CHAPTER XL. CONCLUSIONS

In studying Indians, the scientist deals with facts. The historian is a scientist in that he records facts; the sociologists and persons interested in political economy and government, draw conclusions from facts. Manifestly, we should formulate our Indian policy upon scientific principles. We should be governed solely and absolutely by facts and past experiences. Yet, although our Government in all other branches of its great Service profits by human experience in our own country and elsewhere, in our handling of the Indian, it is safe to affirm that we have not heeded the lessons of the past.

The Indian policy the past two or three years has appreciably changed for the better. If the reforms instituted by Honorable Cato Sells can be carried out as planned, we shall conserve much of the Indian property that remains. The Indians still possess vast estates, and with economy and protection, there is sufficient land to care for all of them, save on a few reservations. In Oklahoma and Minnesota it will be necessary to either buy farms, or permit Indians to continue as paupers, or move them to Montana, Idaho or Nevada. The great Navaho tract, including a portion of the Public Domain, is now crowded. There can be no further increase of Navaho population in the present area. Either the Indians must have more land, or suffer. Omitting all other reservations and Indian areas, and classifying them as satisfactory (although some of them are not) the situation confronting us today may be bluntly stated as follows:—You can take no more land away from the Indians, unless you desire to make of them paupers. You cannot expect them to hold their own with the white people, unless you change their status from a paper citizenship to a real citizenship. Making of them citizens, without the ordinary protection enjoyed by other Americans, produces instead of citizens, paupers. The detailed evidence of this has been presented in previous chapters.

We all admit that we owe the Indian much. Nobody denies that we have done the individual Indian a service, through our education and civilizing influences. Why, then, is it that there is not more land under cultivation today than in 1871? Because of the conflicting rulings and laws, the breaking of treaties, the cancelling of agreements entered into by States, and, finally, the taking of individual farms. This has discouraged the average Indian.

Far be it from me to be disloyal to my own Government, but I express the firm conviction that our particular form of government is such that administration of Indian Affairs is rendered extremely difficult. Put plainly (if not bluntly), our form of government is not conducive to satisfactory management or supervision of a dependent people. The reason, as every thinking man and woman knows, is because we make the high office of Indian Affairs a political appointment. The Commissioner no more than learns his duties, and becomes competent and efficient, than he is removed and another installed in his place. Since 1834 there have been thirty-one Commissioners, and the average tenure of office is a trifle over two and one-half years. The same is true of Indian Superintendents—formerly called Agents. I never could understand why they changed the name, for the Superintendent is still an Agent. I am perfectly willing to accept the shrewd Indian’s definition—“It is the same man, only he wears a different coat.”

The frequent changes in the office of Commissioner has not worked to the advantage of the Indians. Since 1907 we have had three Commissioners and an acting Commissioner—F. E. Leupp, R. G. Valentine, F. H. Abbott, and Cato Sells. All of these men have been energetic and intelligent, as were their predecessors, but they have been removed, or they resigned under political pressure; and as a result those who are fighting for the Indians’ rights must go over the same old story, again and again, submit and resubmit the same evidence as one appointee succeeds another. This is even true of the Honorable Secretary of the Interior himself. As an illustration, I would cite the case of French-Canadians of northern Minnesota.

After the White Earth investigation, we begged Secretary Garfield to strike from the White Earth rolls the French-Canadian element—headed by one Gus H. Beaulieu. It was contended that those persons had come down from Canada and settled themselves on the Ojibwa, and were a continual source of trouble. Enough evidence was presented to make our position impregnable. Secretary Garfield hesitated to act, and passed the matter to his successor, Mr. Ballinger, who in turn transferred it to Mr. Fisher, and it is now before Secretary Lane. If the Honorable Secretary, Mr. Garfield, had acted in the first place heroically and promptly, he would have placed the burden of proof on the shoulders of the French-Canadian element (where it properly belonged), and several pages of unpleasant American Indian history would not have been written.

Be these things as they may, they exist, and until our Congress appoints a national and paid commission to take over the entire Indian body and their property—so long as the Indian, and the Indian Office, remain political footballs, just so long will the games continue played in the old way, with no new rules, and since coaching from the side-lines is permitted, the strongest and the most brutal teams will win.

The freest and most varied opinions regarding Indian affairs are expressed at the Lake Mohonk Conferences. I have referred to them elsewhere, but I desire to repeat that at the conferences, where hundreds of missionaries, philanthropists, sociologists, Government employees and others assemble, we obtain the facts, hear recommendations, and debate on the policy concerning our wards.

The addresses delivered at these remarkable gatherings carry great weight throughout the country, for the reason that those who address the audiences have made extended observations in various parts of the field. A summary of these many opinions delivered during the past five years, indicates one general trend of thought. And that is that the end of the tribal system among the Indians is not so much at hand, as already accomplished. It requires no prophetic vision to observe the setting of the Indians’ sun. All agree to this general proposition. The many scientists of our research institutions, both large and small, are energetically seeking out what little remains of tribal and aboriginal customs and beliefs. They know that in a few years it will be too late to make scientific researches among Indians. They employ patient search and much discrimination to here and there discover a smouldering ember of the ancient council fire. And, I think, it requires further energy and patience on the part of the ethnologists to fan the feeble ember until it bursts forth into flame!

The Government employee is pushing his educational problem, persuading most of the Indians to work, and improving the daily life of these people. The doctors and the field matrons use their best endeavor to establish sanitary measures, and proper home life. The great Indian schools are discharging hundreds of competent graduates; the Congressmen are removing restrictions, according citizenship, selling surplus lands, and doing all that they can to hasten the end of the Indian as a dependent body. And last of all, comes the undesirable class—the grafter and the bootlegger—one taking away the Indian property in many sections of our country, and the other debauching all Indians who have not the moral stamina to resist. The good people, and the majority, are uplifting, saving and preparing the Indian for citizenship. Working together, they are acting in the best interests of that great and new movement, known as “Social Service.” Fighting against them is the undesirable element—that class responsible for the pauperizing of the Indians of Oklahoma, Minnesota, California and elsewhere. I have pointed out in previous chapters of this book both the good and the evil. The real workers—whether in the Government Service, employed by missions, members of philanthropic organizations, state officials, or private citizens—are doing their part. We may criticize some of their rulings or methods of procedure, for we all make mistakes, and no man or woman engaged in the real work of the world can avoid error. Frequently we make enemies—particularly so if we stand up for the rights of the Indian. But while this is true, the general trend is in favor of just treatment of the Indian, and the great object in view is his absorption into the body politic.

Whether this shall be accomplished depends entirely upon the relative strength between those who build up, and those who destroy. The issue is between the grafter and bootlegger, and the respectable citizen. The great Navaho is as yet unspoiled. The Sioux, the Apache, the Crow and others are doing very well. If we permit foolish or unwise legislation to dominate in the region inhabited by the tribes I have named, we shall destroy the best of that which is left, even as we have destroyed in Oklahoma and Minnesota. I have clearly pointed out the high character of the Ojibwa and the Five Civilized Tribes forty years ago as compared with the present, and that the responsibility for this decline rests with us, rather than with the Indians themselves, or the Indian Office.

Since 1834, we have gone on in a well-meaning but stupid and blundering way. We have persuaded scores of bands to take the white man’s road, and by foolish legislation, wars, the crowding by Whites, etc., destroyed their original confidence in us. As if these were not sufficient, in the great State of Oklahoma, where one-third of the entire Indian body is located, we have had brought before us through reports of Commissions and individuals and a cloud of witnesses, the result of our policy. In spite of this, we have recently deliberately removed, or forced to resign, some of the persons most competent and longest in the Service in that State—Messrs. Mott, Gresham, Frost, Kelsey and Wright. What was the real reason? Did the great majority of citizens of Oklahoma—the law-abiding and upright—desire that faithful servants, who understood their duties, should be forced out? No! Because a relatively small number of oil, coal, land, timber and stock men wished to become rich. Public sentiment through the newspapers has been influenced, persons who were not interested in politics have been accused of the very thing which dominated their accusers. Politics is at the bottom of it all.

The agitation in Oklahoma, begun by the small coterie referred to, and, at the insistence of interested persons and newspapers, and not prevented by Congressmen from that State, has resulted in the present removal from office of the men best able to protect the Indians. Does all of this indicate that the Commissioner, Mr. Sells, will not protect the Indians? By no means. As I have said, he and his able assistant, Mr. Meritt, and all the officials are honorable and upright men. But they cannot stand against the wishes of Congress. The Congressmen are all honest and upright in their intentions—although two or three of them are on record as dealing in Indian lands—but they are compelled to act in accordance with the desires of their constituents. Witness the statement that the candidates for office, with very few exceptions, ran on the platform that all restrictions were to be removed and federal safeguards withdrawn (_pages 139 and 144_.)

The Commissioner, although he may prepare a method of procedure for the Judges handling Indian cases in the Probate Court (as Mr. Sells has done), is really powerless, if Congress decides to remove the few remaining safeguards in Oklahoma, or to divide up any other reservation. All Commissioners have said practically the same thing: that they stood back of the Indian, protected his rights, were in favor of progress and education, etc., etc. Statements embodying this sentiment are found in every public address of the various Commissioners during thirty years.

The Commissioner may spend years in upbuilding industry among a certain band of Indians. The moment the reservation is thrown open to settlement, most of the Indians are speedily dispossessed. If he desires to protect the water rights of the Pimas and the white people living along the Gila River wash the water, all the Inspector’s reports, and all the Commissioner’s speeches, and all the Agent’s protests, are in vain. The Congressmen from any of the affected districts must agree with their constituents, else they will be defeated at the next election. There are many exceptions, such as Honorable W. N. Murray of Oklahoma, Honorable Charles H. Burke of South Dakota, Honorable James M. Graham and others, who have, in spite of popular clamor, stood for the rights of the Indians.

The lack of true publicity in Indian Affairs, is also a factor working powerfully against the Indian. Between 1900 and 1909 we were given the impression that the Indian generally in the United States was in splendid condition. This had a very evil effect, in that there was no public agitation outside of the Indian Rights and the California Indian Associations for protection. The very best thing that ever happened to the Indian was the making public of dreadful conditions in California, Minnesota, Arizona, and Oklahoma.

This aroused both the officials and Congress. Victor Locke, Chief of the Choctaws, said regarding the Oklahoma exposé:—“The very day after Commissioner Moorehead’s report was made public, I saw one of the county judges in the Choctaw country going from a printing-office with 750 printed notices to guardians with respect to settlement with their Indian wards.”

If we had such publicity applied to every reservation, while it would be unpleasant, the taxpayers of the United States would soon realize that, unless our policy is radically changed, they will be called upon to support a vast number of homeless paupers. Beyond question, either the nation, or the respective States, will soon assume this burden. I desire to go on record as making this prophecy.

As a concrete illustration of how those high in authority have misled the public, I desire to state that Honorable James S. Sherman, Vice-President of the United States, and for some years Chairman of the House Committee on Indian Affairs, in a public address before the Lake Mohonk Conference in October, 1911, stated that the United States Government had kept all its treaties and obligations with the Indians. Respect for the high office he occupied, prevented anyone replying to this amazing and preposterous utterance. The audience was composed of 400 or more persons of prominence, and Mr. Sherman’s address was reported in many newspapers, with the result that the average reader naturally concluded that those who were seeking to better the condition of the Indians were sentimentalists, and that the Government had done its full duty. If the Committee of which he was chairman took that view, we have the explanation of many of the evils of the past fifteen years. For every agreement or promise, faithfully kept by the Government, I can cite a score which the authorities either ignored or made no effort to fulfill.

“The treaties with the Indians have been gathered and published in a single volume. It may be said with confidence, that leaving out the merely formal ratifications of existing friendly relations, there is not one treaty that was negotiated in good faith by the United States.”

As the final proofs of this chapter were struck, the announcement came from Washington to the effect that the Honorable Secretary of the Interior intended to grant the Indians more freedom. In Mr. Lane’s report, just issued, he takes the position that as many of our Indians are intelligent, the Government should hasten the day of removal of restrictions, or withdrawal of supervision over individual Indians.

A careful study of the field, indicates that somewhere between one-third and one-half of our Indians might be immediately merged into the body politic. As against this statement, the evidence is indisputable that the remaining two-thirds (or one-half) if made free, in the full sense that term implies, will be in the same condition as the Indians of California, Minnesota, and Oklahoma. If all of our Indians were made free, and permitted to progress as the Cherokees did, prior to their removal west of the Mississippi, and until about the year 1900 in the State of Oklahoma, the Secretary’s plan would succeed. But so long as the white people discriminate against Indian citizens, and the citizenship of the Indian is different from that enjoyed by ourselves, the setting free of all our Indians at this time will end in certain disaster.

TWO PLANS FOR INDIAN ADMINISTRATION REFORM

On page 26 I have referred to the great and efficient machinery of the United States Indian Office. This tremendous institution is composed of many and complicated parts, and they run smoothly. Frequently certain parts are replaced. But is this great machine operated in the best interests of the Indian and of the public? The brain responsible for the guidance, or management of this plant, and the officers in charge of its various Departments desire to produce a finished product of real value to the world. How can they do so when they must needs change their operation often, not in the real interests of a finished product, but because of political expediency?

It seems to me there are two, and only two ways, by which we may solve satisfactorily the Indian problem. Granted that a proper man is secured to occupy the position of Commissioner of Indian Affairs, that man should remain in office ten or fifteen years. England seldom makes mistakes in her management of a dependent people. When a good man is found, he is continued in office until he understands his people thoroughly. With us the reverse is true. The Commissioner of Indian Affairs has no real advisory body with whom to consult, except the committees in Congress. Naturally, more or less politics creep into the Office through such arrangement. Thirty years ago the United States Board of Indian Commissioners consulted and advised with the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. There is no reason why such a sensible arrangement is not carried into effect today. If the Board stood between the Commissioner and the Congressional Committees, a Commissioner would not be forced to accept decisions which he believed were inimical to the best interests of the Indians. Assuming that the Commissioner was continued in office ten or fifteen years, and that the Board frequently met with him, unwise legislative acts would not be common—as at present.

While the first suggestion has its merits, it seems to me that the plan proposed in the Lake Mohonk platform October, 1913, presents the most practical solution of the Indian problem. One of the speakers advocated a paid National Commission to take the place of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs and the Board of Indian Commissioners. In view of the fact that the welfare of 330,000 human beings and $1,200,000,000 worth of property are involved, he proposed the National Commission idea. This has caused considerable discussion. Some critics contended that nine were too many, that the Commission should be composed of seven. Others thought that five would be sufficient. Honorable Senator Joe Robinson of Arkansas, last winter, having heard of the Mohonk platform, introduced a bill appointing a Commission of three. Mr. Sells and Mr. Meritt were to be two of the Commissioners, and some one else would be selected as third member. This would not solve the problem, since such a commission would be political—although the members were all personally above criticism.

The Board of Indian Commissioners, serving in honorary capacity, cannot devote sufficient time for investigation of conditions on the reservations, and in Indian communities. Its members are all exceedingly busy men. They have given much time, in spite of their other callings, to the work, as I have indicated in previous pages.

The Commissioner himself, able though he be, in my humble opinion is beset by political considerations—which is no fault of his own.

A high Commission in charge of our Philippine affairs with the work differentiated, and responsibilities placed upon each Commissioner, has resulted in a development of the Islands which has attracted the attention of the world during the brief period since the Spanish War. A similar commission of men of recognized qualifications, is entirely practicable in Indian affairs.

The Mohonk recommendation is absolutely sound. The seven men would divide the work between them, one having charge of education, another of health, a third of citizenship, a fourth irrigation, a fifth finance—and so on through the list. Having assumed control, the office of Commissioner and that of the honorary Board would be abolished. The hearings of this Commission would be open, quarterly reports would be published, and its findings made public. Its first duty would be to compile a roll, based on ethnological lines, of the full-blood and mixed-blood Indians. All competent educated Indians could be immediately eliminated from Government supervision. They would thus become citizens and cease to be included in the Indian body. The property of every ignorant full-blood, minor child, or incompetent would be restricted for twenty-five years, thus enabling all Indians to have reached adult age.

We owe it to the American Indian that the Commission idea be carried into effect. Politics would not interfere with the Commission, for the reason that its public hearings would be reported in the papers, the good citizens, as well as the undesirable class, would either attend the hearings or familiarize themselves with the quarterly reports. Thus a general steal would be impossible. A single Commissioner cannot make all of his business public, and much that he does never reaches the light of publicity. In fact, I believe that because the Commissioner cannot take the public into his confidence, abuses are bound to occur. Often it remains for the Indian Rights Association, or other organizations, to appeal to the public and do that which the Indian Office should establish without outside influence. There would be far less incentive to dishonesty, were covetous white men compelled to deal with a Commission instead of an individual. The publication of the Board’s hearings and findings would have a deterrent effect on certain men who otherwise appeal to Senators or Congressmen.

I have often contrasted the work of Dr. W. T. Grenfell in Labrador with that of organizations laboring among our Indians. We are not responsible for the condition of the fishermen in Labrador, and they are numerically but a fraction as compared with our total Indian population. Yet Dr. Grenfell, through his lectures and publications has aroused such an interest in this country that he can collect for his Labrador work a sum far greater than that expended in support of six Indian missions. People are interested in him and his work because of the appeal he makes. The Labrador fishermen suffer no wrongs compared with our Indians, and their condition is far better than that of the average aborigine. Similar publicity given to Indian affairs through the reports and hearings of a National Commission, would arouse the American people, and a brighter day for the Indian would certainly dawn.

No matter what is said, the Commissioner must fight alone and single-handed with the members of Congress. His is a great responsibility. Both Mr. Leupp and Mr. Valentine, in conversations with me, have admitted that the chief difficulty in handling the Indian problem is found in the word “politics”. The Commissioner is dependent on Congress for his appropriations. He may be sustained or opposed by members of Congress, and the public will remain in ignorance. He may not appeal save to the Secretary of the Interior. He must keep in mind the wishes of his political party. He will not admit political pressure when in office, but after leaving the Service, he may tell his story of trouble with politicians, as Mr. Leupp has in his book. Mr. Valentine could enlighten us further on “The Indian Office in Politics”, did he care to speak. A paid National Commission would be dominated by _no_ political party. Ten years’ service would enable it to become entirely familiar with the needs of the Indians, whereas the average Commissioner, serving less than three years, barely becomes acquainted with the problem when he is succeeded by a new appointee.

I recommend to the earnest consideration of the American people the Commission idea, as the only means of salvation of the American Indian. It will be said by critics that many of the tribes are making satisfactory progress and need no Commission; that the present organization of the Indian Office is sufficient. This is partly true, but a study of the table of statistics, and reference to the testimony submitted in this book, establishes the sad fact, that the majority of the Indians must lose unless we make a radical change in our policy. It is useless to blind our eyes to hard facts; and these are that we develop a certain area after painstaking labor, and then through unwise acts (or legislation) we destroy the very tracts we have improved.

The Indian must ultimately be merged into the body politic, as has been affirmed. But in bringing about this desideratum, it is not necessary to crush all happiness out of his life. For fifty years the Indian has followed a devious and uncertain trail, in the fond hope that he might reach his journey’s end. If men and women, who through unintentional ignorance have given no heed to the welfare of our red Americans, will interest their Representatives in Congress, and also help to crystallize public opinion against further harmful legislation, it is quite possible that the National Commission plan may be carried into effect. After many years of study of the subject, I firmly believe that the welfare of the Indian depends upon the creation of such a Commission as has been indicated—one composed not of those interested in political parties, but on the contrary of competent men who understand Indians and their needs, of men who are willing to devote the best years of their lives to transforming the rough, uncertain trail along which the Indian has toiled, into a broad highway, upon which the Red Man may safely travel to his ultimate destination—the civilized community. And having reached the end of his journey, the Indian will live henceforth peacefully, and enjoy to the full the blessings of liberty, equality and justice.

INDEX

Abbott, F.H., 13, 242, 247, 248, 291, 359, 384, 424.

Affidavits, 71, 74, 75, 77, 81, 82, 83, 84, 90, 91.

Agricultural lands cultivated, 24, 27, 29, 66.

Ah-bow-we-ge-shig, 93, 94.

Ali-yah-baince, 81.

Alabama, 33.

Alaska Indians, 283.

Allen, Edgar A., 13, 204.

Allen, C. W., 174.

Allen, J. Weston, 13, 74, 95, 149, 157, 247, 249, 251, 252.

Allotting, 27, 28, 33, 59, 62, 70, 71, 73, 76, 133, 248, 333, 337, 338, 389.

American Horse, 125, 128, 184.

Andrus, Miss Caroline W., 13, 209.

Anundensen, Mr., 77.

Apache, 26, 43, 44, 219, 222, 223, 233, 237, 238, 311, 314, 373, 404, 427.

Appropriations, 26, 27, 63, 64, 363.

Arapaho, 31, 102, 311, 314, 317.

Arizona, 219, 221, 222, 223, 225, 233, 235, 237, 241, 242, 250, 265, 282, 291, 373.

Arkansas, 43.

Armstrong, Gen. C. S., 205.

Art and industries, 10, 28, 29, 35, 37, 227, 229, 232, 241, 244, 256, 359–366.

Ayer, E. E., 13, 31, 36, 40, 41.

Ay-nah-me-ay-gah-bow, 56.

Bad River Reservation, 41, 42.

Bannock Indians, 253.

Ballinger, Secretary, 424.

Barbour, Hon. Geo. W., 329.

Barnard, Kate, 11, 13, 137, 150, 151, 154, 160, 163, 167, 168, 170, 426, 427.

Bartlett, George E., 101, 102, 112, 118, 132.

Barrett, S. M., 233, 238.

Bassett, Jim, 58.

Bay-bah-dwun-gay-aush, 66, 81, 95, 399.

Beaulieu, Clement, 55, 91.

Beaulieu, Gus, 65, 67, 71, 79, 91, 93, 424.

Bear, John T., 418.

Beum, Lawyer, 80.

Bibliography, 14, 98, 171, 172, 217, 277, 340.

Big Foot, 127, 128.

Big Head, 152.

Blackfeet, 253.

Blackmore, Hon. Wm., 179.

Blue Whirlwind, 127.

Board of Indian Commissioners, 36, 68, 69, 149, 224, 240, 288, 291, 326, 327, 332, 336, 340, 417, 431, 432.

Boston Indian Citizenship Committee, 74, 149, 247, 249.

Brennan, Major John R., 13, 100, 105, 342, 418.

Bright Eyes (Susette LaFlesche), 402.

Bristow (Senator), 246.

Brooke, Major John R., 122, 125.

Brown, Capt. Frederick H., 177.

Brown, John B., 133, 379.

Browning, D. W., 384.

Brulé, 99, 401.

Budrow, Ephraim, 84.

Buffalo, 299–310.

Bull Head, 123, 124.

Burch, Judge Marsden C., 57, 59, 66, 68, 90.

Bureau of Catholic Missions, 93, 282.

Bureau of Ethnology, 15, 20, 100, 184, 229, 271.

Bureau of Indian Affairs, 25, 76, 264, 329.

Burke, Hon. Charles H., 137, 155, 428.

California, 28, 33, 70, 174, 213, 219, 241, 253, 267, 270, 274, 282, 283, 291, 297, 325–340.

California Indian Association, 282, 327, 335, 336, 337.

California Indians, 325–340, 372, 375.

Canada, 18, 33, 54, 179, 191, 192, 197, 198, 199, 310, 321, 371, 418.

Carl, John, 91.

Carlisle Indian School, 29, 38, 39, 79, 203, 204, 210, 212, 215, 267, 268, 366, 412, 416.

Carter Code Bill, 285.

Carrington, Col. H. B., 177, 178, 192.

Carrier Pigeon (Journal), 31.

Century of Dishonor, 94, 183.

Chapin, A. R., 125.

Cass Lake, 45, 47, 51, 57.

Cattle, 24, 29, 44, 237, 271, 359, 361.

Catch-the-Bear, 124.

Cherokees, 33, 133, 135, 140, 143, 153, 159, 274, 372, 431.

Cheyenne, 31, 102, 178, 185, 253, 254, 286, 308, 311, 314, 317, 318, 372, 380, 400.

Chickasaws, 133, 140, 143, 159, 164.

Chief Joseph, 253, 402.

Chilocco Indian School, 37, 204, 208.

Chilocco School Journal, 29.

Chippewa (see Ojibwa)

Chippewa Music, 20, 86.

Choctaws, 133, 140, 143, 152, 153, 159, 164, 165, 167, 276.

Choctaw Investment Company, 167.

Citizenship, Indian, 33.

Civil Service Commission, 359.

Clapp Amendment, 59, 60, 67.

Clapp, Senator Moses E., 67, 68, 93.

Cleveland, President, 133.

Cliff-Dwellers, 291.

Cochise, 220, 237.

Cody, Col. Wm. F., 199, 301, 303.

Colorado, 43.

Comanches, 43, 44, 235, 236, 291, 304, 311, 314.

Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 25, 26, 28, 29, 31, 41, 50, 68, 93, 96, 136, 183, 260, 265, 337, 341, 367, 384, 428, 431, 433.

Commissioner of the Five Civilized Tribes, 11, 28, 139, 157.

Communistic Life, 399, 400.

Congressional Committees, 49, 185, 193, 194.

Coolidge, Rev. Sherman, 201, 278, 284.

Coronado, 233.

Correspondents (data), 213, 214, 216, 260–264, 274–277, 387–397.

Court of Claims, 286.

Crazy Horse, 184, 402.

Creek Council, 143.

Creeks, 133, 137, 140, 143, 148, 155, 162, 214, 276, 414.

Crops, 24, 29.

Crow, 26, 174, 190, 191, 253, 254, 294, 308, 380, 427.

Crow Dog, 120, 121.

Crow Foot, 123, 124.

Crook, Gen. G. H., 222, 223, 238, 239, 308.

Curtis, Miss Nathalie, 15.

Cushing, Frank Hamilton, 229.

Custer, General, 103, 184, 185, 190, 303, 308, 316.

Dagenett, Charles E., 13, 201.

Dances, 111, 305, 400, 404, 405.

Darr, John, 112.

Dartmouth College, 200, 207.

Dawes Commission, 133, 135.

Day-cah-me-ge-shig, 81.

Dennis, C. E., 85.

Densmore, Miss Frances, 20, 66, 86, 280.

Denver Conference, 285.

Department of Agriculture, 28, 359.

Department of Charities and Corrections, 137, 150, 170.

Department of Justice, 12, 57, 60, 70, 90, 95, 96, 139, 394, 413.

Department of the Interior, 25, 70, 141, 147, 168, 185, 200, 212, 225.

Diagram Indian Service, 32.

Dickenson, Judge J. T., 166.

Dixon, Dr. Joseph K., 12, 248.

Dodge City, Kas., 182, 299, 300, 304, 311, 319.

Dodge, Gen. (Col.), 174, 175, 177, 179, 236, 281, 300, 376.

Doubleday Page Co., 12.

Drunkenness, 31, 53, 54, 61, 62, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 276, 363, 422.

Dull Knife, 319.

Eastman, Dr. Charles A., 13, 15, 102, 185, 199, 201, 202, 279, 284, 402, 403.

Education, 27, 30, 37, 40, 50, 200–217, 231, 251, 282, 335, 338.

Eldridge, Mrs. Mary L., 250.

Eliot, Rev. Samuel A., 224, 229, 242, 248.

Ellis, Mrs. Rose, 78, 407.

Espinosa Pedro, 236.

Fairs, 256, 361, 363.

Fairbanks, Albert, 55.

Fairbanks, Ben, 55, 91.

Farms, 359–366.

Farrell, F. E., 31.

Fasler, Addie B., 165, 166.

Federal Government, 331.

Fetterman, Col. Wm. J., 177, 315.

Few Tails, 129, 130.

Fewkes, Dr. J. Walter, 229.

Fisher, Secretary W. L., 424.

Five Civilized Tribes, 11, 28, 29, 133–172, 204, 209, 276, 277, 379, 415, 417, 427.

Flammand, Joe, 80.

Flat Hip, 185.

Fletcher, Miss Alice C., 307.

Florida, 35, 240, 265.

Foreman, Grant, 13, 137, 139, 160, 168.

Forrest, E. R., 13, 231, 246, 259.

Forsythe, Col., 125.

Fort Belknap Reservation, 34.

Fort Fetterman, 310.

Fort Laramie, 177.

Fort Phil. Kearney, 177, 286.

Fort Robinson, 180.

Foster, Charles, 103.

Fourteen Confederated Tribes, 257.

Four Important Books, 367–377.

Franciscan Fathers, 225, 241, 274.

French Mission, 36.

Friedman, Moses, 201.

Frost, A. N., 13, 139, 163, 413, 427.

Full-blood Indians, 57, 68, 71, 74, 75, 77, 79, 80, 84, 140, 161, 168, 271, 274, 277, 352–358, 432.

Galagher, H. G., 107, 108.

Garfield, James, 143, 254, 424.

Gay-me-wah-nah-na-quoit, 81.

George, Jr., Henry, 419.

Georgia, 33.

Geronimo, 198, 220, 221, 233, 234, 235–240, 373.

Ghost Dance, (See Messiah Craze).

Ghost Dance Music, 115.

“Ghost Dance Religion”, 100.

Gilfillan, Rev. Joseph A., 48, 49, 50, 54, 66, 420.

Graham, Hon. James M., 49, 98, 419, 428.

Graham Investigating Committee, 66, 88, 93.

Grayson, Capt. G. W., 135, 148, 162, 163.

Greeley, Horace, 300.

Grenfell, Dr. W. T., 403, 433.

Gresham, J. E., 139, 163, 427.

Hall, Darwin S., 67, 93.

Hampton Normal and Agricultural Institute, 205, 209, 211, 212.

Handbook of American Indians, 15, 45, 173, 190, 217, 219, 233, 245, 291, 307, 325, 401.

Harjo Fixico, 135.

Haskell Institute, 13, 29.

Hauke, C. F., 25.

Hawk Man, 124.

Health of the Indians, 54, 61, 66, 227, 230, 266–277, 345–351.

Heckewelder, Rev., 421.

Henderson, D. B., 65.

Henry, Robert, 71.

Hermanutz, Rev. Aloysius, 66, 68.

Hinton, John H., 90.

Hodge, Dr. F. W., 219, 291.

Hole-in-the-Day, 54, 55, 56, 63, 407, 408.

Holmes, E. G., 77.

Homar, Father Roman, 13, 85.

Hospitals, 27, 85, 250, 266, 275, 277.

Hornaday, Prof. Wm. T., 301, 303.

Horses, 24, 29, 359.

Horse Indians, 99, 174, 311.

House Committee on Indian Affairs, 142, 258.

Howard, Major John R., 13, 47, 70, 95.

Hrdlicka, Dr. Ales, 265, 268, 271.

Humphrey, Seth K., 13, 224, 367, 368, 372, 373, 376, 421.

Hunter, Henry (See Weasel).

Hurley, P. J., 164.

Huson, H., 13, 151, 170.

Indian Domination, 18.

Indian Industries League, 283.

Indian Labor, 24, 27, 29, 32, 33, 34, 37, 47, 66, 261.

Indian Office (See Indian Service).

Indian Population, 20, 21, 22, 23, 33, 40, 43, 45, 232.

Indian Publications, 29, 30, 31, 203.

Indian Rights Association, 12, 68, 240, 241, 254, 282, 291, 385, 433.

Indian Service, 25, 26, 28, 29, 31, 32, 42, 66, 68, 69, 70, 87, 90, 97, 150, 151, 167, 226, 230, 252, 255, 291, 327, 331, 340, 360, 363, 366, 424, 428, 431, 433, 434.

Indian Territory, 134, 301, 417.

Inspection Service, 25, 97.

Iroquois, 33, 35.

Irrigation, 27, 219, 226, 230, 257, 291–298, 337, 374.

Jackson, Helen Hunt, 94, 183, 224, 237, 326, 334, 367, 372, 373.

James, George Wharton, 12, 15, 241, 290.

Jesus Christ, 102.

Johnson, Governor John A., 68.

Johnson, Rev. W. R., 242, 247, 343.

Jones Bill, 257.

Jones, Col. W. A., 303.

Jones, Hon. William, 50, 384.

Keeps-the-Battle, 107.

Kelsey, C. E., 13, 282, 327, 336, 337.

Kelsey, Dana H., 13, 133, 139, 149, 150, 159, 160, 161, 168, 427.

Keshena, 36, 37.

Ketcham, Rev. Wm. H., 224, 229, 242, 248.

Ke-way-din, 72.

Kicking Bear, 125.

Kiowa, 311, 314, 315.

Kolb, M. J., 82.

Kraft, Father, 128.

Kroeber, Dr. A. L., 325, 329.

Lacy, Georgia, 81.

Lake Superior, 18.

Lane, Franklin K., 13, 163, 424, 429.

Leasing, 28.

Leecy, John, 81.

Leech Lake, 45, 47, 51, 55, 57, 59.

Leupp, Francis E., 12, 35, 206, 207, 245, 267, 287, 288, 359, 367, 369, 371, 384, 402, 424, 433.

Lewis and Clark, 402.

Lincoln, President, 211.

Linnen, E. B., 13, 25, 47, 64, 69, 70, 81, 87, 89, 90, 93, 95, 96, 97, 385.

Lipps, Oscar H., 13, 201, 209, 241, 243, 379.

Little Crow, 175, 401.

Little Horse, 116.

Little Wound, 113, 125.

Livestock, 24, 29, 365.

Locke, Victor, 428.

Logan, Gen., 197.

Louisiana, 43.

Lufkins, William, 80, 83.

Lufkins, John, 94, 407.

Lusk, Charles S., 93.

Lummis, Chas. F., 14, 210, 267, 327, 336.

Mah-een-gonce, 66, 94.

Mah-een-gonce’s Story, 409.

Maine, 31, 32, 33.

Malecite Indians, 33.

Mangus-Colorado, 233, 238.

Maps, 20, 21, 22, 25, 35.

Maricopa, 291.

Marriages, Indian, 26, 243.

Marsh, Prof., 176, 180.

May-dway-we-mind, 56.

McGillicuddy, Dr., 128.

McCumber, Senator, 141.

McKee, Hon. Redick, 329.

McLaughlin, Supt. (Maj., Hon.), J., 102, 121, 122, 123, 191, 279, 367, 368.

McMurray Contracts, 164.

McWhorter, L. V., 13, 255, 257, 258, 262.

Medal of Red Cloud, 419.

Menominee, 35, 36, 40, 41, 43, 268.

Mercer, Maj. Wm. A., 201.

Meritt, Edgar B., 12, 25, 360, 384, 432.

Merriam, C. Hart, 327, 328, 332.

Messiah Craze, 99, 100–107, 121, 185, 199, 283.

Mexico, 220, 221, 223, 235, 237, 239, 325, 326, 373.

Me-zhuck-ke-ge-shig, 55, 66, 68, 81.

Me-zhuck-ke-gway-abe, 77.

Michelet, Simon, 59, 64, 68, 70, 71, 97.

Michigan, 35.

Miles, Gen., 128, 130, 180, 191, 192, 240, 308.

Miller, Okoskee, 135.

Mille Lac Indians, 63, 65, 93.

Mission Indians, 297.

Missionary Denominations, 33, 93, 281, 225.

Missionaries, 33, 49, 85.

Minnesota, 33, 265, 366.

Minnesota Historical Collections, 175.

Mixed-blood Indians, 21, 26, 47, 48, 53, 57, 66, 68, 71, 74, 75, 77, 79, 80, 84, 140, 168, 352–358, 432.

Modocs, 253, 254.

Moffett, Rev. Thomas C., 282.

Mohonk Conference, 50, 97, 151, 284, 326, 368, 384, 385, 413, 418, 425.

Money belonging to Indians, 26, 40, 42, 47, 62.

Montana, 34, 260, 261, 264.

Montezuma, Dr. Carlos, 203, 403.

Monument at Wounded Knee, 130, 131.

Mooney, James, 100, 101, 102, 127, 128, 129, 191.

Moorehead, W. K., 64, 81, 83, 87, 90, 96, 149, 428.

Morality, 53, 61, 62, 66, 73, 74, 352–358, 380, 381, 404–405.

Morgan, T. J., 12, 384.

Morrison, Robert, 77.

Mormons, 243, 261, 417.

Moty Tiger, Chief, 162.

Mott, Hon. M. L., 11, 13, 137, 140, 141, 143, 150, 155, 160, 162, 167, 170, 414, 427.

Murphy, Dr. Joseph A., 14, 273.

Murray, W. N., 428.

Murrow, Rev. J. S., 137.

National Commission (new), 431–434.

National Indian Association, 250, 281, 327, 335.

Navaho, 21, 24, 26, 31, 44, 47, 219, 241–252, 279, 280, 342, 343, 420, 423, 427.

Negro, 23, 132, 205, 401.

Nelles, Rev. Felix, 68, 85.

Nelson Act, 59, 64.

Nelson, Senator Knute, 68.

New Brunswick, 31, 33.

New Mexico, 219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 241, 249, 265, 267, 268, 283, 291.

Newton, Mrs. Elsie E., 97, 216, 379, 404.

New York, 21, 33, 35, 265, 415.

Nez Perce, 253, 372, 430.

Nez Perce War, 253.

Nichols-Chisolm Lumber Co., 61, 71.

No Neck, 120, 121.

North Carolina, 33.

No Water, 109, 110, 111, 114.

O’Brien, E. C., 14, 56, 90.

Official Views of Indian Conditions, 378–385.

Oglala, 99, 100, 113, 173, 270, 271.

Ojibwa, 35, 36, 41, 43, 45–56, 57–65, 66–76, 77–88, 89–98, 99, 204, 308, 342, 361, 373, 399, 427.

Ojibwa Music, 86.

Ojibwa’s Story, 407.

Oklahoma, 133–172, 205, 214, 265, 273, 277, 281, 283, 284, 318, 342, 413–415, 425, 427, 428, 431.

Oklahoma Delegation, 145.

O-mo-du-yea-quay, 80.

O-nah-yah-wah-be-tung, 80.

One Feather, 129, 130.

Oneida, 35.

Onondaga Reservation, 21.

Oregon, 260.

Ottawa, 43.

Out West (Land of Sunshine), 327.

Owen, Hon. Sen. Robert L., 203, 413, 414.

Pagan Whites, 289

Paiutes, 253.

Papago, 31, 219, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 291.

Parker, Arthur C., 14, 19, 201.

Parker, Gabe E., 11, 46.

Park Rapids Lumber Co., 61.

Parquette, Peter, 252.

Passamaquoddy, 31, 33.

Pawnees, 204, 400.

Peabody, Dr. Charles, 14.

Peace Commissions, 175, 179, 253.

Peairs, H. B., 14, 378.

Peirce, Chas. F., 14, 381.

Penobscot, 31, 32, 33.

Pepper, Dr. George W., 241.

Pereault, Joe, 89.

Philanthropic Organizations, 281–289.

Phillips Academy, Andover, 211, 245.

Pillagers, 63, 81, 97, 399.

Pimas, 219, 222, 223, 224, 291, 374, 382, 383.

Pine Ridge, 99–109, 111, 117, 122, 125, 128, 132, 174, 270, 309, 418, 420.

Plains Indians, 99, 174, 177, 187, 304, 308, 309, 311–324.

Politicians, 26, 50, 376, 395.

Politics and Indians, 139, 144, 376.

Poncas, 204, 372, 373, 402.

Potawatomie, 35, 43.

Powell, Maj. James, 99, 178, 179.

Pratt, Capt. R. H., 200, 201.

Prominent Indian Men and Women, 201, 203, 401, 402.

Property (Lands, Timber, Minerals), 21, 23, 24, 26, 27, 28, 37, 40, 41, 42, 47, 50, 51, 57, 59, 61, 62, 73, 103, 157, 159, 229, 250, 343.

Property valuation, 26, 27.

Public Domain, 31.

Public Health and Marine Hospital Service, 265.

Pueblo, 219, 229, 230–232, 267, 268, 291.

Recommendations, 40, 387–397.

Red Cloud, 99, 121, 173–189, 281, 318, 402.

Red Cloud, Jack, 186, 419.

Red Lake, 45, 47, 51, 57, 59, 62.

Red Man, The (Journal), 29.

Red Tomahawk, 123, 124.

Religion, 279–289.

Report of cases, 155, 156.

Riggs Missions, 409.

Robinson, Senator Joe, 432.

Rock, Grace, 77.

Rock, Mrs. John, 77.

Roe Cloud, Henry, 201, 207, 403.

Roosevelt, President, 140, 143, 144, 233.

Rosebud, 104, 107.

Royer, Doctor D. F., 105, 108.

Sacagawea, 402.

St. Luke, John, 71.

San Carlos, 222.

Santa Fe Trail, 174.

Sauk and Fox, 36.

Saunders, Fred, 77.

Schools, 27, 37, 38, 39, 48, 87, 106, 138, 146, 213–217, 227, 266.

Scott, Duncan C., 418, 419.

Secretary of the Interior, 54, 55, 91, 96, 136, 143, 149, 162, 163, 258, 433.

Seger, John H., 14, 417, 418.

Sells, Commissioner, 12, 16, 21, 23, 25, 26, 28, 151, 167, 267, 283, 341, 359, 360, 363, 378, 384, 423, 424, 432.

Seminoles, 35, 133, 140, 143, 276.

Sequoya, 402.

Seventh Cavalry, 125, 128.

Shangraux, Louis, 118, 119, 120, 121.

Shave Head, 123, 124, 125.

Shearman, James T., 54, 55, 56.

Sherman, Jas. S., 429.

Sheep, 24, 29, 44, 250, 364, 395.

Shelton, Maj. W. T., 247, 252, 343.

Short Bull, 119, 120, 121, 125.

Sioux, 26, 47, 63, 99–117, 131, 132, 173, 177, 178, 181, 268, 270, 304, 308, 322, 372, 400, 407.

Sioux Music, 189.

Sitting Bull, 99, 102, 121, 122, 123–132, 173, 179, 180, 184, 190–199, 402.

Smiley Commission. 334.

Smiley, Hon. Albert K., 284, 326.

Smiley, Hon. Daniel, 284.

Smith, Rev. Wilkins, 85.

Smithsonian Institution, 12, 15, 219, 265.

Sniffen, M. K., 13, 25, 247, 255, 283.

Society of American Indians, 284, 285, 286, 404.

Spotted Tail, 120, 178, 181, 183, 281, 402.

Stahlberg, Dr. Isaac, 69.

Standing Rock, 104, 107.

Statistics, 22, 23, 24, 26, 27, 28, 29, 32, 42, 43, 45, 59, 133, 142, 155, 156, 168, 257, 295.

Statistics of Indian conditions, 341, 345–358.

Steenerson, Hon. Halvor, 59, 68.

Steenerson Act, 59.

Stephens Bill, 286.

Stephens, Hon. J. H., 149, 150, 258.

Stevenson, Mrs. Matilda, 229.

Strikes-the-Kettle, 124.

Stone Calf, 317.

Sturdevant, W. L., 141, 144.

Sully, Gen., 316.

Swindling of Indians, 71, 75, 76, 77, 79, 80, 81, 82, 84, 87, 98, 136, 150, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 160, 163, 166, 254.

Taft, President, W. H., 151, 422.

Talequah, 135, 138, 146

Tennessee, 33.

Texas, 43.

Thumb Prints, 81.

Tiger, Moty, 162, 163.

Trachoma, 27, 32, 52, 54, 85, 208, 209, 211, 250, 265, 267, 269, 276, 277, 345, 351, 382.

Treaties, 41, 62, 195, 329, 330, 371.

Tribal Property, 21, 40.

Tribal Customs, 20.

Tribal Funds, 27, 40.

Tuberculosis, 27, 32, 35, 54, 85, 92, 208, 209, 210, 211, 250, 265, 267, 268, 269, 270, 272, 273, 274, 275, 277, 345–351, 382, 416.

Tucson Farms Company, 225, 226, 227.

Twin Lakes, 49.

Two Strike, 120, 121.

Union Pacific Railway, 301.

Utah, 263.

Utes, 107, 253, 258, 259.

U. S. Reclamation Service, 257.

Valentine, Robert G., 11, 12, 69, 207, 242, 254, 267, 359, 384, 399, 424, 433.

Valuation, Stock, 24.

Vanoss, Andrew, 82.

Vaux, Hon. George, Jr., 14, 149, 167, 224.

Victorio, 220, 221.

Van Metre, J. T., 71, 83.

Wakaya, Simon, 153.

Wallace, Dr. W. W., 14, 247.

Waller, Mr., 82.

Wanamaker Expedition, 248.

Wanamaker, Rodman, 12.

War Dance Music, 189.

War Department, 25, 132, 173, 200, 223, 233.

Warren, William W., 45, 98.

Washington, Booker T., 402.

Weasel, The, 102, 112, 117.

Weber, Rev. Anselm, 14, 241, 242, 246, 247.

Whipple, Bishop, 371.

White Bird, 108.

White Earth, 41, 43, 45, 49, 51, 53, 55, 57, 59, 66, 70, 77, 89–98, 254, 409, 411, 424.

Whitside, Major, 125.

Wigglesworth, Dr., 250.

Wild Rice Lumber Co., 61.

Wilson, Horace, 381.

Winnebago, 35, 372.

Winnemucca, Sarah, 264, 402.

Wisconsin, 35, 36, 40, 41, 42, 43, 213, 265, 273, 274.

Wisconsin University Conference, 285.

Wood, Brig.-Gen. P. G., 125.

Wovoka, 101, 102.

Wounded Knee Massacre, 123–132, 186.

Wounded Knee Creek, 117, 119.

Wozencraft, Hon. O. M., 329, 332.

Wright, Rev. Charles, 68, 69.

Wright, J. George, 14, 28, 133, 139, 157, 159, 161, 427.

Wright, Robert M., 14, 182, 286, 299, 311.

Wyoming, 43, 295.

Yakima, 26, 253, 255, 257, 295, 385.

Yellow Bird, 127.

Yuma, 219, 223, 291.

Zeisberger, Rev., 421.

Zuni, 229, 232.

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES

1. Fixed the issues mentioned in Corrections. 2. Added anchor for the footnote on p. 264. 3. Changed “own Poor Lo” to “own Poor Lot” on p. 376. 4. Changed “the Gila River w sh” to “the Gila River wash” on p. 428. 5. Silently corrected typographical errors. 6. Retained anachronistic and non-standard spellings as printed. 7. Enclosed italics font in _underscores_. 8. Superscripts are denoted by a caret before a single superscript character or a series of superscripted characters enclosed in curly braces, e.g. M^r. or M^{ister}.