairs were again being made under the direction of the French School at Athens, when I left Greece, in April, 1892.

For the architectural study of the monument of Lysikrates little has been done since Stuart's time. In the year 1845 and in 1859, the architect Theoph. Hansen made a new series of drawings from the monument, and upon them based a restoration which differs somewhat from that of Stuart, especially in the decoration of the roof. This work is discussed in the monograph of Von Lützow.[77]

Confining our attention to the sculptures of the frieze, we will examine certain inaccuracies of detail which have hitherto prevailed in the treatment of this important landmark in the history of decorative reliefs of the fourth century. The frieze, carved in low relief upon a single block of marble, runs continuously around the entire circumference of the structure. Its height is only .012 m. (lower, rectangular moulding) + .23 m. (between mouldings) + .015 m. (upper, rounded moulding).[78] It is to be noticed that the figures rest upon the lower moulding, while they are often (in fourteen cases) carried to the top of the upper moulding.

[Footnote 76: VON LÜTZOW, _Zeitschr für bildende Kunst_, III, pp. 23, 236 f.]

[Footnote 77: Pp. 239 ff., 264 ff. For another restoration of the roof _cf._ SEMPER, _Der Stil_, vol. II, p. 242.]

[Footnote 78: My own measurements.]

The question as to the subject of the relief was a sore puzzle to the early travellers. Père Babin finds "_des dieux marins_";[79] Transfeldt, "_varias gymnasticorum figuras_," which he thought represented certain games held "_in Aegena insula_" in honor of Demosthenes.[80] Vernon (1676), who regarded the monument as a temple of Hercules, sees his labors depicted in the sculptures of the frieze.[81] Spon, while not accepting this view, admitted that some, at least, of the acts of Herakles were represented; so that the building, apart from Page 45 its monumental purpose, might also have been sacred to that deity.[82] To Stuart and Revett[83] is due the credit of being the first to recognize in these reliefs the story of Dionysos and the pirates, which is told first in the Homeric Hymn to Dionysos. In the Homeric version, Dionysos, in the guise of a fair youth with dark locks and purple mantle, appears by the seashore, when he is espied by Tyrrhenian pirates, who seize him and hale him on board their ship, hoping to obtain a rich ransom. But when they proceed to bind him the fetters fall from his limbs, whereupon the pilot, recognizing his divinity, vainly endeavors to dissuade his comrades from their purpose. Soon the ship flows with wine; then a vine with hanging clusters stretches along the sail-top, and the mast is entwined with ivy. Too late the marauders perceive their error and try to head for the shore; but straightway the god assumes the form of a lion and drives them, all save the pious pilot, terror-stricken into the sea, where they become dolphins.

[Footnote 79: WACHSMUTH, _Die Stadt Athen_, I, p. 757.]

[Footnote 80: _Mitth. Athen._, I, p. 113.]

[Footnote 81: LABORDE, I, pp. 249 f.]

[Footnote 82: SPON, II, p. 175.]

[Footnote 83: I, p. 27.]

In the principal post-Homeric versions, the Tyrrhenians endeavor to kidnap Dionysos under pretext of conveying him to Naxos, the circumstances being variously related. Thus in the [Greek: Naxiaca] of Aglaosthenes (_apud_ HYGIN. Poet. Astronom. II. 17), the child Dionysos and his companions are to be taken to the nymphs, his nurses. According to Ovid,[84] the pirates find the god on the shore of Chios, stupid with sleep and wine, and bring him on board their vessel. On awaking he desires to be conveyed to Naxos, but the pirates turn to the left, whereupon, as they give no heed to his remonstrances, they are changed to dolphins and leap into the sea. Similarly Servius, _Ad. Verg. Aen._, I. 67. In the _Fabulæ_ of Hyginus (CXXXIV), and in Pseudo-Apollodorus,[85] Dionysos engages passage with the Tyrrhenians. Nonnus, however, returns to the Homeric story, which he has modified, extended, and embellished in his own peculiar way.[86] These versions, to which may be added that of Seneca,[87] all agree in making the scene take place on shipboard, and, if we except the "comites" of Aglaosthenes, in none of them is the god accompanied by a retinue of satyrs. But Philostratus[88] pretends to describe a painting, in which two Page 46 ships are portrayed, the pirate-craft lying in ambush for the other, which bears Dionysos and his rout.

[Footnote 84: _Met._, III. 605 ff.]

[Footnote 85: _Bibliotheca_, III. 5. 3.]

[Footnote 86: _Dionys._, XLV. 119 ff.]

[Footnote 87: _Oedipus_, VV. 455-473.]

[Footnote 88: _Imag._, I. 19.]

In our frieze, however, the myth is represented in an entirely different manner. The scene is not laid on shipboard, but near the shore of the sea, where, as the action shows, Dionysos and his attendant satyrs are enjoying the contents of two large craters, when they are attacked by pirates. The satyrs who are characterized as such by their tails, and in most cases (9 + 2:7) by the panther-skin, forthwith take summary vengeance upon their assailants, of whom some are bound, others beaten and burned, while others take refuge in the sea, only to be changed into dolphins by the invisible power of the god.

These modifications of the traditional form of the story have usually[89] been accounted for by the necessities of plastic art; and this view has in its favor that the representation in sculpture of any of the other versions which are known to us, would be attended by great difficulties of composition, and would certainly be much less effective. Reisch, however, has suggested[90] that this frieze illustrates the dithyrambus which won the prize on this occasion, and that the variations in the details of the story are due to this. There is no evidence for this hypothesis, inasmuch as we have no basis upon which to found an analogy, and know nothing whatever of the nature of the piece in which the chorus had figured.

[Footnote 89: _E.g._ OVERBECK, _Plastik³_, II. p. 92; Friedrichs-Wolters, _Bausteine_, p. 488.]

[Footnote 90: _Griech. Weihgeschenke_, p. 102.]

The general arrangement and technic of this relief, the skill with which unity of design is preserved despite the circular form, the energy of the action, and the variety of the grouping, have often been pointed out. More particularly, the harmony and symmetry, which the composition exhibits, have been noticed by most of the later writers who have had occasion to describe the frieze. It is here, however, that we find the divergencies and inaccuracies which have been alluded to above, and these are such as to merit a closer examination.

To begin with the central scene, which is characterized as such by the symmetrical grouping of two pairs of satyrs about the Page 47 god Dionysos and his panther and is externally defined by a crater at either side, we observe that, while the two satyrs immediately to the right (I¹) and left (I) of Dionysos (0), correspond in youth and in their attitude toward him, the satyr at the left (I) has a thyrsus and a mantle which the other does not possess. These figures have unfortunately suffered much; the central group is throughout badly damaged, the upper part of the body and the head of Dionysos especially so. Of the tail of the panther as drawn in Stuart's work, no trace exists. The faces of the two satyrs and the head of the thyrsus are also much mutilated. The other two satyrs (II: II¹), whose faces are also mutilated, correspond very closely in youth, action, and nudity. In these two pairs of figures it is also to be noticed that the heads of I and II at the left face the central group, while the heads of I¹ and II¹ at the right are turned away from the centre, toward the right. By this device the sculptor has obviated any awkwardness which might arise from the necessity of placing Dionysos in profile.

Passing now to the scenes outside of the vases, we observe that, of the first pair of satyrs, the bearded figure at the left (III), leans upon a tree-stump, over which is thrown his panther-skin, as he contemplates the contest between his fellows and the pirates, while against his right side rests a thyrsus. The corresponding satyr on the right (III¹), also bearded, but with his head now nearly effaced, wears his mantle slung over the left shoulder as he advances to the right, offering with his right hand the freshly filled wine-cup to a youthful companion (IV¹). The latter, with panther-skin over left shoulder and arm, and club (partially effaced) in outstretched right hand, is moving rapidly to the right, as if to join in the battle; his face (also somewhat mutilated) is partly turned to the left, and despite his attitude of refusal he forms a sort of group with his neighbor on that side (III¹), and has no connection, as has been wrongly assumed,[91] with the following group to the right (V¹). Corresponding with this youthful satyr, we have on the left (IV) a nude bearded satyr (face somewhat damaged,) armed with a torch instead of a club, moving swiftly to the left to take Page 48 part in the contest. He has no group-relation with his neighbor on the right (III), although he maybe supposed to have just left him. The relation is not sufficiently marked in the case of the corresponding figures on the other side (III¹, IV¹) to injure the symmetry.

[Footnote 91: _British Museum Marbles,_ IX, p. 114.]

These two pairs of satyrs serve to express the transition from the untroubled ease of Dionysos and his immediate attendants, to the violence and confusion of the struggle. Thus the first pair (III: III¹) seem to feel that their active participation is unnecessary, and so belong rather to the central scene; while the second pair (iv: iv¹), hurrying to the combat, are to be reckoned rather with those who are actively engaged. This is also emphasized by the symmetrical alternation of young and old satyrs, _i.e._:

old young old young old young VIa Vb IV IV¹ V¹b VI¹b

and by their correspondence to VII: VII¹.

On the left side we have next a group, turned toward the right, consisting of a young satyr with flowing panther-skin (Vb), who places his left knee on the back of a prostrate pirate (Va) whom he is about to strike with a club which he holds in his uplifted right hand. The pirate (face now somewhat damaged) is, like all of his fellows, youthful and nude. The corresponding group on the right, faces the left, and represents a nude bearded satyr (V¹,) with left knee on the hip of a fallen pirate (V¹a), whose hands he is about to bind behind his back. Thus the arrangement of the two groups corresponds, but the action is somewhat different.

I now wish to point out an error which is interesting and instructive as illustrating how mistakes creep into standard archæological literature to the detriment of a proper appreciation of the original monuments; and I may perhaps hope not only to correct this error once for all, but also, in so doing, to make clearer certain noteworthy artistic qualities of this composition.

If we turn to the reproductions of the Lysikrates frieze in the common manuals of Greek sculpture, we find that the group (V¹) has exchanged places with the next group to the right (VI¹) while the corresponding groups on the left side (V, VI) retain their proper position. In order to detect the source of this confusion, we have only to examine the drawings of Stuart and Revett, from which nearly all the subsequent Page 49 illustrations are more or less directly derived. In the first volume of Stuart and Revett, the groups (V¹, IV¹) occupy plates XIII and XIV, and it is evident that the drawings have been in some way misplaced. These plates have been reproduced on a reduced scale in Meyer's _Gesch. d. bildenden Künste[92]_ (1825); Müller-Wieseler[93] (1854); Overbeck,[94] _Plastik³_ (1882); W.C. Perry, _History of Greek Sculpture[95]_ (1882); Mrs. L.M. Mitchell, _History of Ancient Sculpture;[96]_ Baumeister, _Denkmäler[97]_ (1887); Harrison and Verrall, _Andent Athens[98]_ (1890), and in all with the same misarrangement.

Nevertheless correct reproductions of the frieze, derived from other sources, have not been wholly lacking. There is, for example, a drawing of the whole monument by S. Pomardi in Dodwell's _Tour through Greece[99]_ (1819), in which the correct position of these groups is clearly indicated. In 1842 appeared volume IX of the _British Museum Marbles_ containing engravings of a cast made by direction of Lord Elgin, about 1800.[100] Inasmuch as this cast or similar copies have always been the chief sources for the study of the relief, owing to the unsatisfactory preservation of the original, it is the more strange that this mistake should have remained so long uncorrected,[101] or that Müller-Wieseler should imply[102] that their engraving was corrected from the British Museum publication, when no trace of such correction is to be found. A third drawing in which the true arrangement is shown, is the engraving after Hansen's restoration of the whole monument, published in Von Lützow's monograph[103] (1868). Although Stuart's arrangement violates the symmetry maintained between the other groups of the frieze, yet Overbeck[104] especially commends the symmetry shown in the composition of these portions of the relief.

[Footnote 92: _Tajel_ 25.]

[Footnote 96: I _Taf._ 37.]

[Footnote 94: II, p. 91.]

[Footnote 95: P. 474.]

[Footnote 96: P. 487.]

[Footnote 97: II, p. 841.]

[Footnote 98: P. 248.]

[Footnote 99: I, opposite p. 289.]

[Footnote 100: H. MEYER, _Gesch. der bildenden Künste_, II, p. 242. note 313.]

[Footnote 101: Since I first noticed the error from study of the original monument, it gives me pleasure to observe that Mr. Murray in his _History of Greek Sculpture_, II, p. 333, note, has remarked that there is a difference between Stuart's drawing and the cast, without, however, being able to determine positively which is correct, owing to lack of means of verification. He was inclined to agree with the cast.]

[Footnote 102: I, _Taf._, note 150: _Mit Berücksichtigung der Abbildungen nach später genommenen Gypsabgüssen in Ancient Marbles in the Brit, Mus._]

[Footnote 103: Between pp. 240 and 241.]

[Footnote 104: Plastik³, II, p. 94.]

Page 50 Now let us examine the symmetry as manifested in the corrected arrangement. After the figures which we have found to have a thoroughly symmetrical disposition, we have on the left side a group consisting of a bearded satyr (face damaged), with panther-skin (VI a), about to strike with his thyrsus a pirate kneeling at the left (VI b), with his hands bound behind his back. The face of this figure is also somewhat injured. The corresponding group on the right (VI¹ instead of the erroneous V¹), represents a youthful satyr with panther-skin thrown over his arm (VI¹ a), about to strike with the club which he holds in his uplifted right hand, a pirate (VI¹ b), who has been thrown on his back, and raises his left arm, partly in supplication and partly to ward off the blow. As in the groups V: V¹, so in VI: VI¹, persons, action, and arrangement, are closely symmetrical, while a graceful variety and harmony is effected by so modifying each of these elements as to repeat scarcely a detail in the several corresponding figures.

After these five fighters, we observe on the left a powerful bearded satyr (face much injured), with flowing panther-skin, facing the right, and wrenching away a branch from a tree (VII). The corresponding figure on the right side (VII¹) is a nude, bearded satyr, who is breaking down a branch of a tree. At first the correspondence does not seem to be maintained, for this satyr faces the right, whereas after the analogy of figures VII and IV we might expect him to face the left. But a closer examination shows that this lack of symmetry is apparent only when figures VII: VII¹ are considered individually, and apart from the scenes to which they belong. For while IV and VII, the outside figures of the main scene on the left, appropriately face each other, the figures IV¹ and VII¹, which occupy the same position with regard to the chief scene on the right, are placed so as to face in opposite directions. By this subtle device, for which the relation between the figures III¹ and IV¹ furnishes an evident motive, the sculptor has contrived to indicate distinctly the limits of these scenes, while the symmetry existing between them is heightened and emphasized by the avoidance of rigid uniformity.

The trees serve also to mark the end of the preceding scenes, and to contrast the land, upon which they stand, with the sea, of which we behold a portion on either side, while a pair of Page 51 corresponding, semi-human dolphins (VIII: VIII¹) are just leaping into the element which is to form their home. These dolphins are not quite accurately drawn in Stuart and Revett, for what appears as an under jaw is, as Dodwell[105] rightly pointed out, a fin, and their mouths are closed; the teeth, which are seen in Stuart's drawing and all subsequent reproductions of it, do not exist on the monument. The correct form of the head may be seen in the British Museum publication.

[Footnote 105: I, p. 290.]

After these dolphins, we have on each side another piece of land succeeded again by a stretch of sea. On these pieces of land are seen on each side two groups of two figures each, while a third incipient dolphin (0¹), which does not stand in group-relation with any of the other figures, leaps into the sea between them. In these groups there is a general correspondence, but it does not extend to particular positions or to accessories.

At the left we observe first a bearded satyr with torch and flowing panther-skin (IX a), pursuing a pirate, who flees to the left (IX b). The space between the satyr and his victim is in part occupied by a hole, which was probably cut for a beam at the time when the monument was built into the convent. In the corresponding places on the right side, we have a bearded satyr with panther-skin (IX¹ a), about to strike with the forked club which he holds in his uplifted right hand, a seated and bound pirate (IX¹ b), whose hair the satyr has clutched with his left hand. The heads of both figures are considerably damaged, and the lower part of the right leg of the pirate is quite effaced. To return to the left side, the tree at the left of the fleeing pirate (IX b), does not correspond with any thing on the right side. It serves to indicate the shore of the sea, while on the other side this is effected by the high rocks upon which the pirate (X¹ b) is seated.

The next group on the left is represented as at the very edge of the water, and consists of a nude bearded satyr (X b), who is dragging an overthrown pirate (X a) by the foot, with the evident intention of hurling him into the sea. The legs and the right arm of this pirate have been destroyed by another hole, similar to that which is found between figures IX and IX a. On Page 52 the right side, a bearded satyr, with flowing panther-skin (x¹ a) rushes to the right, thrusting a torch into the face of a pirate who is seated on a rock (x¹ b), with his hands bound behind his back. In his shoulder are fastened the fangs of a serpent, which is in keeping here as sacred to Dionysos. Perhaps, as Stuart has suggested,[106] he may be a metamorphosis of the cord with which the pirate's hands are bound; but the sculptor has not made this clear. The figures of this group, which were in tolerable preservation at the time when Lord Elgin's cast was made, have since been nearly effaced, particularly the face, legs and torch of the satyr, and the face and legs of the pirate, also the rocks upon which he is seated, and the serpent. Between these figures and the following dolphin, there is a third hole, similar to those mentioned already, and measuring 15x16 centimetres.

[Footnote 106: I, p. 34. Stuart cites Nonnus, _Dionys._ XLV. 137. _Cf._ also _Ancient Marbles in the British Mus._ IX. p. 115.]

The less rigid correspondence of these groups (x, ix: ix¹, x¹), as caused some difficulty. In the text of the _British Museum Marbles_[107], all that falls between the pair of dolphins (VII: VIII¹), is regarded as belonging to a separate composition, grouped about the single dolphin (0¹). But such an interpolated composition, besides having no purpose in itself, would vitiate the unity of the entire relief. For, although the circular form is less favorable to a strongly marked symmetry than is the plane, at least in compositions of small extent, still the individual figures and groups must bear some relation to a common centre, and there can be no division of interest, or mere stringing together of disconnected figures or groups of figures. Such a stringing together is assumed by Mr. Murray, when, in his _History of Greek Sculpture_,[108] he speaks of seven figures after the pair of dolphins, which, "though without direct responsion among themselves, still indicate the continued punishment of the pirates." In the pirate seated on the rocks (x b), however, Mr. Murray[109] finds what he calls a "sort of echo" of Dionysos, inasmuch as he is seated in a commanding position, and is attacked by the god's serpent. There is, to be sure, a certain external resemblance in the attitudes of the two figures, but direct Page 53 connection cannot be assumed without separating x¹ a from x¹ b, with which, however, it obviously forms a group, and entirely disregarding the relations which the groups x, ix: ix¹, x¹ bear to one another and to the dolphin 0¹. And this Mr. Murray does, when he takes seven figures, among which x¹ b is evidently to be considered as central instead of what is plainly four groups of two figures each, _plus_ one dolphin.

[Footnote 107: IX, p. 115.]

[Footnote 108: II, p. 333.]

[Footnote 109: II, p. 332.]

There is, as we have already said, a general correspondence between these groups. This is effected, in such a way that the group ix resembles x¹ in action and arrangement, rather than 9¹, which, on the other hand, resembles group x, rather than group ix. In other words, the diagonalism which we have noticed above in the arrangement of young and old satyrs (vi a, v b, iv: iv¹, v¹ b, vi¹ a), is extended here to the groups themselves.

Moreover, the stretches of sea with the paired dolphins (viii: viii¹), which are introduced between these groups and those which had preceded, are not to be regarded as separating the composition into two parts, but as connecting the central scene with similar scenes in a different locality. These scenes are again joined by another stretch of sea with the single dolphin (0¹), which thus forms the centre of the back of the relief, opposite Dionysos, and the terminus of the action which proceeds from the god toward either side.

I do not mean to say, however, that these scenes beyond the dolphins (viii: viii¹), are to be looked upon as a mere repetition of those which have preceded, distinguished only by greater license in the symmetry, or that the changes of locality have no other purpose than to lend variety to the action. On the contrary, if we examine the indications of scenery in this relief, we see that those features by which the artist has characterized the place of this part of the action as the seashore, the trees near the water's edge, the alternating stretches of land and sea, the dolphins, the satyr pulling the pirate into the water (x), are confined to the space beyond the trees. In the scenes on the other side of the trees, there is not only no suggestion of the sea, but the rocks and the sequence of figures up to Dionysos indicate rather that his place of repose is some elevation near the seashore. The contrast between the more peaceful and luxurious surroundings of the god and the violent contest with the Page 54 pirates, is thus carried out and enforced by the sculptural indications of landscape, as well as by the leading lines of the composition. Though I would not imply that the composition of this frieze was in any way governed by the laws which rule similar compositions in pediments, it is interesting and instructive to note that the general principles of distribution of subject which have been followed, are somewhat similar to those which we can trace in the best-known pediments extant; thus, as the god in his more elevated position would occupy the centre of the pediment, so the low-lying seashore and the scenes which are being enacted upon it correspond to the wings at either side.

To recapitulate, the concordance of figures in this relief is then briefly as follows: In the central scene, _i.e._, inside the vases, and in the first pair of transitional figures (III, II, I: I¹), (II¹, III¹), equality of persons, but not of accessories (drapery, thyrsi); action symmetrical. In the immediately adjacent scenes, including the second pair of transitional figures and the satyrs at the trees (VII, VI, V, IV: IV¹, V¹, VI¹, VII¹), the persons are diagonally symmetrical in VIa, Vb, IV: IV¹, V¹b, VI¹a (_i.e._, old, young, old: young, old, young), equal in VII: VII¹. The drapery is diagonally symmetrical in Vb, IV: IV¹, V¹b (_i.e._, panther-skin, nudity: panther-skin, nudity), equal in VIa: VI¹a, not symmetrical in VII: VII¹, and the weapons are not symmetrical, except in VII: VII¹ (_i.e._, thyrsus, club, torch: club, no weapon, club). The action is symmetrical throughout, although not exactly the same in V: V¹. In the scenes beyond the dolphins, the persons are equivalent (X, IX: IX¹, X¹), while the action, drapery and weapons are harmonious, but not diagonally symmetrical (_i.e._, IXa = X¹a, but Xb IX¹a). At the left, a tree, at the right, a pile of rocks and a serpent.--The persons are, accordingly, symmetrical throughout; the action is so until past the dolphins (VIII: VIII¹); the drapery only in II: II¹, and in VI, V, IV: IV¹, V¹, VI¹; and the weapons not at all.

It is thus apparent that the correspondence of the figures in this frieze is by no means rigid and schematic or devoid of life, but that, on the contrary, the same principles of symmetry obtain which have been pointed out by many authorities as prevalent in Greek art.[110] The whole composition exhibits Page 55 freedom and elasticity, not so indulged in as to produce discord, but peculiarly appropriate to the element of mirth and comedy which characterizes the story, and upon which the sculptor has laid especial stress.

HERBERT F. DE COU

Berlin, August 19, 1892.

[Footnote 110: Brunn, _Bildwerke des Parthenon_; Flasch, _Zum Parthenonfries_ pp. 65 ff.; and Waldstein, _Essays on the Art of Pheidias_, pp. 80f., 114ff., 153ff., 194f., 205, 210.] Page 56

PAPERS OF THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF CLASSICAL STUDIES AT ATHENS. DIONYSUS [Greek: en Limnais].[B]

The dispute over the number of Dionysiac festivals in the Attic calendar, more particularly with regard to the date of the so-called Lenaea, is one of long duration.[111] Boeckh maintained that the Lenaea were a separate festival celebrated in the month Gamelio. To this opinion August Mommsen in the _Heortologie_ returns; and maintained as it is by O. Ribbeck,[112] by Albert Müller,[113] by A.E. Haigh,[114] and by G. Oehmichen,[115] it may fairly be said to be the accepted theory to-day. This opinion, however, is by no means universally received. For example, O. Gilbert[116] has attempted to prove that the country Dionysia, Lenaea, and Anthesteria were only parts of the same festival.

[Footnote B: I wish to express my hearty thanks to Prof. U. von Wilamowitz-Möllendorff of the University of Göttingen, Prof. K. Schöll of the University of Munich, Prof. A.C. Merriam of Columbia College, and Dr. Charles Waldstein and Prof. R. B. Richardson, Directors of the American School at Athens, for many valuable criticisms and suggestions.]

[Footnote 111: _Vom Unterschied der Lenäen, Anthesterien und ländlichen Dionysien, in den Abhdl. der k. Akad. der Wiss. zu Berlin_, 1816-17.]

[Footnote 112: _Die Anfänge und Entwickelung des Dionysoscultus in Attika._]

[Footnote 113: _Bühnen-Alterthümer._]

[Footnote 114: _The Attic Theatre._]

[Footnote 115: _Das Bühnenwesen der Griechen und Römer._]

[Footnote 116: _Die Festzeit der Attischen Dionysien._]

But while the date of the so-called Lenaea has been so long open to question, until recently it has been universally held that some portion at least of all the festivals at Athens in honor of the wine-god was held in the precinct by the extant theatre of Dionysus. With the ruins of this magnificent structure before the eyes, and no other theatre in sight, the temptation was certainly a strong one to find in this neighborhood the Limnae mentioned in the records of the ancients. When Pervanoglu found a handful of rushes in the neighborhood of the present military hospital, the matter Page 57 seemed finally settled. So, on the maps and charts of Athens we find the word _Limnae_ printed across that region lying to the south of the theatre, beyond the boulevard and the hospital. When, therefore, _Mythology and Monuments of Athens_, by Harrison and Verrall, appeared over a year ago, those familiar with the topography of Athens as laid down by Curtius and Kaupert were astonished to find, on the little plan facing page 5, that the Limnae had been removed from their time-honored position and located between the Coloneus Agoraeus and the Dipylum. That map incited the preparation of the present article.

While investigating the reasons for and against so revolutionary a change, the writer has become convinced that here, Dr. Dörpfeld, the author of the new view, has built upon a sure foundation. How much in this paper is due to the direct teaching of Dr. Dörpfeld in the course of his invaluable lectures _An Ort und Stelle_ on the topography of Athens, I need not say to those who have listened to his talks. How much besides he has given to me of both information and suggestion I would gladly acknowledge in detail; but as this may not always be possible, I will say now that the views presented here after several months of study, in the main correspond with those held by Dr. Dörpfeld. The facts and authorities here cited, and the reasoning deduced from these, are, however, nearly all results of independent investigation. So I shall content myself in general with presenting the reasons which have led me to my own conclusions; for it would require a volume to set forth all the arguments of those who hold opposing views.

The passage Thucydides, II. 15, is the authority deemed most weighty for the placing of the Limnae to the south of the Acropolis. The question of the location of this section of Athens is so intimately connected with the whole topography of the ancient city, that it cannot be treated by itself. I quote therefore the entire passage:

[Greek: to de pro toutou e acropolis e nun ousa polis en kai to up' auten pros noton malista tetrammenon. tecmerion de. ta gar iera en aute te acropolei kai allôn pheôn esti, kai ta exô pros touto to meros tes poleôs mallon iorutai, to te tou Dios tou Olympiou, kai to Pythion, kai ta tes Ges, kai to en Limnais Dionysou, ô ta archaiotera Dionysia te dodecate poieitai en meni Anthesteriôni. ôsper kai oi ap' Athenaiôn Iônes eti kai nun Page 58 nomixousin. idrutai de kai alla iera taute archaia. kai te crene te nen men tôn turannôn autô okeuasautôn Enneacrounô kaloumene to de palai phanerôn tôn pegôn ousôn Kallirron ônomasmene ekeien te eggus ouse ta pleistou exia echrônto, kai nun eti apo tou archaiou pra te gamicôn kai alla tôn ierôn nomixetai tô udati chresthai.]

Two assumptions are made from this text by those who place the Limnae by the extant theatre. The first is that [Greek: up' auten] includes the whole of the extensive section to the south of the Acropolis extending to the Ilissus, and reaching to the east far enough to include the existing Olympieum, with the Pythium and Callirrhoe, which lay near. The second assumption is that these are the particular localities mentioned under the [Greek: tekmerion de]. Let us see if this is not stretching [Greek: up' auten] a little. I will summarize, so far as may be necessary for our present purpose, the views of Dr. Dörpfeld on the land lying [Greek: upo ten acropolin], or the Pelasgicum.

That the Pelasgicum was of considerable size is known from the fact that it was one of the sacred precincts occupied when the people came crowding in from the country at the beginning of the Peloponnesian War,[117] and from the inscription[118] which forbade that stone should be quarried in or carried from the precinct, or that earth should be removed therefrom. That the Pelasgicum with its nine gates was on the south, west, and southwest slopes, the formation of the Acropolis rock proves, since it is only here that the Acropolis can be ascended easily. That it should include all that position of the hillside between the spring in the Aesculapieum on the south and the Clepsydra on the northwest, was necessary; for in the space thus included lay the springs which formed the source of the water-supply for the fortifications. That the citadel was divided into two parts, the Acropolis proper, and the Pelasgicum, we know.[119] One of the two questions in each of the two passages from Aristophanes refers to the Acropolis, and the other to the Pelasgicum, and the two are mentioned as parts of the citadel. That the Pelasgicum actually did extend from the Aesculapieum to the Clepsydra we know from Lucian.[120]

[Footnote 117: THUCYDEDES, II. 17.]

[Footnote 118: DITTENBERGER, _S. I. G._ 13, 55 ff.]

[Footnote 119: THUCYDEDES, II. 17; ARISTOPHANES, _Birds_, 829 ff.; _Lysistrata_, 480 ff.]

[Footnote 120: _Piscator_, 42.]

Page 59 The people are represented as coming up to the Acropolis in crowds, filling the road. The way becoming blocked by numbers, in their eagerness they begin to climb up by ladders, first from he Pelasgicum itself, through which the road passes. As this space became filled, they placed their ladders a little further from the road, in the Aesculapieum to the right and by the Areopagus to the left. Still others come, and they must move still further out to find room, to the grave of Talos beyond the Aesculapieum and to the Anaceum beyond the Areopagus. In another passage of Lucian,[121] Hermes declares that Pan dwells just above the Pelasgicum; so it reached at least as far as Pan's grotto.

[Footnote 121: _Bis Accus_, 9.]

The fortifications of Mycenæ and Tiryns prove that it was not uncommon in ancient Greek cities to divide the Acropolis, the most ancient city, into an upper and a lower citadel.

Finally, that the strip of hillside in question was in fact the Pelasgicum, we are assured by the existing foundations of the ancient walls. A Pelasgic wall extends as a boundary-wall below the Aesculapieum, then onward at about the same level until interrupted by the Odeum of Herodes Atticus. At this point there are plain indications that before the construction of this building, this old wall extended across the space now occupied by the auditorium. Higher up the hill behind the Odeum, and both within and without the Beulé gate, we find traces of still other walls which separated the terraces of the Pelasgicum and probably contained the nine gates which characterized it. Here then we have the ancient city of Cecrops, the city before Theseus, consisting of the Acropolis and the part close beneath, particularly to the south, the Pelasgicum. We shall find for other reasons also that there is no need to stretch the meaning of the words [Greek: up auten pros noton] to make them cover territory something like half a mile to the eastward, and to include the later Olympieum within the limits of our early city.

Wachsmuth has well said,[122] although this is not invariably true,[123] that [Greek: upo ten acropolin] and [Greek: upo te Page 60 acropolei] are used with reference to objects lying halfway up the slope of the Acropolis. On the next page he adds, however, that Thucydides could not have meant to describe as the ancient city simply the ground enclosed within the Pelasgic fortifications, or he would have mentioned these in the [Greek: tekmeria]. Thucydides, in the passage quoted, wished to show that the city of Cecrops was very small in comparison with the later city of Theseus; that the Acropolis was inhabited; and that the habitations did not extend beyond the narrow limits of the fortifications. He distinctly says that before the time of Theseus, the Acropolis was the city. He proceeds to give the reasons for his view: The presence of the ancient temples on the Acropolis itself, the fact that the ancient precincts outside the Acropolis were [Greek: pros touto to meros tes poleôs], and the neighborhood of the fountain Enneacrounus. We know, that the Acropolis was still officially called [Greek: polis] in Thucydides' day; and [Greek: polis] so used would have no meaning if the Acropolis itself was not the ancient city. [Greek: Pros touto to meros], in the passage quoted, refers to the city of Cecrops, the Acropolis and Pelasgicum taken together; and [Greek: tes poleôs] refers to the entire later city as it existed in the time of Thucydides. It is, however, in the four temples outside the Acropolis included under the [Greek: tekmerion de] that we are particularly interested. The Pythium of the passage cannot be that Pythium close by the present Olympieum, which was founded by Pisistratus. Pausanias (I. 28, 4,) says: "On the descent [from the Acropolis], not in the lower part of the city but just below the Propylæa, is a spring of water, and close by a shrine of Apollo in a cave. It is believed that here Apollo met Creusa." Probably it was because this cave was the earliest abode of Apollo in Athens that Euripides placed here the scene of the meeting of Apollo and Creusa.

[Footnote 122: _Berichte der philol.-histor. Classe der Königl. Sächs. Gesell. der Wiss._, 1887, p. 383.]

[Footnote 123: _Am. Jour. of Archæology_, III. 38, ff.]

According to Dr. Dörpfeld it was opposite this Pythium that the Panathenaic ship came to rest.[124] In _Ion_, 285, Euripides makes it clear that, from the wall near the Pythium, the watchers looked toward Harma for that lightning which was the signal for the sending of the offering to Delphi. This passage would have no meaning if referred to lightning to be seen by Page 61 looking toward Harma from any position near the existing Olympieum; for the rocks referred to by Euripides are to the northwest, and so could not be visible from the later Pythium. To be sure, in later times the official title of the Apollo of the cave seems to have been [Greek: up' acraiô] or [Greek: en acrais], but this was only after such a distinction became necessary from the increased number of Apollo precincts in the city. The inscriptions referring to the cave in this manner are without exception of Roman date.[125] From Strabo we learn[126] that the watch looked "toward Harma" from an altar to Zeus Astrapæus on the wall between the Pythium and the Olympieum. This wall has always been a source of trouble to those who place the Pythium in question near the present Olympieum. But this difficulty vanishes if we accept the authority of Euripides, for the altar of Zeus Astrapæus becomes located on the northwest wall of the Acropolis; and from this lofty position above the Pythium, with an unobstructed view of the whole northern horizon, it is most natural to expect to see these flashes from Harma.

[Footnote 124: PHILOSTRAT. _Vit. Sophist._ II p. 236.]

[Footnote 125: HARRISON and Verrall, _Mythology and Monuments_, p. 541.]

[Footnote 126: STRABO, p. 404.]

The Olympieum mentioned by Strabo and Thucydides cannot therefore be the famous structure begun by Pisistratus and dedicated by Hadrian: we must look for another on the northwest side of the Acropolis. Here, it must be admitted we could wish for fuller evidence. Pausanias (I. 18. 8) informs us that "they say Deucalion built the old sanctuary of Zeus Olympius." Unfortunately he does not say where it was located.

Mr. Penrose in an interesting paper read before the British School at Athens in the spring of 1891, setting forth the results of his latest investigations at the Olympieum, said that in the course of his investigations there appeared foundations which he could ascribe to no other building than this most ancient temple. But Dr. Dörpfeld, after a careful examination of these remains, declares that they could by no possibility belong to the sanctuary of the legendary Deucalion.[127]

[Footnote 127: It has been held that Pausanias mentions the tomb of Deucalion, which was near the existing Olympieum, as a proof that Deucalion's temple was also here. Pausanias however merely says in this passage that this tomb was pointed out in his day only as a proof that Deucalion sojourned at Athens.]

Page 62 The abandonment of work on the great temple of the Olympian Zeus from the time of the Pisistratids to that of Antiochus Epiphanes, would have left the Athenians without a temple of Zeus for 400 years, unless there existed elsewhere a foundation in his honor. It is on its face improbable that the citizens would have allowed so long a time to pass unless they already possessed some shrine to which they attached the worship and festivals of the chief of the gods.

The spade has taught us that the literary record of old sanctuaries is far from being complete. The new cutting for the Piræus railroad has brought to light inscriptions referring to a hitherto unknown precinct in the Ceramicus.

Mommsen declares[128] that the Olympia were celebrated at the Olympieum which was begun by Pisistratus; and he adds that the festival was probably established by him. Of the more ancient celebration in honor of Zeus, the Diasia, he can only say surely that it was held outside the city. Certainly we should expect the older festival to have its seat at the older sanctuary.

The [Greek: exô tes poleôs], [129] which is Mommsen's authority in the passage referred to above, has apparently the same meaning as the [Greek: ta exô (tes poleôs)] already quoted from Thucydides; _i.e._, outside of the ancient city--the Acropolis and Pelasgicum. The list of dual sanctuaries, the earlier by the entrance to the Acropolis, the later to the southeast, is quite a long one. We find two precincts of Apollo, of Zeus, of Ge, and, as we shall see later, of Dionysus.

Of Ge Olympia we learn[130] that she had a precinct within the enclosure of the later Olympieum. Pausanias by his mention of the cleft in the earth through which the waters of the flood disappeared and of the yearly offerings of the honey-cake in connection with this, shows the high antiquity of certain rites here celebrated. It is indeed most probable that these ceremonies formed a part of the Chytri; for what seems the more ancient portion of this festival pertains also to the worship of those who perished in Deucalion's flood. The worship of Ge _Kourotrophos_ goes back to times immemorial. Pausanias Page 63 mentions[131] as the last shrines which he sees before entering the upper city, those of Ge _Kourotrophos_ and Demeter Chloe, which must therefore have been situated on the southwest slope of the Acropolis. Here again near the entrance to the Pelasgic fortification, is where we should expect _a priori_ to find the oldest religious foundations "outside the Polis."

[Footnote 128: Heortologie, p. 413.]

[Footnote 129: THUCYDIDES 126.]

[Footnote 130: PAUS. I. 18. 7.]

[Footnote 131: PAUS. I. 22. 33. SUIDAS, [Greek: courotrophos].]

The location of the fourth _hieron_ of Thucydides can best be determined by means of the festivals, more particularly the dramatic festivals of Dionysus. That the dramatic representations at the Greater Dionysia, the more splendid of the festivals, were held on the site of the existing theatre of Dionysus, perhaps from the beginning, at least from a very early period, all are agreed. Here was the precinct containing two temples of Dionysus, in the older of which was the xoanon[132] brought from Eleutherae by Pegasus. That in early times, at least, all dramatic contests were not held here we have strong assurance. Pausanias[133] the lexicographer, mentions the wooden seats in the agora from which the people viewed the dramatic contests before the theatre [Greek: en Dionysou] was constructed--plainly the existing theatre. Hesychius confirms this testimony.[134]

[Footnote 132: PAUS I. 2, 5 and I. 20, 3.]

[Footnote 133: PAUS., _Lexikoq._ [Greek: ikria ta, te agora, aph' ôn etheônto tous Dionysiakous agyna prin e cataskeuasthenai to en Dionysou Theatron.] Cf. EUSTATH. _Comment. Hom._ 1472.]

[Footnote 134: HESYCH, [Greek: ap' aigeirôn].]

Bekker's _Anecdota_ include mention, also,[135] of the wooden seats of this temporary theatre. Pollux adds[136] his testimony that the wooden seats were in the agora. Photius gives the further important information that the orchestra first received its name in the agora.[137] There can be no doubt that in very early times, there were dramatic representations in the agora in honor of Dionysus; and there must therefore have been a shrine or a precinct of the god in or close to the agora. The possibility of presentation of dramas at Athens, especially in these early times, unconnected with the worship of Dionysus and with some shrine sacred to him, cannot be entertained for a Page 64 moment. It is commonly accepted that dramas were represented during two festivals in Athens,--at the contest at the Lenaeum and at the City Dionysia. The plays of the latter festival were undoubtedly given in the extant theatre; but of the former contest we have an entirely different record. Harpocration say[138] merely that the Limnae were a locality in Athens where Dionysus was honored. A reference in Bekker's _Anecdota_ is[139] more explicit. Here the Lenaeum is described as a place sacred to [Greek: (ieron)] Dionysus where the contests were established before the building of the theatre. In the Etymologicum Magnum[140] the Lenaeum is said to be an enclosure [Greek: (periaulos)] in which is a sanctuary of Dionysus Lenaeus. Photius declares[141] that the Lenaeum is a large peribolus in which were held the so-called contests at the Lenaeum before the theatre was built, and that in this peribolus there was the sanctuary of Dionysus Lenaeus. The scholiast to Aristophanes' _Frogs_ says[142] that the Limnae were a locality sacred to Dionysus, and that a temple and another building [Greek: (oikos)] of the god stood therein. Hesychius mentions[143] the Limnae as a locality where the Lenaea were held, and says that the Lenaeum was a large peribolus within the city, in which was the sanctuary of Dionysus Lenaeus, and that the Athenians held contests in this peribolos before they built the theatre. Pollux speaks[144] of the two theatres, [Greek: kai Dionysiakon theatron kai lenaicon]. Stephanus of Byzantium quotes[145] from Apollodorus that the "Lenaion Agon" is a contest in the fields by the wine-press. Plato implies[146] the existence of a second theatre by stating that Pherecrates exhibited dramas at the Lenaeum. If the Lenaea and the City Dionysia were held in the same locality, it is peculiar that in all the passages concerning the Lenaeum and the Limnae we find no mention of the Greater Dionysia. But our list of authorities goes still Page 65 further. Aristophanes speaks[147] of the contest [Greek: kat agrous]. The scholiast declares that he refers to the Lenaea, that the Lenaeum was a place sacred [Greek (ieron)] to Dionysus, [Greek: en agrous] and that the word [Greek: Lenaion] came from the fact that here first stood the [Greek: lenos] or wine-press. He adds[148] that the contests in honor of Dionysus took place twice in the year, first in the city in the spring, and the second time [Greek: en agrois] at the Lenaeum in the winter. The precinct by the present theatre, as we know, was sacred to Dionysus Eleuthereus. In this temenus no mention has been found of Dionysus [Greek: Limnaios] or [Greek: Lenaios].

[Footnote 135: BEKKER, _Anecdota_ p. 354; _ibid._, p. 419.]

[Footnote 136: POLLUX, VII. 125.]

[Footnote 137: PHOTIUS, p. 106; _Ibid._, p. 351.]

[Footnote 138: HARP. ed. Dind. p. 114. 1. 14.]

[Footnote 139: BEKKER, Anecdota, p. 278, 1. 8.]

[Footnote 140: Et. Mag. [Greek: Ep Lilenaiô].]

[Footnote 141: PHOTIUS, p. 101.]

[Footnote 142: Schol. _Frogs_, 216.]

[Footnote 143: HESYCH., [Greek: Limnai] Ibid, [Greek: epi Lenaiou agôn].]

[Footnote 144: POLLUX, iv. 121.]

[Footnote 145: STEPH. BYZ., [Greek: Lenaios].]

[Footnote 146: PLATO, _Protag._, 327 w.]

[Footnote 147: _Achar._, 202, and schol.]

[Footnote 148: _Schol. Aristoph. Achar._, 504.]

Demosthenes tells us[149] that the Athenians, having inscribed a certain law (concerning the festivals of Dionysus) on a stone stele, set this up in the sanctuary of Dionysus [Greek: en Limnais], beside the altar. "This stele was set up," he continues, in the most ancient and most sacred precinct[150] of Dionysus, so that but few should see what had been written; for the precinct is opened only once every year, on the 12th of the month Anthesterio.

[Footnote 149: _Near._ 76.]

[Footnote 150: I have translated [Greek: ierô] by precinct. This is liable to the objection that [Greek: ieron] may also mean temple; and [Greek: anoigetai] "is opened" of the passage may naturally be applied to the opening of a temple. But "hieron" often refers to a sacred precinct, and there is nothing to prevent the verb in question from being used of a "hieron" in this sense. If we consult the passages in which this particular precinct is mentioned we find, in those quoted from Photius and the _Etymologicum Magnum_, that the Lenaeum contains a hieron of the Lenaean Dionysus. This might be either temple or precinct. In the citation from Bekker's _Anecdota_ the Lenaeum is the hieron at which were held the theatrical contests. This implies that the hieron was a precinct of some size. The Scholiast to _Achar._ 202 makes the Lenaeum the hieron of the Lenaean Dionysus. Here "hieron" is certainly a precinct. Hesych. [Greek: epi Lenaiô agôn] renders this still more distinct by saying that the Lenaeum contained the hieron of the Lenaean Dionysus, in which the theatrical contests were held. But Demosthenes in the _Neaera_ declares that the decree was engraved on a stone stele. It was the custom to set up such inscriptions in the open air. This stele was also beside the altar. There were indeed often altars in the Greek temple, but the chief altar (bômos of the passage) was in the open air. Furthermore, if the decree had been placed in the small temple, the designation "alongside the altar" would have been superfluous. But in the larger precinct such a particular location was necessary. Nor can it be urged, in view of the secret rites in connection with the marriage of the King Archon's wife to Dionysus on the 12th of Anthesterio, that hieron must mean temple; since the new Aristotle manuscript tells us that this ceremony took place in the Bucoleum.]

The stele being then visible to the public on but one day of the year it follows that the entire precinct of Dionysus [Greek: Page 66 en Limnais] must have been closed during the remainder of the year. This could not be unless we grant that, in the time of Demosthenes at least, the Lenaea and the Megala Dionysia were held in different precincts, and that the Lenaea and Anthesteria were one and the same festival.

Pausanias tells us[151] that the xoanon brought from Eleutherae was in one of the two temples in the theatre-precinct, while the other contained the chryselephantine statue of Alcamenes. We know, both from the method of construction and from literary notices, that these two temples were in existence in the time of Demosthenes. Pausanias says[152] that on fixed days every year, the statue of the god was borne to a little temple of Dionysus near the Academy. Pausanias' use of the plural in [Greek: tetagmenais emerais] is excellent authority that the temple of the xoanon was opened at least on more than one day of every year.

From all these considerations it seems to be impossible that the precinct of the older temple by the extant theatre and the sanctuary [Greek: en Limnais] could be the same. The suggestion that the gold and ivory statue of Alcamenes could have been the one borne in procession at the time of the Greater Dionysia is, of course, untenable from the delicate construction of such figures. The massive base on which it stood shows, too, that its size was considerable. The image borne in procession was clearly the xoanon which was brought by Pegasus from Eleutherae.

Wilamowitz calls attention[153] to another fact. In classic times the contests of the Lenaea are [Greek: Dionysia ta epi Lenaiô], and the victories are [Greek: vikai Levaikai]; the Megala Dionysia are always [Greek: ta te estei], and the victories here [Greek: nikai astikai]. These words certainly imply a distinction of place. How early these expressions may have been used, we learn from the account of Thespis. Suidas[154] is authority that Thespis first exhibited a play in 536 B.C.; and the Parian Marble records[155] that he was the first to exhibit a drama and to receive the tragic prize [Greek: en astei].

[Footnote 151: I. 20. 3.]

[Footnote 152: I. 29. 2.]

[Footnote 153: _Die Bühne des Aeschylos_.]

[Footnote 154: _v. Thespis_.]

[Footnote 155: _C.I.G._, II. 2374.]

Page 67 But it has also been contended that Limnae and Lemaeum do not refer to the same locality. It is clear from what has been said, however, that the Lenaea and the Greater Dionysia must have been held in different localities. So if Limnae and the Lenaeum do not refer at least to the same region, there must have been three separate sanctuaries of Dionysus; for no one will claim that the Greater Dionysia can have been held in the Limnae if the Lenaea were not celebrated there. But as we have seen, Hesychius ([Greek: en Limnai]) declares that the Lenaea were held [Greek: en Limanis]. The scholiast to Aristophanes says[156] that the Chytri were a festival of Dionysus Lenaeus; so the Chytri as well as the Lenaea must have been celebrated in the Lenaeum. Athenæus in the story of Orestes and Pandion speaks[157] of the temenus [Greek: en Limnais] in connection with the Choes. In Suidas ([Greek: choes]), however, we learn that either Limnaeus or Lenaeus could be used in referring to the same Dionysus. Such positive testimony for the identity of the Lenaeum and the sanctuary in the Limnae, cannot be rejected.

[Footnote 156: _Acharnians_ 960.]

[Footnote 157: X, 437 d.]

We have still more convincing testimony that in the great period of the drama the two annual contests at which dramas were brought out were held in different places, in the record of the time when the wooden theatre [Greek: en Limnais] was finally given up, and [Greek: o epi Lemnaiô] became a thing of the past. The change comes exactly when we should look for it, when the existing theatre had been splendidly rebuilt by Lycurgus. The passage is in Plutarch, where he says[158] that this orator also introduced a law that the contest of the comedians at the Chytri should take place in the theatre, and that the victor should be reckoned [Greek: es astin], as had not been done before. He further implies that the contest at the Chytri had fallen into disuse, for he adds that Lycurgus thus restored an agon that had been omitted. This last authority, however, concerns a contest at the Chytri, the Anthesteria, and is only one of many passages which tend to show that [Greek: o epi Lemnaiô] was held at this festival. The most weighty testimony for making the Lenaea an independent festival, even in Page 68 historic times, is given by Proclus in a scholium to Hesiod.[159] He quotes from Plutarch the statement that there was no month Lenaeo among the Boeotians. He adds that this month was the Attic Gamelio in which the Lenaea were held. Hesychius makes the same citation from Plutarch[160] as to a non-existence of a Boeotian month Lenaeo, and continues: "But some say that this month is the (Boeotian) Hermaio, and this is true, for the Athenians [held] in this month ([Greek: en auto]) the festival of the Lenaea." The great similarity of the two passages renders it very probable that both were drawn from the same sources. The omission of Gamelio by Hesychius, by referring the [en autô] back to Lenaeo, makes him authority that the Lenaea were held in that month. This, in turn implies that Proclus may have inserted Gamelio in order to bring the statement into relation with the Attic months of his own day. In the authorities referring to this month is a suggestion of several facts and a curious struggle to account for them. Proclus cites Plutarch to the effect that there was no month Lenaeo among the Boeotians, but, being probably misled by the very passage in Hesiod for which he has quoted Plutarch, he adds[161] that they had such a month. He goes on to state that the month is so called from the Lenaea, or from the Ambrosia. Moschopulus,[162] Tzetzes,[163] and the Etymologicum Magnum[164] repeat this last statement. An inscription[165] referring to a crowning of Bacchus on the 18th of Gamelio may refer to the same festival. Tzetzes alone is responsible for the statement that the _Pithoigia_ came in this month. Through Proclus and Hesychius we are assured of the belief that there was once an Attic month Lenaeo. Proclus, Hesychius and Moschopulus tell us that the Lenaea were at some period held in this month; while Proclus, Moschopulus, Tzetzes, and the inscription assure us that there was another festival of Dionysus in this month; and the first three of these authorities name this festival Ambrosia. A tradition running Page 69 with such persistency through so many authors affords a strong presumption that there once existed an Attic month Lenaeo, and that the Lenaea were celebrated in that month.

[Footnote 158: [Plut.] _Vit._ 10 _Or._: LYCURG. _Orat._ VII. 1. 10 p. 841. 1549: _Ptoclus_ to Hesiod, Op. 504.]

[Footnote 160: HESYCHIUS, [Greek: Lenaiôn men].]

[Footnote 161: PROCLUS, To Hesiod Op. 504.]

[Footnote 162: MOSCHPUL., [Greek: kata ton mena ton Lenaiôna].]

[Footnote 163: TZETZES, [Greek: mena de Lenaiôn].]

[Footnote 164: Et. Mag., [Greek: Lenaiôna].]

[Footnote 165: _C.I.G._, I. 523. [Greek: I'ameliônos kittôseis Dionyson thi].]

Thucydides tells us[166] that the Ionian Athenians carried the festival Anthesteria with them from Athens, and that they continued until his day to celebrate it. The Anthesteria are thus older than the Ionic migration, which took place under the sons of Codrus.[167] The story of Pandion and Orestes from Apollodorus places the establishment of the Choes in the time of this mythical Athenian king. The first and third months of the Ionic year[168] are the same as those of the Attic. There can hardly be a doubt, then, that their second month, Lenaeo, was also carried with the emigrants from the parent city, where at that time it obtained.

[Footnote 166: II. 15.]

[Footnote 167: BOECKII _Vom Unterschied der Lena._, _Anthest. und Dion._ s. 52.]

[Footnote 168: The entire argument on the question of the month is open to the objection that too much weight is given to such men as Tzetzes and all the tribe of minor scholiasts, whose opportunities for accurate knowledge were, in many respects, vastly inferior to those of scholars of our own day. It is easy indeed to say that their testimony is worth nothing. But where shall we stop? It is urged that the connection of the Lenaea with an Attic month Lenaeo arose from an attempt on the part of the commentators to explain names as they found them. It is said that this conflict of the authorities proves that there never was an Attic Lenaeo. This may be true; and the man who will prove it to be so, and furthermore will give us the accurate history of the Attic and the Ionic calendars, will do a great service to Greek scholarship. But he must have at hand better sources than we possess to-day. Though the later Greek commentators on the classics have made many amusing and stupid blunders, though we need not hesitate to disregard their teaching when it comes into conflict with better authority, or with plain reason, still they have told us that which is true. They often furnish us with all that we know of older and better authors, whose works were their authority. Therefore, unless I have found testimony against them, I have followed their teaching. Both here and elsewhere I give their words for what they are worth; not that I rank Proclus with Thucydides, or the Et. Mag. with Aristophanes,--but from the conviction that so remarkable a concurrence of testimony in so many different writers has not yet been successfully explained away, and could not indeed exist unless their testimony were founded on a basis of fact.]

This gives a time, however remote it may be, when the Athenians still had the month Lenaeo, yet we hear of no festival Lenaea among the Ionian cities. It would thus seem that this had lost its force as an independent festival before the migration.

Gamelio is said to have received its name from the Gamelia, the festival of Zeus and Hera. It is hard to believe that while the Page 70 much more brilliant Lenaea remained in the month, the name should have passed to the always somewhat unimportant Gamelia. What reason could be found for this naming, unless that the Lenaea had first been transferred to the Anthesteria, as all the testimony tends to prove? This supposition gives an easy explanation of the repeated reference to Lenaeo as an Attic month, of the change of the name to Gamelio, and even Tzetzes' association of the Pithoigia with the Lenaea,--an association which arises necessarily, if the Lenaea once formed part of the Anthesteria. The impossibility of transferring in its entirety a festival which has become rooted in the customs of a people, is also seen. That remnant of the Lenaea in Lenaeo, the Ambrosia, survived till quite late in Attic history. It is not difficult, then, to understand why the other references to the Lenaea as a separate festival do not agree as to the month.

A triad of contests is given by Demosthenes[169] where he quotes the law of Evegoras with reference to the Dionysiac festivals: the one in Piræus with its comedies and tragedies, [Greek: e epi Lenaiô] with its tragedies and comedies, and the City Dionysia with the chorus of boys, procession, comedies and tragedies. Here are three different contests in three different places; and the Anthesteria and Lenaea are included under [Greek: e epi Lenaiô pompe]. The purpose of the law was to preserve absolute security and freedom to both person and property on the days of the festivals named. Not even an overdue debt could be collected. In so sweeping a law the Anthesteria could hardly fail to be included; for at no Attic festival was there more absolute liberty and equality. In Suidas[170] we learn that the revellers at the Chytri, going about on carts, jested and made sport of the passers by, and that later they did the same at the Lenaea. Thus he gives another proof of the connection between the two festivals, and shows that [Greek: o epi Lenaiô agôn] became a part of the older Anthesteria after the invention of comedy, and that even then the old custom was kept up. In Athenæus we find[17l] the Page 71 Samian Lynceus sojourning in Athens and commiserated as passing his time listening to the lectures of Theophrastus and seeing the Lenaea and Chytri, in contrast to the lavish Macedonian feasts of his correspondent. The latter in the same connection says[172] that certain men, probably players, who had filled a part in Athens at the Chytri, came in to amuse the guests. The marriage which he is attending then took place after the Chytri. It is not likely, therefore, that in "the Lenaea and Chytri" he is referring to two festivals separated by a month of time. He speaks, rather, of two acts of the same celebration.

[Footnote 169: _Mid._ 10.]

[Footnote 170: SUIDAS, [Greek: ek tôn amaxôn sôômmata].]

[Footnote 171: ATHENÆUS, IV. p. 130.]

[Footnote 172: Ibid. III. 129.]

The frogs in Aristophanes claim the temenus [Greek: Limnais] and speak of their song at the Chytri. The scholiast cites[173] Philochorus, saying that the contests referred to were the [Greek: chutrinoi].

A suspected passage in Diogenes Laertius declares (III 56) that it was the custom to contend with tetralogies at four festivals, the Dionysia, Lenaea, Panathenaea, and Chytri. If the passage is worth anything, it adds new testimony that there were dramatic representations at the Anthesteria. The Menander of Alciphron, also, would hardly exclaim[174] over [Greek: poious chutrous], unless the contest were one in which he, as dramatist, could have a part.

No other of the extant dramas has been so much discussed in connection with the question as the _Acharnians_. Those who hold that the Lenaea and Anthesteria were entirely separate, have affirmed that the play opens on the Pnyx in Athens, that the scene changes to the country-house of Dicaeopolis in Cholleidae, at the season of the country Dionysia in the month Posideo. Later the time of the Lenaea in the month Gamelio is represented. Finally the locality is again Athens at the Anthesteria in Anthesterio. In fact, we are told, the poet has, in the _Acharnians_, shown his true greatness by overleaping all restraints of time and place and giving his fancy free rein. But this is making the _Acharnians_ an isolated example among the Greek plays which have come down to us. Changes of scene are foreign to the nature of the Greek drama, as is acknowledged by A. Miller.[175]

[Footnote 173: _Schol._ ARIST. _Frogs._ 218.]

[Footnote 174: _Alciphron Ep._ II. 3. 11.]

[Footnote 175: _Bühnenalt_., 161.]

That the beginning of the play is on the Pnyx, there is no question. In v. 202, Dicaeopolis declares: "I will go in and Page 72 celebrate the Country Dionysia." This is held to be a statement of the actual time of year represented in this portion of the play, and also to indicate the change of place from Athens to the country. That the country festivals to the wine-god in the different demes were held on different dates, we learn from the fact that companies of actors went out from Athens to make the tour of these provincial festivals.[176] We know, too, that these rural celebrations were under charge of the demarchs.[177] In the passage from the _Acharnians_ just cited, there is no statement that this is the season when the demes were accustomed to hold their annual Bacchic celebrations. Rather, in his joy in his newly concluded peace, the hero declares that he will _now_ hold this festival in honor of the god of the vine. No surprise is felt at this exceptional date, particularly as, by his statement below,[178] he has been prevented for six years from holding the festival at its proper season. This last passage, however, is the strongest authority for a change of place in the action. Certainly, if the reading is correct, in the light of all the remainder of the comedy we should naturally translate: "in the sixth year, having come into my deme, I salute you gladly." But we do no violence to the construction if we say that [Greek: elthô es ton demon] means "going (_forth_) to my deme." Unquestionably up to the end of the first choral ode at v. 236, the action has gone on in Athens. But here, we are told, comes the change of place. In v. 202 Dicaeopolis has declared that he is "going in." What does he enter but his house in the city? At v. 236 the chorus also is in Athens. In v. 237, the voice of Dicaeopolis is heard from within--his _country_ house, it is said; and in v. 238 the chorus is as suddenly before this same house! Such rapid changes might easily take place on a modern stage, but are of a character to excite remark in an ancient theatre. If there was a change here, the second scene must have represented Cholleidae with the three houses of Dicaeopolis, Lamachus, and Euripides; and the three must be in the same deme; for the Bacchic procession of Dicaeopolis appears at v. 241, and is broken up by the chorus at v. 280. As soon as Dicaeopolis, by Page 73 his by-play, has obtained permission to plead his cause, he turns (v. 394) to the house of Euripides to borrow the wardrobe of one of the tragic heroes. Then, when his defense has divided the chorus, the first half call upon the gorgon-helmeted Lamachus (v. 566) to bear them aid, and that warrior appears from his house.

[Footnote 176: HAIGH, _Attic Theatre_, p. 47.]

[Footnote 177: EHMICHEN, _Bühnenwesen_, s. 195.]

[Footnote 178: _Achar._, 266 f.]

Now the common enemy has prevented the celebration of the Country Dionysia for six years. How is it possible, under such circumstances, to conceive of Euripides as composing tragedies in the country? How could the general Lamachus be living out of the city in such a time of danger? Certainly the play itself gives us authority that this scene also is in Athens. At v. 241 Dicaeopolis would go forth with his procession to hold the rural Dionysia in his deme. Prevented from doing so, he is from this on busy with the duties and pleasures of the Choes. His altercation with the chorus and with Lamachus ended, he (v. 623 f.) announces that he will open a market for all Boeotians, Megarians, and Peloponnesians. He sets up (v. 719) the bounds of his markets, and appoints three "himantes" as agoranomi. These officials are suggestive of those busy at the Anthesteria.[179] The first customer, from Megara comes in with: "Hail, agora in _Athens_" (v. 729), and brings for sale pigs suitable for sacrifice at the Mysteries (v. 747 and 764). The Lesser Mysteries came in Anthesterio first after the Anthesteria.

[Footnote 179: MOMMSEN, _Heortologie v. Anthesteria._]

There is no change of place in the course of the action. The scene, the Pnyx with the houses of Dicaeopolis, Lamachus, and Euripides near by, remains the same. There is no indication of a jump in time from Posideo to Gamelio, and again from Gamelio to Anthesterio.

Amid all the preparations for the Anthesteria made in the play, two statements cannot fail to attract attention. In v. 504 f. the poet informs us that this is not the Greater Dionysia, when strangers, tribute-bearers, and allies were present. It is the contest at the Lenaeum. In v. 1150 f. the chorus frees its mind concerning the miserly fashion in which Antimachus treated them at a previous celebration of the Lenaea. Shall we say that the poet, in order to speak of things present before the eyes of Page 74 the Athenians, steps, in these two passages, entirely outside the action of the play? By no means. The poet is dealing with a vital issue. He is fighting against the ruinous war. The power of his genius is shown by the masterly manner in which he uses the moment which was present to his hearers. The victor at the Choes sat among the spectators; the very walls of the theatre had hardly ceased to resound with the din of the carousers. Here, or elsewhere, there is mention of but one [Greek: epi Lenaiô agôn], that is the Lenaea, or the dramatic contest at the Anthesteria.

In fixing the date of the "Dionysia at the Lenaeum," we have the authority of some interesting inscriptions which have been collected in Dittenberger S.I.G. II. 374. They are the record of moneys obtained from the sale of the hides of the victims sacrificed at various festivals of the Attic year. A portion of each of four separate lists has been preserved. In the first and fourth of these, as they stand in Dittenberger, three Dionysiac festivals are mentioned: that at Piraeus, the Dionysia e? aste?, and the Dionysia [Greek: en astei]. The third list ends with the Dionysia in Piræus. The remaining incription mentions two Dionysiac festivals, the one at the Lenaeum, and that e? aste?. The part of the record which should cover the Dionysia at Piræus is wanting. The calendar order of all the festivals mentioned is strictly followed.

Köhler in _C.I.A._, led by the other inscriptions found with these four, says that the lists do not contain mention of all the festivals at which public sacrifices of cattle were made in that portion of the year covered by the inscriptions, but that these are to be considered only as records of the hide-money which was to be devoted to particular uses. As a matter of fact, however, nearly all the public festivals of importance, as well as some of less note, are included in these lists; and it would be difficult to demonstrate that they do not contain a complete record of the public hide-money for the portion of the year in which these festivals fall.

In these inscriptions the peculiarity with reference to the Dionysia is the same which we find in all other accounts which seem to give a complete record of these festivals. Only three are mentioned as held under public authority. Did the omission Page 75 of the Lenaea and Anthesteria occur only in this case, we might, following Köhler, admit that the hide-money from this particular festival was not devoted to this special purpose, and that for this reason the name did not appear in these records. But since in no case are there more than three mentioned; and since the third name is one which covers all celebrations in honor of Dionysus at the Lenaeum, this assumption cannot be granted. The important point, and one that cannot be too strongly emphasized, is that neither in these nor in any other inscription or official record is there any mention of the Lenaea or Anthesteria as such. The official language appears always to have been, as here: [Greek: Dionysia epi Lenaiô] or: [Greek: e epi Lenaiô pompe], or, where the dramatic contest alone was intended: [Greek: o epi Lenaiô agôn]. Once only in the 5th century[180] do we find [Greek: Lenaia] used; and here it is synonymous with [Greek: o epi Lenaiô agôn]. Wilamowitz has well said that [Greek: lenaia] as a name of a separate festival is an invention of the grammarians. Aristophanes, in the passage from the _Acharnians_, shows that this name may have been used commonly for the dramatic contest at the Lenaeum, and we know from Thucydides that Anthesteria was also used of the entire festival. It is impossible that in a record like the hide-money inscriptions, the official title [Greek: Dionysia epi Lenaiô] should be employed to cover two festivals separated by an interval of a month.

[Footnote 180: _Acharnians_, 1155.]

But was the Anthesteria a state festival, at which public sacrifices of cattle were made? The story of its institution by Pandion shows that it was public from the beginning. Aristophanes informs us[181] that it maintained this character; for the Basileus awarded the prize at the Choes. The question of sacrifice requires fuller treatment.

Suidas[182] and a scholiast[183] to Aristophanes quote from Theopompus the story of the establishment of the Chytri. On the very day on which they were saved, the survivors of the flood introduced the celebration of this day of the Anthesteria by cooking a potful of all sorts of vegetables, and sacrificing it Page 76 to the Chthonian Hermes and those who had perished in the waters. The scholiast adds that sacrifice was offered to no one of the Olympian gods on this day.

[Footnote 181: _Acharnians_, 1225.]

[Footnote 182: SUIDAS, [Greek: chutroi].]

[Footnote 183: Schol. ARISTOPH., _Frogs_. 218.]

In Suidas we find a hint of the other ceremonies on the Chytri. According to him, there were sacrifices to Dionysus as well as to Hermes. This suggests that the Chytri was but one day of the Anthesteria, and, though the worship of the departed may have been the older portion of the celebration, it was later overshadowed by the festivities in honor of the wine-god. As the text of his argument in his oration against Midias, Demosthenes cites four oracular utterances, two from Dodona, the others probably from Delphi. In the first the god calls upon the children of Erechtheus, as many as inhabit the city of Pandion, to be mindful of Bacchus, all together throughout the wide streets to return fit thanks to the Bromian, and crowned with wreaths, to cause the odor of sacrifice to rise from the altars. In this oracle, Athens is the city of Pandion, because it was reported that under his rule the worship of Dionysus was introduced into the city. This and the other commands from Dodona and Delphi concerning Dionysus refer to the introduction of the worship of the god; for in every one the statement is absolute; there is no reference to a previous worship and a backsliding on the part of the people, [Greek: knisan bômoise] of the first oracle can refer only to a sacrifice of animals. Stronger still is the statement in the fourth oracle (from Dodona) where the command is given to fulfil sacred rites ([Greek: iere telein]) to Dionysus, and to sacrifice to Apollo and to Zeus. ([Greek: Apollôni Apotropaiô Boun thusai ... Du Ktesiô boun leucon].) The command "to mix bowls of wine and to establish choral dances," in the second and fourth oracles, serves as an explanatory comment on "return fit thanks to the Bromian" in the first. "Let free men and slaves wear wreaths and enjoy leisure for one day," must refer to the Pithoigia. In this feast the slaves had a part, and enjoyed a holiday. Hence the saying[184] "Forth, slaves, it is no longer the Anthesteria." In obedience to the oracles then, public sacrifices could not have been lacking at the Anthesteria. Therefore, this festival must have been officially known as the Dionysia [Greek: epi Lenaiô].

[Footnote 184: [Greek: Thuraxe Kares ouket Anthesteria].]

Page 77 The dramatic contests at the Lenaeum, like those at the Greater Dionysia, were undoubtedly preceded by sacrifices. The [Greek: agôn epi Lenaiô] could hardly be separated from the Dionysia [Greek: epi Lenaiô]. Therefore the hide-money inscriptions are also authority that Lenaea and Anthesteria are but two references to the same festival.

Thucydides, as we have seen,[185] knew of but two Dionysia in Athens itself; those [Greek: en astei] and the Anthesteria. Of these, using the comparative degree, he states that the latter were the [Greek: archaiotera]. In his time the dramatic contests [Greek: en Limnais] were in their glory, yet he mentions but one celebration in this locality. So here also we must conclude that Anthesteria was the name of the whole festival which Harpocration tells us was called [Greek: pithoigia, choes] and [Greek: chutroi]; that there was, in the flourishing period of the drama, no separate festival Lenaea, but that the [Greek: agôn] at the Chytri came to be so called to distinguish it from that at the City Dionysia.

[Footnote 185: II. 15.]

It is interesting in connection with Thucydides' statement that the Ionian Athenians in his day still held the Anthesteria, to examine the record of this festival in the Ionic cities of Asia Minor. To be sure we have very little information concerning the details of this celebration among them; but we do find two statements of importance. _C.I.G._ 3655 mentions certain honors proclaimed at the Anthesteria in the theatre in Cyzicus. Comparison with similar observances at Athens indicates that theatrical representations were to follow. _C.I.G._ 3044, [Greek: tôgônos Anthesterioisin], refers to Teos. From the constant use of [Greek: agôn] referring to theatrical performances in connection with the festivals of Dionysus the word can hardly mean anything else here. So these two inscriptions, referring to two colonies, add their testimony that dramas were presented also at the Anthesteria in Athens.

Finally, Aristotle's _Politeia_ falls into line with the hide-money records. In § 56, the statement is made that the Archon Eponymos had the Megala Dionysia in charge. In the following section, the Archon Basileus is said to have control, not of the Lemaea or of the Anthesteria--for neither is mentioned by name,--but of the Dionysia [Greek: epi Lenaiô]. The Basileus and the Epimeletae together directed the procession; Page 78 but the basileus alone controlled the [dramatic] contest. Here again, it is inconceivable that either Anthesteria or Lenaea should be omitted; so both must be included under Dionysia [Greek: epi Lenaiô].

We thus find our position supported by inscriptions of undoubted authority, and by a list of names ranging in time from before Aristophanes to the 9th century A.D., and in weight from Thucydides and Aristotle to the Scholiasts.

If the Limnae were not by the existing theatre of Dionysus, where were they? Not on the south side of the Acropolis, as a careful examination of the ground proves. In our study of the theatre-precinct, we found that the earth here in antiquity was at a much higher level than at present, while immediately outside the wall of this precinct to the south, the ground was considerably lower than it is now. The present height of the theatre-precinct is 91.4 m. above the sea level; of the Odeum, 97.7 metres; of the Olympieum, 80.8 m.; of the ground within the enclosure of the Military Hospital due south from the theatre, 75 m.; of Callirrhoe in the Ilissus opposite the Olympieum, 59 m.; of the Ilissus bed opposite the theatre, 50