The Ainu group at the Saint Louis Exposition

Part 6

Chapter 63,806 wordsPublic domain

Some Italian anthropologists use the terms _centripetal_ and _centrifugal_ in regard to races. A centripetal people is one whose customary movements are toward the person of the actor, not away from him. Dr. McGee was particularly interested in securing a group of Ainu, because they have the reputation of being distinctly centripetal, perhaps the most so of any people. We had hoped to find strong evidence of this character, but cannot claim to have been very successful. It is true that the salutations are of that kind: the hand-wavings and beard-strokings are not expansive, outward movements, but toward the person. The knife in cutting is frequently, perhaps generally, drawn toward the cutter. These were the only centripetal facts which we observed. The method of singing the _yukara_, as already described, is very peculiar; possibly it will come into this category. Landor, whom we rarely care to quote, says something in this direction, which may be sound: “More interesting to me than their physical characters, were their movements and attitudes, which I was able to study and note correctly without their observation. For instance, when Ainu try to move some heavy body they pull it toward them; thus, when they drag their dugouts and canoes on shore, and again when they launch them, they never push from them but pull toward them. If an Ainu has to break a stick planted in the ground he does it by pulling it; whereas a Japanese will push it. Again in pulling a rope the Ainu pull; the Japanese push, by placing the rope over one shoulder and walking in the direction wanted. In a crowd, where a Japanese would push his way through by extending his arms and thus separating people, the Ainu seizes a man on each side, pulling one to the right and the other to the left, till space for him to pass is made.” Now, if these are correct observations and we are inclined to accept them as such, they illustrate the centripetal nature of the Ainu and the centrifugal nature of the Japanese.

The physical characters of the Ainu and the Japanese differ profoundly. The Ainu present a peculiar and strongly marked type. On the whole they are short; Batchelor gives 5 ft. 4 in. as the average stature for men and 5 ft. 1½ in. or 5 ft. 2 in. as the average for women. It is true, however, that stature varies considerably with locality—the men of Shiraoi being relatively tall and well built, those of Piratori medium, and those of Ishikari smaller and badly developed. The Ainu skin, though dark, is white, not yellow or brown; the color appears darker than it really is because the Ainu rarely bathe. The hair is abundant both on the body and the head, and is wavy; the color is commonly black, though it may be dark-brown or even reddish; like wavy hair everywhere, it presents an elliptical, not a circular, cross-section. The beard in males is strong and abundant. The features are those of the white race rather than the yellow; the nose is prominent and well formed, the mouth is strong; the lips firm. The eyes are brown, sometimes even light brown. Mark these characters well; compare them with those of the Japanese. How profound the difference. The white skin, abundant body hair and beard, the hair wavy and of elliptical section, the horizontal eye full of expression and fire, the features combined into a strong relief—these are in strong contrast to the yellow-brown skin, hairless face and body, straight and round hair, oblique eyes and flat face of the Japanese. In all these respects in which the Ainu differs so profoundly from the Japanese, he resembles us, the whites of European race.

They are often called “the hairy Ainu” and we consider the term just. It is true that their proximity to the smooth-bodied yellow Asiatics has made their hairiness conspicuous by contrast. It is true that many writers, who have spoken of “fur” and “missing links,” have overstated facts; but it is also true that notably hairy bodies are the rule among the males. Individual Russians are no doubt common, who are as hairy as the average Ainu, but we believe firmly that taken _en masse_ the Ainu are more hairy than the Russians, and probably the hairiest people on the globe. Of course, the Ghiliaks, living on the Asiatic mainland and undoubtedly related with them, present the same peculiarity. Hitchcock gives a lot of excellent data in regard to Ainu hairiness.

As different are the Japanese and Ainu in language. Years ago, Basil Hall Chamberlain drew up a detailed comparison between the two, pointing out fifteen points of difference, and he might have extended the list indefinitely. Nor are the differences he indicates of trifling significance. On the contrary they are vital and concern the most important constructional matters. Thus, in the Ainu, verbs have true passive forms like those of European languages, the Japanese in its most earnest effort to express a passive cannot get rid of an active viewpoint; the Ainu has many reflective verbs, the Japanese has none; “Ainu pronouns are used at every turn like the pronouns of modern European languages,” Japanese has no real and simple pronouns; in Ainu “honorifics” are lacking, in Japanese they abound. Mr. Batchelor’s little _Grammar of the Ainu Language_ is interesting reading, even if it does not convince the reader that Ainu is an “Aryan language.” Years ago the Japanese government of the Hokkaido published Mr. Batchelor’s _A Dictionary of the Ainu_, now long out of print. During the time that has since elapsed he had added enormously to the work and his present manuscript represents the labor of a quarter of a century. It is now complete and ought to be printed without delay. As long as it remains in manuscript it is in danger; once lost, it could never be replaced, even by the author, for the use of Ainu as a speech is passing.

Who are the Ainu? Where did they come from? What is their past? They are surely a white people, not a yellow. They are more our brothers, though they live so far away, than brothers of the Japanese, to whom, in place, they are so near. That is not to say that all men are not brothers; our meaning we think clear. We, white men, are fond of assuming an air of great superiority, when we speak of other peoples. We take it for granted that all white men are better than any red ones, or black ones, or yellow ones. Yet here we find a _white race that has struggled and lost_! It has proved inferior in life’s battle to the more active, energetic, progressive, yellow people, with which it has come in contact. It may be that the Ainu are but a little fragment of a once widespread Asiatic white race. The Ghiliaks, the Mao-tse (“hairy”) of China, some small populations of southeastern Asia and the curious non-aggressive Todas of India with their great beards and strange customs, may be other fragments of that same old population. We cannot assert it; study and comparison will be necessary before the assertion would be warranted; but we believe such comparison may prove what we suggest. Should it do so, that old white race was broken and submerged by a great flood of active yellow Asiatics, who pressed eastward from their old home, perhaps in Mesopotamia.

Our poor Ainu longed for their house, which was slow in coming. When it, at last, arrived they were astonishingly prompt in rearing it. The traditional method of construction was followed and a feast celebrated its completion. Unfortunately, we could not be present, but a week later a post-rehearsal was given for our benefit. The Saint Louis house consists of the main eastern part, and the western _shem_; these are separated to give better circulation of air and the passage between them is roofed over; a curtain of matting hangs in the west doorway; the ground is covered with mattings and the walls are hung with them; there are the usual east and south windows, fireplace, and treasure corner. At the feast Sangyea officiated as the head of the house, Santukno, as his wife, assisting. They were seated to the north of the fireplace; the rest of the household were to the south; the guests of consequence were seated upon fine mattings to the east of the fireplace; others sat along the north and west sides. When all were seated the _inao_ to the fire-goddess were placed; then the other _inao_ of the house were put in their proper places. Kutoroge next made the new fire for the hearth, not with matches but with the ancient flint and steel, the spark being caught in tinder in a sort of horn or cup; as soon as the spark was caught, a piece of dried elm-root was fitted into the opening of this receptacle, and vigorously sucked at the upper end until the whole lower end, in contact with the lighted tinder, was in a glow, when the fire was started with it. The treasures were then located in their corner and the _inao_ guardian of the house set up. All now went outside while Yazo placed the roof _inao_. Next the _nusa_ was constructed to the east of the house, before the sacred window, while Sangyea prayed. Returning to the house cups and moustache-sticks were produced. Goro filled the cups and Sangyea made an offering to the east and to the _inao_ of the fireplace, drank half the cup, giving the rest to Santukno; drink was now served to all the members of the household and to the guests. Then for the first time in the new home the women pounded millet in the mortar, singing songs without words to time the pounding. The younger men then threw beans to the little children, to the household and to the guests, after which millet-cakes were served. When all was ended the house-master expressed his appreciation of the interest of the guests as shown by their presence.

The house truly presented a gay showing of _inao_. Those for the fireplace are called _chi e horo ka kep_. There were four of them in line at the east end of the fireplace; the top end is four-cleft and there are two tufts of shavings at different heights; in the upper tuft were three small bunches, neatly curled; in the lower tuft, were two bunches; in shaving these the movement is downward and toward the cutter; the bark is left on the lower part of the sticks; these _inao_ should be burned after the ceremony. The _chise koro inao_ were two in number, one to the north, the other to the south, of the fireplace; they are cut squarely across at the upper end and tapered gradually below; no bark is left upon them; they are for the household god and, after the ceremony should be placed with it in the northeast corner. _Inao kike_, loose shaving curls, were hung at the entrance and at the sides of the two windows; when evil people look in at the window, where these are located, the god strikes them in the face; only evil people _will_ look in at a window. Great _inao_, with beautifully curled masses of shavings, called _kike parase_ were fastened—one at the south window, one somewhat larger at the east window, another still larger on the roof beam above the south end of the fireplace; those at the windows are to keep away evil spirits and ghosts; that bound to the beam is dedicated to the god who holds up the house; the two on the roof, at the ends of the ridgepole were of the same kind and were to ward off harm from winds and evil birds. _Chise koro inao_ is a name used only while that kind of an _inao_ is at the fireplace; when it is elsewhere it is called _kike chinoe_; the shaving curls of which it is composed may be twisted together into cords giving it an entirely peculiar and different appearance. Most important of all, however, is the _inao netobe_; this is the one at the extreme northeast corner of the room, and, even for our inspection the people were unwilling to bring it out, though they showed it to me in its place, in full detail; the top end is cut obliquely at a single stroke, and the resulting slope is called “the face”; the bark is left on and in it three notches are cut, at each of three levels, around the stick, nine in all; cords of _kike inao_ are tied around this stick and rest upon these notches, as supports; these cords bind in place pendant _kike_; as new household festivals occur new _kike_ are added until a great bunch of them is formed; under this mass of pendant shavings the coal from the hearth is bound; a little arrow or spear is laid among the shavings and a miniature sword is bound to the upright; this _inao_ represents the very spirit of the house, and while it ought never to be moved during the lifetime of the house, it should be destroyed if the house is deserted. The _nusa_ to the east of the house consisted of twenty sticks of which twelve were long, eight short. The longer ones consist of support sticks to which _kike parase_ were lashed, both support and _inao_ being cut to neat sloping surfaces for fitting. The shorter sticks were cut with a single sloping stroke, giving a “face,” which was slit across with one cut, “the mouth”; in each mouth _inao_ shavings were thrust. The shorter sticks are said to be merely ornamental; the longer ones are sacred. The one to the left is the moon, the next the wells, next bears, the rest are mountains in which bears are hunted.

In Yezo, when an Ainu has been away from the village and returns, his home-coming is made a public occasion. All the people gather, someone being their spokesman. He and the traveller seat themselves facing. He who has been away begins to sing, narrating his adventures, telling where he has been and what he has seen and done. Presently he stops and the other begins to sing the happenings of the village during the traveller’s absence from home. So they sing, alternating, until both stories are completed. When our Ainu group returns, they will be received as those who were dead and have returned; what a many things the poor fellows will have to sing of the people and the places they have seen so far away from their home villages in the Saru River valley.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Unfortunately photographed inside out.

[2] Ainu village.

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