m. On account of the excitement attending every cavalry charge, it is

not advisable to change sights.

It is a good plan to fire one volley first and then to employ fire at will. It is not easy for infantry, while awaiting the onrushing mass of cavalry, to reserve its fire until, in the opinion of the leader, the first shot may be fired. But this waiting is of great importance to prevent the fire from becoming wild and ineffective. Since the elimination of powder smoke, there is no reason why other volleys should be fired after the first, for in the excitement of the fight the volley cannot produce a moral effect. The horses certainly find the rattling of fire at will more unpleasant than the sudden crack of a volley. The advantage of the volley, of permitting a unit to be kept better in hand, may be an important factor under certain circumstances however. The volley should, as a rule, be used by supports that are not exposed to fire. (8th Company of the 32nd Infantry at Wörth; the 1st and 2nd Companies of the 83rd Infantry, and the 5th Company of Jägers at Sedan).

Since the principal object of the fire is to destroy the cohesion of the charge, and as cavalry always closes toward the center while charging, no special importance need be attached to the distribution of the fire.

As regards relative numerical strength, a platoon of infantry consisting of 60 rifles (firing 360-500 rounds per minute), should be a match for 1-3 troops (_Eskadrons_), and a company of infantry, under favorable conditions, may be able to deal with a cavalry brigade.[313] Cavalry can become dangerous for infantry only when the infantry is surprised, finds no opportunity to fire, loses its steadiness and morale, or attempts to reach cover by running.

[313] A German cavalry brigade consists of eight troops (_Eskadrons_). _Translator_.

The Charge of the French Cuirassiers of the Guard at Vionville.

At half past 12 on the afternoon of August 16th, 1870, the companies of the 10th Prussian Infantry Brigade were advancing east of Flavigny towards the Metz--Mars-la-Tour _chaussee_. As French infantry was not on the spot to put a stop to this movement, the 3rd Lancers and the Guard Cuirassier Regiment received orders to attack. The former regiment went to the rear, as no definite objective (?) had been assigned to it.

The Guard Cuirassier Regiment was formed in two lines, 150 m. distance between them, with two troops (_Eskadrons_) in each line, a fifth troop (_Eskadron_) following as a reserve. Although hampered in its movements and thrown into disorder by abandoned baggage wagons and other camp litter that covered the ground, the regiment nevertheless made the charge with superb gallantry.

The charge struck the 6th and 7th Companies of the 52nd Infantry, under Captain Hildebrand. These companies, rifles in hand and their leader in front, awaited the French cavalry, which came into view at a distance of 1200 m. The first echelon (6th and 4th Troops) was received with rapid fire at 250 paces. On the right, the 6th Troop (_Eskadron_) approached to within 60-80 paces of the Prussians, but a part then turned to the rear while a few troopers turned to the left. It is said, that of the leaders only one officer and one non-commissioned officer remained in the saddle, and that only twenty cuirassiers were rallied after the charge. The left troop (_Eskadron_) missed its objective completely. The Prussian rear rank faced about and fired on some French troopers who attempted to make an attack from the rear and who now also received fire from other units of Prussian infantry.

During the charge, the distance between the first and second lines had become greater than at first ordered. When the first line broke in two, the second was still some 300 m. distant from the Prussian infantry and suffered some losses, probably from stray shots, which did not stop the movement however, as the fire soon ceased. German accounts, to be sure, do not mention that the second line could not be seen on account of the powder smoke, and that the fire was discontinued to let the smoke clear away. When the French line was 100 m. away it received the command _chargez_ and the Prussian infantry again resumed its rapid fire, which shattered the attack, the leading troopers breaking down in a ditch about 10 paces in front of the Prussian line. The third line, its cohesion impaired and its advance hampered by fallen horses and riders, was just as little able to reach the Prussian companies. The right wing of the Cuirassiers raced around the left flank of the companies of the 52nd Infantry and encountered the Füsilier Battalion of the 12th Infantry, deployed in a single firing line, dense in the center. Some parts of this battalion formed squares. The charge was definitely stopped by the fire of this battalion. An attempt to rally the Cuirassiers was prevented by Prussian cavalry which now moved out. The French regiment, which had begun its attack with 575 sabers, had lost 22 officers, 208 men (36.2% of its strength), and 243 horses. According to Dick de Lonlay,[314] after this charge, the regiment was able to form only 4 troops (_Eskadrons_) of 62 troopers each, instead of 5 troops (_Eskadrons_) of 115 troopers each, which would mean a loss of 248 men. The first line had suffered the heaviest losses; in the 4th troop (_Eskadron_), which had lost all of its officers and non-commissioned officers, only 18 men were left.

[314] _Français et Allemands_, III, p. 84. KUNZ, _Kriegsgeschichtliche Beispiele_, 5, p. 11. The French _Gen. St. W._, II, pp. 301-309, gives the losses as 18 officers, 170 men, and 208 horses.

A charge has a better chance of succeeding if it is prepared by artillery fire.

During the attack made by two troops (_Eskadrons_) of Landwehr Hussars against the 1st Battalion _Gyulai_ at =Tobitschau=, an Austrian square was broken by shells before the cavalry penetrated it. During the attack of Bredow’s Brigade at =Vionville=, the artillery was able to send its last shells against the enemy immediately past the right flank of the cavalry brigade.

The employment of cavalry in masses, contemplated in all armies, compels us to consider the case when infantry must advance over open ground in the face of hostile cavalry. Special units must then be designated, who, by means of long range fire, repulse the cavalry or keep it at a distance. At Minden (1759), Anglo-Hanoverian infantry succeeded in driving the hostile cavalry from the field, and at Vauxchamps and Etoges (14th February, 1814), Prussian infantry succeeded in breaking through the French cavalry. It will be easy to do the same thing with modern weapons, so long as cavalry is not very superior in numbers, and is not supported by infantry, machine guns, or artillery.

Infantry attacking dismounted cavalry should endeavor to bring long range fire to bear on the led horses or threaten them by a flank attack. For infantry to prolong the action at long and medium ranges is only playing into the hands of the cavalry, and besides, the better marksmanship of the infantry is bound to make itself felt at short ranges. When the infantry has once gotten to within 700 paces (560 m.) of the dismounted cavalry, it is very doubtful whether the latter will still be able to mount; at the very least, it will be difficult for it to do so (par. 362 German C. D. R.), even though the withdrawal can be effected under cover, or when fresh troops take a hand in the fight.

Provisions of Various Regulations.

=England.= The possibility of a successful cavalry charge is almost universally contested. When necessary, the skirmishers that are immediately threatened close in toward the center. Bayonets are to be fixed. An opportunity for successful employment of cavalry is offered when infantry has fired away all of its ammunition; when it is forced to retire; and when the approach of the cavalry is facilitated by dust, fog, or heavy rain.

=Austria.= _Brave and steady infantry has nothing to fear from cavalry charges, so long as it retains its steadiness, presence of mind, and morale, and delivers its fire steadily and with good aim at short range._

When fighting cavalry, movements and changes of formation should be ordered only when sufficient time is available, and then only for the purpose of bringing a sufficient number of rifles into action and for better utilizing the terrain. When a cavalry charge is suddenly made from a short distance, it is better to remain in a narrow formation than to deploy hastily, provided the fire is delivered with steadiness. As cavalry frequently attacks only for the purpose of forcing the infantry to discontinue its advance, or to induce it to take up a close order formation, all units not immediately threatened by the attack should continue their movement or remain in their positions.

When a force has to cover long stretches under conditions which make it probable that a cavalry attack will be made, the battalions, companies, or platoons should be so grouped that they can quickly meet the cavalry attack in any direction, and can mutually support each other in warding it off. Staffs and vehicles should place themselves within the protected area thus formed.

The threatened units turn in the appropriate direction, properly utilizing cover and obstacles while so doing, and, when necessary, fix bayonets. Only such a part of the force is designated to fire as seems necessary for warding off the attack; the other parts continue to carry out the task assigned them. The commander retains a part of his force in readiness for warding off unexpected attacks.

“When exposed to hostile fire while warding off a cavalry charge, the men should assume the position offering the smallest target.

“If a platoon is _directly attacked_ by cavalry, it will only in rare cases be advisable to open fire at ranges beyond 600 paces (450 m.); _frequently it will be a good plan, however, to let the cavalry come up close_. When the platoon participates in warding off a cavalry attack made against another unit, it may open fire at longer ranges.

“Fire at will is the principal kind of fire to be used in warding off cavalry.”

=France.= Infantry, no matter in what formation it may happen to be, has nothing to fear from hostile cavalry, even if the latter is in superior numbers, provided the infantry remains cool, well in hand, and makes good use of its fire.

When cavalry surprises infantry, the effect is as great as of old. Infantry should therefore carefully protect itself in all situations of combat, especially during critical moments.

If cavalry is reported, infantry can guard against all contingencies by echeloning. It should not allow itself to be diverted from its task so long as the cavalry does not begin an attack.

Any disposition that enables infantry to change front quickly to meet a charge, and to deliver a strong fire, is calculated to stop even the boldest cavalry.

When fighting dismounted cavalry, it is considered desirable for the infantry to advance quickly to medium and short ranges for the purpose of firing upon the cavalry as it mounts.

=Russia.= Nothing prescribed.

=Japan.= Infantry which, while engaged with the enemy, is forced to discontinue its movement or to change its formation for the purpose of warding off hostile cavalry, has already suffered a partial defeat. Only those fractions that are absolutely necessary for repulsing the cavalry should take up the fight against it.

VIII. INFANTRY VERSUS ARTILLERY.

1. THE PASSAGE OF INFANTRY THROUGH ARTILLERY LINES.

The artillery of a mobilized German army corps with its twenty-four batteries takes up approximately 2500 m. of the front of about 4000 m. available for the corps. When the ground is unfavorable, the front available for the other arms may be still further reduced. All remedies suggested for reducing the frontage required by artillery offer no real solution of the difficulty; in fact, they have resulting drawbacks, such as the reduction to ten paces of the interval between guns, and the posting of artillery in two lines, one in rear of the other. On account of these drawbacks, a commander will avail himself of these remedies only in case of the most urgent necessity. The question as to how infantry can best pass through these long artillery lines is therefore of especial interest. While artillery will generally seek commanding positions and avoid covered terrain, infantry will make use of depressions and cover as the natural routes of advance for passing by batteries in action and for deploying subsequently in front of them. In this case the solution of the problem is simple. The difficulties are disproportionately greater when terrain impassable for artillery is lacking. Nothing could be more desirable for hostile artillery which has adjusted its fire upon our batteries, than for the intervals between our guns to become suddenly filled with infantry, whereupon our artillery, until now under fire, would have to cease firing so as not to endanger our infantry. This pause in the fire will be more noticeable, when our artillery has not yet succeeded in gaining a superiority of fire over the hostile guns; and its length will depend upon the depth of the infantry formation. In this case the infantry cannot avoid heavy losses as it must cross the fire-swept space in rear of the guns, and soon thereafter must enter the zone of the opponent’s actual “fire for effect,” besides losing for the time being the support of its own artillery fire. It is obvious that for infantry to advance in deployed lines through artillery in action, condemns the latter to long silence, and even exposes it to the danger of being placed altogether out of action. Infantry can pass through artillery lines at certain points only, its passage being subject to an agreement between the infantry and artillery commanders. It is advisable to have those batteries cease firing whose fire has the least influence on the course of the artillery combat. It is, however, of the utmost importance that the fire of all hostile batteries which possibly could fire on our infantry, be kept down by the increased fire of our artillery. In this manner, we may perhaps be able to draw the fire of the hostile artillery away from those points at which our infantry is to pass through our artillery line. This is especially important. It will also be advantageous to designate successively, different points in the artillery line for the passage of infantry. This should be done for two reasons: first, in order that a favorable target whose re-appearance the hostile batteries could await with loaded guns, may not be presented to the enemy at one point for a prolonged period; second, in order that movements by the flank on the part of the infantry may be obviated. The column of squads would be a suitable formation in which two battalions of infantry could simultaneously pass through the line of guns approximately within the space occupied by one battery. These battalions should then at once deploy, executing front into line toward their respective outer flanks. The guns can resume firing only when their infantry has reached a point 3-400 m. in front of them. The artillery will be able to resume its fire earlier when it is posted in rear of a crest, and for this reason such points should be selected for the passage of infantry.

2. THE ADVANCE UNDER ARTILLERY FIRE.[315]

[315] A lecture delivered by Major C. E. D. BUDWORTH, R.A., at the Royal Artillery Institution, on December 3, 1908, entitled, _Infantry Formations in the Attack: from an Artilleryman’s Point of View_, contains some interesting information. The lecture mentioned appeared in _The Journal of the Royal Artillery_ for February, 1909. _Translator_.

In almost every attack, infantry will be obliged to advance for considerable distances under artillery fire without being able to take advantage of cover. It should guard against being surprised by artillery fire while in an unsuitable formation.

In the first place, everything that facilitates the enemy’s adjustment and observation of fire should be avoided. (See p. 119 supra). To this end, infantry should not remain unnecessarily long near objects that are clearly visible at a great distance. If it is noticed that the enemy is beginning to adjust his fire on some prominent feature of the terrain, that point should be passed as quickly as possible; the same is true of a plain in the enemy’s zone of fire. Narrow columns, separated by intervals of 50 m., their heads not on the same line, are advantageous. This formation prevents shrapnel from simultaneously striking two columns, and makes it difficult for the enemy to judge the relative position of the smoke from the burst of his shrapnel with respect to the target. This increases the difficulties of the enemy’s observation of fire, as it is not easy for him to determine whether his shots go over or fall short. A shallow echelon formation (about 50 m. deep, as used in Russia, for example) is valueless for reducing losses, owing to the depth of the beaten zone of modern projectiles.

The narrowest possible front should be presented to the enemy when within his zone of fire.

It is moreover desirable to make the further observation of fire difficult for the hostile artillery, and to diminish the effect of his projectiles at the target (see p. 120 supra) by taking up suitable formations. Broad, shallow formations were suitable against the shell fire of the past. However, they had the great drawback of considerably facilitating the observation of shots falling short or going over, as the smoke from the burst hid the target in the first case, and as the target appeared silhouetted against the smoke from the burst in the second. The cone of dispersion of the modern base charge shrapnel combines comparatively small lateral spread with great effect in depth. The effect of a well-placed shrapnel may be confined to one target, and that of projectiles bursting in the intervals reduced by taking up a formation in which narrow columns (columns of squads) are separated by wide intervals (up to 50 m.).

The range is determined or verified by bracketing; that is, by enclosing the target between shots which, fired at a known difference of range, strike respectively, short of and beyond the target. In France this is done either by battery salvo or by piece. In the former case, the French distribute the fire equally over the entire space which they wish to cover with fire; hence, they do not direct it upon the individual columns, especially when they employ indirect laying, their favorite mode of procedure. It is in this kind of fire especially that narrow columns, separated by wide intervals, are a great advantage, because it is pure accident if a projectile falls so that its burst can be observed. Moreover, when the columns are not abreast of each other, the observations of bursts may be contradictory. Thus, in one salvo, “over” and “short” bursts may be obtained, especially if several bursts could not be reliably observed, and the salvo will have to be repeated. When a projectile bursts “short,” immediately in front of the 1st company, for example, it may be assumed that the next projectile will be fired at a range increased by 100-200 m. The 1st company should therefore move to the front at double time, the 2nd and 3rd likewise, while the 4th executes platoons front into line and takes to cover in anticipation of an “over” shot. The “over” meant for the 1st company will then be the signal for the 4th company to rush forward. _The following general rule may be given: A projectile bursting “over” or just “short” of the target requires that the force fired upon move quickly; a projectile bursting far “short” of the target requires that cover be taken._ The platoon and squad leaders of the attacking force should not betray its presence by standing upright; the force should disappear absolutely without leaving a trace.

A force cannot, in the long run, prevent artillery from effecting an adjustment of fire upon it; all it can do is to postpone the beginning of the fire for effect.

Fire for effect is of three kinds:

1. “Progressive fire” (_tir progressif_).[316] In this fire, after establishing a bracket (as a rule, one of 200 m.), every piece fires two rounds at each of four ranges, viz., at a range 100 m. less than the short limit of the bracket, at both ranges of the bracket, and at a range 100 m. greater than the long limit of the bracket. For example, if a bracket has been established for the target at 3000 and 3200 m., the battery would fire at 2900, 3000, 3200, and 3300 m.

[316] Called “Zone Fire” in our field artillery. _Translator_.

2. “Sweeping” (_fauchage_) is employed when it is desired to cover a broader zone. In this every gun fires three rounds at each of the ranges designated. The first round is fired with the line of sight directed on the right portion of the target (or on the aiming point). Before firing each of the succeeding rounds, the direction of the piece is changed to the left by three turns of the traversing handwheel. At the next range this process is reversed, the direction of the piece being changed to the right by three turns of the traversing handwheel after each round. At 2500 m., for example, a battery can cover, in this manner, a space twice the width of its own front.

3. “Fire at successive ranges” (searching fire). In this fire salvos or volleys are delivered at the target at a number of ranges to be designated by the battery commander.[317]

[317] The Belgian Drill Regulations (1907) give the following details in regard to the fire effect of a French four gun battery: In “progressive fire” (_tir progressif_), 32 rounds cover a space 100 m. wide and 400 m. deep (1 fragment covers 6 sq. m.). When direct laying is employed, one fragment covers 2 sq. m. In “progressive fire with sweeping” (_tir progressif avec fauchage_), 48 shrapnel cover a space 200 m. wide and 400 m. deep, each fragment covering 8 sq. m. Depending upon the range, 1¹⁄₂ to 5 minutes are required to secure adjustment. (See p. 119 supra).

During the Russo-Japanese war, all close order formations proved unsuitable under artillery fire, except when the terrain afforded cover. The Japanese infantry recognized very soon that the best protection against artillery fire lay in constant motion (irregular rushes made by small units) and in wide extension. The following procedure, employed at Yoshirei on July 31st, 1904, seems worthy of imitation:[318] The several platoons of the companies followed each other in deployed lines at distances of 200-300 m. When they had to cross open ground in order to reach a designated line, the platoons sought to advance by squads, whose men were deployed at intervals of 5-10 paces and who moved at a rapid gait interrupted by breathing spells. The men invariably assembled when cover was reached. The losses were insignificant. The Russians also made use of a similar procedure after their first disastrous experiences. In many instances the platoons ran forward in single rank. “Change of gait and direction, as well as the use of loose irregular skirmish lines make it difficult for the artillery to hit anything.” (Par. 450 German I. D. R.).

[318] SIR IAN HAMILTON, _A Staff Officer’s Scrap Book_, I, p. 337.

Formations used by Infantry during the Russo-Japanese War when under Artillery Fire.

These formations made it possible to advance at a walk to within 3000 m. of a hostile position; beyond that an advance by rushes had to be resorted to, in which the attacking force avoided showing itself simultaneously in long lines. The simplest scheme might be to move forward in column of sections, each section in skirmish line. Formation “a” is well adapted for quickly crossing fire swept places, and when there is hope of re-forming the column subsequently. Formation “c” is suitable for quickly deploying from company column. However, the last-named formation no longer guarantees a proper leading of the company, and quite naturally does not absolutely prevent losses. After the Japanese 5th Brigade (Nambu) had taken possession of Yuhuntun[319] and the three houses during the night of March 6/7, 1905, the following dispositions for attack were made by the Russians about noon on the 7th: On the right, the 5th and 10th Rifle Regiments, in five lines, each consisting of one battalion (total depth of the formation 600 m.); in the center, the 123rd Infantry (Koslov) of which the companies of three battalions were deployed in single rank lines, each consisting of one company, with the men at intervals of from 3 to 5 paces, the companies in rear of each other at distances of 100 paces; the IVth Battalion, similarly formed, was posted in echelon to the left rear. The 124th Infantry advanced on the left flank. The Koslov Regiment, advancing without hesitation in quick time and at attention, was fired on by three Japanese batteries while it was moving from 4000 to 2000 m. The regiment lost about 600 men. This loss is insignificant when the size of the target (about 600 m. wide and 1000 m. deep) is considered. The Japanese did not care to become involved in a serious infantry action and therefore evacuated the place. It would have been better to advance by rushes with smaller units, as the terrain afforded no cover whatever. Whenever the Japanese had sufficient time, they crossed such plains singly, one by one, and then assembled under cover for the attack.

[319] V. TETTAU, _Achtzehn Monate mit Russlands Heeren in der Mandschurei_, II, p. 334.

SPAITS, _Mit Kasaken_, p. 310.

Col. CSICSERICS V. BACSANY, _Unser neues Feldgeschütz_, 1907, pp. 17 and 21.

3. FIRING ON ARTILLERY IN POSITION

was in the past a pet fire problem. The effect of frontal fire on artillery whose guns are protected by shields is so small that the expenditure of ammunition is not justifiable.[320] The gap between the steel shields of the French field gun is not large enough to exert a noticeable influence. Steel shields, 3 mm. thick, afford protection against steel jacketed bullets fired at or beyond 300 m.; against “S” and “D” projectiles they afford protection, it is said, beyond 500 m. only. Machine guns directing continuous fire on a point may obtain better results. According to firing tests 3 mm. armor plate can be pierced up to 1000 m. only by special projectiles (solid steel projectiles and those having a steel core), the adoption of which is precluded on practical grounds (variations in sectional density, and difficulty of manufacture).[321] For this reason, it is better to leave the task of destroying shielded batteries, even when they are in the open, to one’s own artillery, than to attack them with infantry. The fire effect of the infantry is not noticeably increased when delivered obliquely against the front of the battery. (Par. 184 German I. D. R.). In Germany the gun commander and cannoneer No. 3, who is posted at the trail, are then especially endangered; but in order to flank the guns effectively and to reach in rear of the shields with its fire, the infantry must move to a flank a distance at least equal to ¹⁄₃ of the range, and even then the fire effect is very small. The effect may even be entirely nullified when the flanking fire is delivered from the side on which the caisson bodies are posted. In this case it suffices to push forward the caisson body to protect the personnel. It is a good plan for infantry to direct its fire on the limbers and the reserve. And again, infantry should not let any opportunity pass to fire on artillery in motion or in the act of limbering or unlimbering within effective range. Guns moved by hand into positions from which direct laying can be employed for the purpose of warding off the infantry attack, offer particularly favorable targets. Infantry that is to capture artillery must approach its objective by means of irregular rushes made by small groups, and increase its fire to the utmost intensity when the limbers are brought up to the guns. The effect of artillery fire is small under 200 m., in the absence of canister.[322]

[320] Even prior to the adoption of shields it was demonstrated that infantry was unable to destroy the matériel of batteries so as to render them immobile; it could only interfere with the _personnel_, but could not demolish the batteries.

[321] _Mitteilungen über Gegenstände des Artillerie und Geniewesens_, 1907, No. 5.

[322] The capture of the Smolenski Artillery Battalion on October 14th, 1904 (Shaho). _Artilleristische Monatshefte_ for March, 1908.

The disaster which overtook Trautmann’s Battery at St. Hubert, during the battle of Gravelotte, demonstrates how difficult it is to unlimber on open ground when under effective infantry and artillery fire; but, if five limbers with their teams had not stampeded, perhaps it might have been possible after a while, for the battery to reopen fire. Hasse’s Battery, also at St. Hubert, was rendered incapable of moving in a short time, but, in spite of the greatest difficulties, managed to continue its fire for about two hours, though with only a part of the guns. Gnügge’s Battery managed to unlimber under cover of a garden wall at St. Hubert and to maintain itself there under enfilading infantry fire till the end of the battle. Trautmann’s Battery lost 17 men and 37 horses; Hasse’s Battery, 38 men and 77 horses; and Gnügge’s Battery, 15 men and 40 horses.[323]

[323] HOFFBAUER, _Deutsche Artillerie_, III, p. 227.

Unlimbering under uninterrupted hostile fire at short range will always produce conditions similar to those in Trautmann’s Battery, and in the two British batteries of Colonel Long at Colenso.[324] These two batteries did not cease firing because they had suffered too heavily, but only because they had expended all their limber ammunition and the caissons were unable to come up. It was impossible for these batteries to limber up under the hostile fire. It was likewise impossible to destroy a battery, though without protecting shields, even when great quantities of ammunition were expended.

[324] _Kriegsgeschichtliche Einzelschriften_, 32, p. 43.

At the battle of Beaumont, the artillery of the 7th Infantry Division suffered heavy losses. “Although the first caisson sections were up and the men with them were detailed to assist in working the guns, the gun squads in both batteries had dwindled down to 2 or 3 men each by 1 P. M., _i.e._, within half an hour.” Immediately after the French attack had been repulsed, one of these batteries was able to accompany the advancing infantry, however, while the other (the 4th Light Battery) could not move its guns until an hour later, as it had lost 29 men and 34 horses.[325] This example proves again that when artillery has once managed to go into position and to open fire, it cannot be annihilated by infantry alone, and therefore need not fear to take up a more than temporary position in the first line.

[325] HOFFBAUER, _Deutsche Artillerie_, 8, pp. 44 and 210.

HOPFFGARTEN-HEIDLER, _Beaumont_, p. 40.

The best way for artillery to protect itself against annoyance from hostile infantry fire is to push forward an infantry screen, even if only a weak one. In the days when batteries had no shields, this screen enabled artillery to devote its entire attention to the principal target without regard to hostile infantry. At the present time, especially in positions in rear of a crest and in long artillery lines, the principal object of such a screen is to prevent hostile patrols from molesting the artillery. Small detachments posted at wide intervals are sufficient for this purpose. The flanks and rear are now as in the past the vulnerable points and are most exposed to daring, sudden attacks, even if only made by weak hostile detachments. (Par. 448 German I. D. R.).

At the battle of =Vionville=,[326] about 5 P. M., four horse and seven field batteries of the IIIrd Army Corps were engaged near =Flavigny= with ten French batteries. After this artillery duel had lasted half an hour, French Guard Infantry advanced to the attack. This was repulsed by artillery fire at a range of 800 m., but the fire of the artillery was diverted from its proper objective by the advance of this infantry. Similarly, at =St. Privat=, two batteries of the Guard Artillery had to direct their fire on French skirmishers.

[326] _Gen St. W._, I, p. 557.

IX. THE ATTACK.

The defense may repulse the enemy, but only the attack can annihilate him. The decision as to whether the force is to attack or stand on the defensive depends upon the tactical situation and the will of the commander, and not upon numerical superiority, of which one is not aware, as a rule, until after the battle.[327] Determined attacks, again and again repeated, in spite of all failures, are the surest means of gaining victory and of preventing the enemy from becoming aware of his superiority. Only pressing reasons (marked hostile superiority, necessity for awaiting approaching reinforcements, or the failure of an attack), and never favorable terrain conditions, should determine a commander to stand on the defensive. In defense the eventual assumption of the offensive is kept constantly in view. A commander who voluntarily stands on the defensive for the purpose of letting the opponent attack, and then attacks him in turn, reaps only the disadvantages and never the advantages of both the offensive and the defensive.

[327] See _Taktik_, V, p. 121, et seq.

The attack may take various forms, depending upon whether the dispositions have to be made under hostile fire (surprise and rencontre), or whether the enemy has renounced the initiative and awaits the attack in a deployed formation, or in a position prepared for defense (deliberately planned attack). In the last case the attack requires more careful preparation and in many instances even necessitates the employment of special auxiliaries (such as guns capable of high angle fire, and engineer trains). However, the advance of a strong firing line to within assaulting distance of the enemy, and the uninterrupted fight for the superiority of fire, are common to all attacks.

Aside from the attack against an enemy in position and the rencontre there is an attack formation more closely resembling the rencontre in character, which may be called the _abridged attack_.[328] This attack formation is used in forestalling the enemy in occupying important points, in preventing enveloping movements, in carrying out flank attacks, in surprising the enemy, in warding off a hostile surprise, in relieving the pressure on a neighboring force, etc. It is moreover appropriate where the conformation of the ground or the time of day prohibit a use of the rifle.

[328] _Abgekürzter Angriff_.

The first stages of the fight of the 6th Infantry Division at =Vionville= are of this character. The fire fight was relegated to the background in view of the constant movement to the front. The situation prohibited our properly taking advantage of our superior marksmanship.--The attack on the railroad cut of =Nuits=, during the late afternoon of December 18th, 1870, progressed similarly.[329]

[329] KUNZ, _Gefecht von Nuits_, p. 19, et seq.

1. THE SURPRISE.[330]

[330] See _Taktik_, V, p. 190.

Insufficient reconnaissance may place a force in a situation where it will be obliged to go into action directly from route column or from a formation unsuitable for combat, against an enemy who unexpectedly opens a lively fire at short range, thus increasing the moral effect of the surprise by actually inflicting losses. The force which is taken by surprise will without doubt overrate the seriousness of the situation and will be inclined to overestimate the strength and morale of the opposing force. This must be taken into account in coming to a decision.

Above all else, it is important to develop, as promptly as possible, a fire effect at least equivalent to that of the enemy, to let the troops regain confidence, and to secure the initiative. A bold decision is best calculated to extricate a force from such a critical situation.[331] It is of little use to deploy, take cover, and open fire, when the enemy is well concealed; a decision to retire is still less to be approved, because at short ranges it is bound to lead to a complete annihilation of the force. As a rule, a defeat can only be averted, in such a case, by assuming the offensive and thus repulsing the enemy. The decision for attacking directly from route column (or, when the enemy is still at a distance, at least for deploying toward the front) is the more justifiable, since an enemy who prepares an ambuscade for us is, as a rule, conscious of his inferiority in numbers, morale, and training, and resorts to deceit because he does not dare to meet us in the open. Therefore, overwhelm the enemy with fire and then charge him with the bayonet. An impetuous advance may perhaps intimidate him, and our losses will be less, at any rate, than if we turn our backs on him and await our fate in what is at best but a poor position, as it is taken up, as a rule, during the first moment of panic. However, even if a force that is taken by surprise cannot avert disaster by making a determined counter-attack, it can at least save its honor and morale. This is equally true of the rencontre on the battlefield.

[331] “No matter how unexpectedly the enemy may appear, you should never forget that he may be annihilated either with the bayonet or with fire. The choice between the two is not a difficult one, and the formation to be adopted is of secondary importance. When the enemy is at close quarters, always use the bayonet; if he is still at a distance, fire on him, and then use the bayonet.” DRAGOMIROV.

Examples of Surprises.

The surprise at =Baalon= on September 17th, 1870.[332] The surprise at =Vouziers= on December 15th, 1870.[333] The conduct of the French infantry when surprised in its camp at =Beaumont=.

[332] CARDINAL VON WIDDERN, _Krieg an den rückwärtigen Verbindungen_, I, p. 149.

[333] _Ibid._, II, p. 125.

During the battle of =Noisseville= there occurred an unusually instructive episode, the disastrous results of which could have been easily avoided if the mounted officers on duty with the force had been sent out to reconnoiter. Six companies of the 44th Infantry (Prussian) were advancing from =Flanville= against =Montoy=. On the French side, the 62nd Infantry was likewise advancing against Flanville and had arrived at Montoy when the 44th Infantry (Prussian) very unexpectedly appeared on its left flank. The French regimental commander decided to attack at once. “The Prussian detachments advancing south of Montoy were about to scale the west slope of the ravine near there, when, at very short range, they suddenly encountered the rapid fire of a dense French skirmish line, which was immediately followed by the counter-attack, consisting of columns in close order. At the same moment, the left flank of the Prussians was attacked from the south, and other hostile columns advanced from the park through the west entrance of the village. The Prussian skirmish lines were repulsed in an instant, and thrown into complete confusion. The hostile fire had an annihilating effect on account of the short range, and the situation was at once completely reversed. The Prussians sought in vain to gain a firm foothold in the eastern outskirts of the village of Montoy. Their losses were heavy. The four companies (3rd, 9th, 11th and 12th) of the 44th Infantry numbered in all 18 officers and 840 men; they lost 7 officers and 480 men, of which number 1 officer and 82 men (all unharmed) were taken prisoners. The 9th Company suffered least; but the 3rd, 11th and 12th Companies (44th Infantry) lost in all 55.5% of their effective strength, the 3rd Company even losing 67%.”[334]

[334] KUNZ, _Noisseville_, p. 32, et seq.

This surprise could without doubt have been avoided. If the 44th Infantry had sent mounted men ahead, it would have been in a position to let the French walk into its fire. Soon after this occurrence, the French infantry also unexpectedly received flanking fire from Flanville, which forced it to abandon the pursuit after suffering some losses.

When two forces unexpectedly collide in close country, the advantage rests decidedly with the one that opens fire and advances to the charge first. This onslaught with cold steel should become second nature to the troops. In traversing close country, a force should be in a formation that enables it to develop an adequate fire and to make a charge in compact formation. A line formation is entirely unsuitable, as a rule, on account of the difficulties of the terrain to be overcome, and in a skirmish line the officers cannot properly control the men.

For passing through thinly scattered timber without underbrush,[335] company column is a suitable formation, and for dense woods platoons advancing either abreast or echeloned, each platoon in line of squads in columns of files. If the platoons or sections were to advance in single file, the columns would be too long, and it would be next to impossible to maintain the intervals. The six or eight small columns of files of a platoon are, on the other hand, close enough together to keep each other in view; besides, they are easily and quickly deployed for firing and charging, and can meander through the woods more readily than an organization in close order. Moreover, the leaders can exercise better control over the men than in skirmish line, which invariably bunches up at the places that are most easily passed, while connection is not maintained at all at other points and march direction and cohesion is lost. (See the passage of the Bois de Givodeau during the battle of Beaumont).[336]

[335] See _Taktik_, VI, p. 117, et seq.

[336] See _Taktik_, VI, p. 125, with sketch. HOPFFGARTEN-HEIDLER, _Beaumont_, p. 112, et seq.

Examples: The conduct of the infantry of the IXth Army Corps in passing through the Niederwald of Wörth, may serve as a model. KUNZ, _Kriegsgeschichtliche Beispiele_, 13, p. 108, et seq.

Engagement of La Landrière on January 11th, 1871. _Geschichte des Regiments Nr. 20_, p. 292.

_Wald- und Ortsgefecht_, p. 109.

2. THE RENCONTRE.[337]

(Pars. 315-317 and 352-361 German I. D. R.).

[337] See also _Taktik_, V, p. 192, et seq.

“Uncertainty and haziness of the situation are the rule in war. During marches in campaign the opponents will frequently not gain detailed information of each other until they come into actual contact. Thus the rencontre develops out of a collision of route columns.” (Par. 352 German I. D. R.).

Both forces are marching toward each other, and the collision occurs frequently at a point not intended by either; as every minute brings the heads of the two columns closer together no time is to be lost. The commander who desires to wait until he can come to a decision consonant with the results of the reconnaissance will arrive too late. The tactical situation in its entirety determines whether or not an attack should be made. If we do not take advantage of the fleeting moment the enemy will surely do so, and, as a rule, he will not be any better prepared for action than we are. Frequently the deployment from route column is not made because the commander desires it, but because it is necessary in order to avert a crisis in the leading line. The commander who is acting under hostile pressure should endeavor to regain the upper hand as quickly as possible so that he can dispose of the troops of the main body with a definite object in view. In a rencontre, the advantage rests almost invariably with the commander who quickly sizes up the situation, attacks promptly, and succeeds in throwing the opponent on the defensive. A bold, impetuous attack, which would lead to disaster in the presence of an opponent already deployed, may, in this case, be productive of victory. The direction in which the attack is made is of less importance than a prompt decision on the part of the commander and the simultaneous launching of the whole force in a definite direction. We must take the terrain as we find it. In covered terrain, the effect of the surprise will be increased still more, while in open country, the preparatory stage of the combat will soon lose that character, because the side which has an advantage as regards terrain will make use of it, and the conviction will force itself upon the opponent that victory cannot be gained by an impetuous attack alone. It will be easy for a commander to come to a decision as to the action to be taken if he is conscious of his own strength or fears that the enemy desires to avoid an attack. (The commanders of the advanced troops of the IIIrd Army Corps at Vionville). _The rencontre increases the difficulties of troop leading, but makes the attack easier for the troops._

* * * * *

The difference between a deliberately planned attack and a rencontre is most clearly apparent in the conduct of the advance guard. Its task is to secure the prospective artillery position and to create favorable conditions for the combat of the main body. This requires that ground be gained to the front so as to enable the main body to deploy while moving forward. In addition, the advance guard should seize and hold important points, without, however, anticipating the intentions of the commander of the whole force. It is moreover desirable for the advance guard to interfere with the hostile deployment. Points lying on the flanks or in advance of the artillery position, especially if they command the latter, should be quickly seized; when necessary, the advance guard must fight for their possession. Its commander should quickly pick out the points that are important for this purpose; he should, by no means, be satisfied always to begin the fight where the point of the advance guard happens to be. Under certain circumstances the main body will have to concentrate for action farther to the rear so as to hasten the deployment and to take advantage of favorable terrain. When the enemy has an undeniable start in deployment, the commander may decide to let the opponent advance to the attack, and then bring about the decision by simultaneously launching his main body. Only thus can one in the long run avoid fighting superior numbers with an inferior force. (Par. 360 German I. D. R.). It is much easier to decide whether this or that point is of importance, than to answer the question as to whether the strength of the advance guard will suffice for the task of taking it. The reports of the cavalry in regard to the enemy’s strength and the composition and formation of his columns, will scarcely furnish an adequate basis for a pertinent answer to this question. Moreover, one will usually not be able to tell, until after the action has commenced, how far the hostile deployment has progressed. But, in any case, long hostile firing lines demand caution. However, a start in deployment is not indicated by the combat frontage alone. A factor of far greater importance is which force has been most successful in making preparations for going into action by developing its main body and by having artillery near at hand. It is artillery that clears up the situation. When an infantry division encounters a hostile force deployed on a front of 400-600 m., this does not necessarily mean that the entire division must systematically concentrate for action, as this would cause a considerable loss of time, thus giving the enemy a great advantage. _The general situation and the mission of a force are of greater importance for the commander’s decision, than the state of readiness for action of the opposing forces._

_Issue of orders._ See _Taktik_, V, p. 197.

The advance guard must be promptly informed of the intentions of the commander (_i.e._, whether he intends to attack, to concentrate for attack farther to the rear, or to let the enemy attack[338]) and of the location of the prospective artillery position. The attack order should be withheld until the combat of the advance guard has sufficiently cleared the situation, but a development of the force should be ordered at once.

[338] Par. 350 German I. D. R.

The advanced detachments should endeavor to gain a start in deployment over the enemy and cover the advancing artillery in front and flank, by quickly deploying strong firing lines and pushing machine guns to the front. After they have done this, they should promptly advance to the attack. Through this, our firing line, while in the act of deploying, runs the serious risk of suddenly encountering, at short range, the fire of superior hostile troops, at a time when all the troops approaching the field are still too far distant to increase its fire power.[339] Whether the quickly formed firing lines should at once move forward to the attack in a rencontre, depends upon the impressions received by the commander. His dispositions should be such as to compel the enemy to disclose his available forces at an early moment. Every fighting line is so sensitive to fire simultaneously delivered against its front and flank, that an attempt to turn the hostile position will instantly force the enemy to take counter-measures. If the enemy is unable to keep pace with us in deploying a firing line, if he is unable to deploy skirmish lines as dense as ours, this state of affairs should induce our commander to proceed to the attack; if the reverse state of affairs exists, he should await the arrival of reinforcements. But in order to obtain this insight into the existing situation the troops must get close to the enemy. Such an insight into the hostile dispositions cannot be gained at long range. The extent of a hostile position may perhaps be determined at long range with the best field glasses, but the strength and power of resistance of the enemy can never be gauged in this manner. If one threatens to push an attack home, however, the enemy will be compelled to show his hand. When opposed by an enemy whose strength is unknown, it will unquestionably be necessary to approach to the extreme limit of short ranges. From here the dispositions of the enemy may be clearly recognized, and, in addition, at 600-800 m., a firing line that has made a lodgment in some feature of the terrain will not as yet be exposed to annihilating losses. Misconceptions are scarcely to be avoided in such a situation. One must trust to luck and take some risks. On the other hand, the training of the infantry should afford the assurance that it will not give up the position it has once reached; it should firmly hold the ground gained, and persevere.[340]

[339] This induces the British _Infantry Training_ to prescribe that in a rencontre a concentration for attack should invariably be ordered.

[340] Military history furnishes a multitude of examples of the fact that a force can persevere in spite of the most galling fire (St. Privat. Gorni Dubniac). A reverse does not occur, as a rule, until the advent of unforeseen circumstances. The Brigade of Highlanders held out for hours at Magersfontain, and an insignificant change of front on the right flank subsequently caused the whole line to retire. See _Kriegsgeschichtliche Einzelschriften_, 32, p. 74.

When infantry is compelled to go into action, the necessity of occupying important supporting points and of gaining ground for the concentration for action, requires a broad front to be covered. (Par. 357 German I. D. R.). The artillery, which will arrive soon thereafter, will then bring relief to the infantry in critical situations.

In every rencontre there comes a moment when the fight is at a standstill. At this moment an attentive observer may notice that, although it is impossible to push the attack home without further reinforcements, the space in which the concentration for action is to take place, is secured against a hostile attack, or that the enemy has been deprived of the initiative and has been thrown on the defensive. This is the moment in which the commander regains the initiative and in which, by means of an _attack order_, he can dispose of the troops of the main body as he sees fit. _The “rencontre” differs from the “deliberately planned attack,” in that, in the latter, the concentration for action can proceed smoothly as desired by the commander, while in a rencontre the opponent, for the time being, dictates the course of action. Therefore the commander should make efforts to free himself from this restraint, i.e., he should endeavor to launch his troops in a manner not influenced by the dispositions of the enemy._

The degree of control which a commander retains over the course of the combat depends upon the promptness with which he gains a general idea of the situation. For this, if for no other reason, he should be as near the head of the column as possible while on the march. The troops sent first into action, supported by the artillery, must put every available man into the fight, in order to repulse attacks made by the enemy and to enable the commander to launch the main body as an entity. In any case, the battalions of the main body should not be successively thrown into the fight as soon as they arrive, for the purpose of overcoming a temporary crisis, or for relieving the advance guard from a dilemma. The machine gun batteries, whose employment was particularly important during the preparatory stage of the fight, should be withdrawn as early as possible so as to be available as a reserve in the hands of the commander.

In bringing the main body into action, deployments by the flank should be avoided. The deployment should be initiated by subordinate units (in an infantry division, by regiments) moving out of the route column and toward the objective points determined by the purpose of the combat.[341]

[341] General VON SCHLICHTING holds a different view in his work _Taktische und strategische Grundsätze_, I, p. 106. “In a rencontre, the piece on the board of the battlefield can be moved only when the next one is clear of the march column and ready for action. Further action is then not only permissible but imperative.”

Provisions of Various Regulations.

In all the regulations, those of Germany excepted, the rencontre is treated with marked reserve.

=Austria.= “When a collision occurs with an opponent who is likewise in the act of advancing--_rencontre_--the different parts of the force and their subdivisions must make strenuous efforts to advance in the designated direction. In a rencontre, it will be proper to concentrate the main forces, prior to making the attack, only in case it becomes apparent during the preparatory stage of the action that the enemy has gained a visible start in deployment. The endeavor to forestall the enemy, and the necessity of promptly reinforcing the troops already engaged, will often curtail or preclude the preparatory concentration of the main body in a rencontre, and force the commander to permit at least parts of his approaching troops to go directly into action.” If conditions are eminently favorable for the enemy at the point where the collision occurs, it may sometimes be more desirable to stand provisionally on the defensive with the advance guard until other troops come up.

“Under such circumstances, it may even be advisable to withdraw the troops covering the march; but in that event, the relation of the force to neighboring columns should be considered.”

=France.= The commander should decide promptly whether to attack, to stand on the defensive, or to avoid an engagement for the time being. The regulations do not provide for employing the troops directly from route column. The advance guard is frequently thrown on its own resources; it is often forced to fight on a very broad front, and to place all of its troops into action at the very beginning of an engagement for the purpose of seizing and holding supporting points necessary for the subsequent deployment.

Examples.

1. The deployment for action of the 5th Infantry Division from the defile of Gorze, against the French Division Vergé, at the battle of =Vionville= (16th August, 1870), is especially instructive.[342]

[342] _Gen. St. W._, I, p. 549. VON SCHERFF, _Kriegslehren_, II, p. 50. KUNZ, _Kriegsgeschichtliche Beispiele_, 8-9, p. 32, et seq. _Taktik_, V, p. 210.

2. The engagement of the 2nd Bavarian Division at =La Thibaudine= (=Beaumont=). The French concentration for action had progressed farther than that of the Bavarians. The reconnaissance by the cavalry was insufficient.[343]

[343] HOPFFGARTEN-HEIDLER, _Beaumont_, p. 90.

3. The fight of Mondel’s Brigade at =Trautenau=.[344] Likewise the fight of the Vth Army Corps at =Nachod= on June 27th, 1866.

[344] _Taktik_, V, p. 206. STROBL, _Trautenau_, p. 8, et seq. KÜHNE, _Kritische Wanderungen_, 3, p. 16.

X. THE ATTACK ON AN ENEMY DEPLOYED FOR DEFENSE.

1. LESSONS OF WAR.

During the =Boer War= (1899-1902), the British infantry always attacked positions prepared for defense. Aside from the superannuated fire tactics and deficient marksmanship training of the British, their failures in the early engagements of the war may generally be traced to the following causes:--

1. Insufficient reconnaissance. This caused British detachments to be surprised, in a number of cases, by fire at short range. (Brigade of the Guards at =Modder River=). In many instances, the British forces were even surprised by fire while in close order formations. (Hart’s Brigade at =Colenso=).

2. Pure frontal attacks, in which equal forces were frequently pitted against each other. (=Modder River=, =Magersfontain=, =Colenso=).

3. Insufficient protection of the flanks by echelons against fire surprises carried out by small detachments.

4. Insufficient coöperation of the artillery and infantry.

5. Isolated attacks made by brigades (consisting of 4 battalions). The employment of several brigades simultaneously for concerted action was a rare exception.

6. Insufficient support of the firing line. A timely reinforcement of an organization that had already been shaken never did occur.

7. Hesitating use of reserves in the crisis of the fight. At =Magersfontain= only 8¹⁄₂ battalions out of 13, and at =Colenso= only 6 battalions out of 16¹⁄₂, had been seriously engaged. When =Spionskop= was evacuated, 11 battalions had not as yet been engaged. The attacks were begun, but not pushed home.

The Infantry Attack in the Russo-Japanese War.

The combat tactics of the Russian infantry[345] (Russian I. D. R. of 1903) were based on shock action, narrow frontage, and deep formations. The bayonet training preached by Dragomirov was the result of the belief in decisive psychological impressions and the consciousness that the Russian fire tactics, based upon volley fire, were inadequate to annihilate a well concealed defender. Thus, the endeavor to cross blades with the opponent as quickly as possible, led to a headlong rush to the front, without creating the preliminary conditions necessary for pushing the attack home. The hesitation of the higher commanders to throw in every available man at the decisive stage, and the tendency, reaching down to the lowest grades, of creating detachments and separate missions, contrasted unfavorably with this splendid offensive spirit.

[345] “The Russian infantry is embued with a mixture of defensive spirit and instinct for hand to hand fighting.” COUNT MARENZI.

The Japanese infantry was trained according to the letter and spirit of the German regulations of 1889. It had fought shy of unhealthy tendencies after the Boer war, cultivated the independence and initiative of all leaders, and recognized the necessity of night combats and of using the spade. In addition, the way for success was carefully, almost cautiously, prepared by the commander-in-chief, who left nothing to chance. It is easy for subordinate leaders to be bold and daring, when they know that the commander-in-chief has neglected nothing to ensure victory. The principal characteristics of the Japanese combats were--

1. The cautious advance, frequently under cover of darkness;

2. The systematic preparation of the attack by the coöperation of infantry and artillery, and the determined advance along the whole front;

3. The attempt to induce the enemy to launch infantry at a point where the decisive attack was not to take place;[346]

[346] The advance of the Vth Army at Mukden.

4. The sudden launching of the decisive attack;

5. The prompt preparation of every captured position for defense;

6. The absence of pursuit.

The fights at =Wafangu=,[347] as well as the attack made by the Guard and the 12th Division at the =Yalu=[348] proceeded entirely according to German pattern.

[347] _Einzelschriften über den Russisch-Japanischen Krieg_, Vienna, 1906, I, p. 226. The envelopment of the Russian right flank by the Japanese 19th Brigade is especially instructive.

[348] _Ibid._, I, p. 79, et seq. _Kriegsgeschichtliche Einzelschriften_, 39-40, p. 123, et seq. Consult also VON LÜTTWITZ, _Angriffsverfahren der Japaner_, p. 2.

A change took place in the tactical methods of the Japanese when the Russian artillery--whose ballistic properties were superior to those of its antagonist--brought a greater number of guns into the field, and when, in addition, the Japanese infantry became numerically inferior in the battles after Liao Yang.[349]

[349] The statements in regard to the strength of the opposing forces are still very contradictory. At Liao Yang 120,000 Japanese confronted 150,000 Russians; at Mukden the Russians had perhaps 10,000 rifles, 300 field guns, and 100 heavy pieces of ordnance more than the Japanese.

The task set commanders of armies and leaders of troops by the government, had to be met by a continuance of the offensive.[350] The peculiar character of the theater of war made it difficult to maneuver the enemy out of his strong positions; so at best nothing remained for the Japanese--unless they wished to renounce the offensive entirely--but to conquer the enemy by attacking him in front. Since the advantages of the attack--superior numbers and the freedom of choosing the point of attack--were thus dissipated, the victory had to be gained by making use of defensive expedients. As the demoralizing and retarding effect produced by fire increased more rapidly than the morale of the assailant, nothing remained but to intrench and to take advantage of the cover afforded by darkness as in fortress warfare. Moreover, the inferior forces available precluded deep formations and necessitated an immediate development of the entire force in one line. Thus the desire to push forward resolved itself into an advance along a broad front. Favored by the purely passive conduct of the Russians, this led to an envelopment of their flanks and a pressure on their line of retreat. The Japanese were able to overcome the constantly growing power of resistance of the Russian defense, because, while strictly adhering to the offensive, they availed themselves of defensive expedients although their movements were retarded thereby.

[350] C. H. _Über das innere Wesen der japanischen und neuzeitlichen Offensive. Streffleur_, 1907, October number.

The conduct of the attack was, of course, considerably influenced by the character of the terrain. The 1st Army, fighting in hilly country, perhaps remained true longer to regulation formations and long rushes than the other Japanese forces, but was finally obliged to resort to a wide extension of closed bodies. The IInd and IVth Armies were differently situated, as the attack over open plains fell to their lot.

Speaking generally, the following details may be given in regard to the method of attack of the Ist Japanese Army:[351] Units were pushed into action abreast; objective points were assigned to each; and certain lines or points, according to which they had to maintain touch, were indicated to subordinate units. To avoid a surprise, if for no other reason, thin firing lines were formed at the outset, and in a serious attack whole companies, in dense firing lines capable of developing a strong fire, were at once thrown in; these advanced to mid ranges in order to open fire, as a rule, under 1000 m. The Ist army had a special _penchant_ for making rushes of 80-100 m.,[352] usually by entire companies; the assault was, in many instances, begun as far as 300 m. from the hostile position, and then pushed home; supports and reserves followed in extended formation, but assembled promptly on reaching cover. The infantry was disinclined to intrench during an advance, but never neglected to fortify quickly a captured position. In the combats of the Ist Army we will find the best lessons applicable to our conditions.

[351] _Streffleur_, 1907, January number.

[352] This is not true of the 4th Guard Regiment. See VON LÜTTWITZ, _Angriffsverfahren der Japaner_, p. 24: Rushes of 50 m. were made “as the men otherwise got out of breath and shot badly.” An advance was made by squads and crawling was tabooed. The new Japanese Drill Regulations warn against making rushes less than 30-40 m. long. On the other hand, according to the opinion of von Lüttwitz, the length of rushes will seldom exceed 100 m.

Examples.

1. The engagement of the Guard Division at =Yangtsuling= on July 31st, 1904.[353]

[353] GERTSCH, I, pp. 92 and 100 (Good maps). SIR IAN HAMILTON, _A Staff Officer’s Scrap Book_, I, p. 313. _Urteile und Beobachtungen von Mitkämpfern_, I, p. 57.

2. The attack made on October 11th, 1904, by the 15th Infantry Brigade (2nd Infantry Division) against =Temple Hill= (=Terrayama=), which was held by 4-6 companies.[354]

[354] BRONSART V. SCHELLENDORFF, _Beim japanischen Feldheer_, p. 132.--VON LÜTTWITZ, _Angriffsverfahren der Japaner_, p. 23.

Fire was opened at 900 m.; long rushes were used and firing line and supports were deployed; after a brief but violent fire action at 500 m., the hostile position was reached in a single rush and carried.

The artillery, to be sure, supported this attack with accelerated fire.

3. The attack made by the 4th Guard Regiment on October 12th, 1904, against a height south of =Huaku= (battle on the =Shaho=).[355]

[355] _Ibid._, p. 24.

4. The attack made by the 3rd Brigade (2nd Infantry Division) under General Matsanuga, on October 12th, 1904 (long rushes), against the heights south of =Shotasko= (battle on the =Shaho=).

_Outline Sketch of the Formation of the 3rd Brigade._

Frontage about 2000 m.

4. Infantry: 29. Infantry:

5. and 6. 4. and 2. 12. and 11. Cos. 10. and 2. Cos. --------- --------- ----------- ---------- 7. and 8. 1. and 3. Cos. 9. and 3. Cos.

Brigade Reserve:

9. and 10. Cos. 11. and 12._ Cos. --------------- ----------------- 4. Infantry. 29. Infantry.

Troops in the act of coming up, but not employed:

1. and 4. Cos. II. Bn. -------------- and ------------- 29. Infantry. 29. Infantry.

First line: Eight companies (apparently entirely deployed). Interval between skirmishers 3 paces; between companies 40 paces.

The first halt (lasting seven minutes) was made at 1500 m. and the distance to 800 m. was then covered at a rapid run. The men that could not keep up, halted to recover their breath and then followed independently. At 800 m., the line opened a lively fire at will, which lasted for two minutes, and then advanced by rushes by companies (first the right, then the left companies of the battalions). During this advance the supports (2 battalions) were absorbed by the firing line. At the same time the brigade reserve approached closer to the firing line (the original distance between reserve and firing line, before the advance began, was 300 m.). The last halt for firing was made at 250 m., from the enemy’s position, and the latter was then carried in one rush. The losses amounted only to 235 men.[356]

[356] VON LÜTTWITZ, _Angriffsverfahren der Japaner_, p. 24. SIR IAN HAMILTON, _A Staff Officer’s Scrap Book_, II. Consult the same work on the unsuccessful pursuing action fought by the 3rd Brigade at the Chosenrei Pass.

* * * * *

In the IInd and IVth Armies, who fought, as a rule, on terrain devoid of cover, a far more cautious method of attack was produced. The distinguishing features of this mode of attack were thin firing lines (skirmishers at intervals of 5-10 paces) increasing only very gradually in density, and great frontage (a company 250, a battalion 800, and a brigade 2000-3000 m.).[357] This caused the attack to falter in many instances as soon as it had come within 400 m. of the hostile position, whereupon nothing remained but for the line to intrench and to work forward slowly from one position to another.

[357] VON LÜTTWITZ, _Angriffsverfahren der Japaner_, p. 47.

Examples.

1. The engagement of the 3rd Infantry Division on October 12th, 1904, at =Shiliho= (battle on the =Shaho=).[358]

[358] _Ibid._, p. 26.

2. The engagement of the 5th Infantry Division, from March 6th to 9th, north of =Madiapu= (battle of =Mukden=). This division required three days to work forward from 1100 m. to within assaulting distance of the enemy’s position. Cover for men standing upright was constructed at 1100, 950, 530, 390, 300, 200, 160 and 125 m., that under 300 m. being built of sand bags.[359]

[359] _Ibid._, p. 52. The attack order of the 5th Infantry Division, in _Urteile und Beobachtungen von Mitkämpfern_, I, p. 121.

3. The combats of the 10th Division on March 3rd and 10th, 1904 (battle of =Mukden=).[360]

[360] BRONSART VON SCHELLENDORFF, _Beim japanischen Feldheer_, pp. 217, et seq., 225, et seq., 242 and 244, et seq. On the use of sand bags, consult _ibid._, pp. 236 and 292.

Confidential British instructions dealing with the tactical lessons of the =Russo-Japanese war=, make the following deductions: “* * * * The above shows the great importance of local reconnaissance by infantry, of which considerably more must be demanded than has been done up to the present time in European armies. It shows, moreover, the advantages of thin firing lines during the preparatory stage of the action, and the insignificant effect produced by shrapnel and long range fire on such lines in which it is desirable to advance, without halting on the way, to within 1000 yards of the enemy. The necessity of gaining a superiority of fire before advancing to the assault, and the necessity of an increased supply of ammunition, are confirmed anew. It is further demonstrated that the bayonet of the infantryman is still capable of playing an important role in battle.”

2. THE CONDITIONS UPON WHICH SUCCESS DEPENDS.

The Russo-Japanese war confirms the opinion that the issue of combat is but little influenced by the formations taken up; that _esprit_ and the determination to conquer are of far greater importance than any formation. The most difficult task that infantry can be called upon to perform consists of successfully pushing home an attack over open ground commanded by hostile fire. “It would be wrong,” said Fieldmarshal Moltke, “were one to attempt to lay down in regulations that a force should not advance over a plain against an enemy under cover. _But every superior commander ought to consider what such an operation portends._” Heavy losses are unavoidable in a destructive fire fight lasting for hours.[361] The attack will not succeed so long as the enemy commands the plain with his fire. The commander of the attacking force must find ways and means to wrest this command from the enemy. All of the battles of recent campaigns have demonstrated that an attack is bound to succeed if it is thoroughly prepared by infantry and artillery fire, is undertaken by adequate forces, and is pushed with determination close to the enemy; and that such an attack is, in fact, superior to the defensive. The success of an attack on a position prepared for defense might depend upon the following preliminary conditions:

(a) Careful reconnaissance, for the purpose of determining the most favorable direction for the attack.

(b) Occupation of the foreground of the hostile position. When the foreground is entirely open, an advance must be made under cover of darkness up to the medium ranges.

(c) Preparation of the infantry attack by the closest coöperation of infantry and artillery.

(d) Timely determination of the point at which the decisive attack is to be made.

(e) Careful utilization of the terrain during the advance, so as to allow of delaying the opening of fire until the force is as close as possible to the enemy.

(f) Suitable disposition, distribution in depth, and deployment of a strong force for the purpose of bringing about a superiority of infantry fire. The organization detailed to make the attack must have its entire effective strength available for accomplishing its proper task, and not be compelled to detach parts for guarding its flanks.

(g) Ensuring concerted and simultaneous action on the part of the attacking forces. As the enemy has given up any idea of assuming the offensive, at least for the time being, the attacker should not allow the advantage to escape him of choosing time and direction of the attack.

[361] General VON SCHLICHTING, in his work _Taktische und strategische Grundsätze_, maintains the opinion--in contrast to General VON SCHERFF--that open terrain commanded by hostile fire is impassable for infantry. At any rate, military history has yet to furnish proof of this.

3. PREPARATION OF THE ATTACK.

Reconnaissance. Preparatory Position.

“If the enemy decides to stand on the defensive, he renounces the initiative for the time being. The attacker will then have time to reconnoiter the hostile position and to weigh all the circumstances that favor the attack. He should not limit himself to reconnaissance by the cavalry and to observation through field glasses. Mounted officers’ and infantry officers’ patrols should supplement this reconnaissance, and complete the information gained as the enemy is approached.” (Pars. 362 and 363 German I. D. R.).

The local reconnaissance (see p. 248 supra) should be conducted with all possible care; timely directions should be given in regard to it during the approach to the battlefield;[362] the activity of the reconnoitering bodies should continually increase as the enemy is approached; and the work itself should be divided in a systematic manner. Excessive thoroughness may retard reconnaissance work to such an extent, on short winter days especially, that success may be jeopardized. (Par. 305 German I. D. R.). As a result freedom of action will be lost and the energy of the attack weakened. It would be wholly wrong to postpone the decision for making the attack until something definite is known of the strength and dispositions of the enemy. These matters are almost never cleared up until after the battle. The decision as to whether or not an attack should be made is determined primarily by the general situation. (Par. 355 German I. D. R.). The latter may force a commander to advance promptly without permitting him to await the results of the reconnaissance. The character of the terrain and the preparation the enemy is known to have made, determine whether the commander ought to attack at once, whether he ought to utilize the cover of darkness for the advance of the attacking troops, or whether he ought to attempt to maneuver the defender out of his position.

[362] According to experience the reconnaissance work generally flags during a halt, although that is the very time when an increased activity is desirable. The reconnaissance work in the IXth Corps on August 18th, 1870, from the arrival at Caulre until the advance guard opened the fight, is particularly instructive. _Der 18. August_, pp. 124, et seq. and 215.

The information required as a basis for this decision will, as a rule, not be obtainable without a fight. In spite of all the objections arrayed against reconnaissances in force, they cannot be avoided, if it is desired to gain prompt and certain insight into the enemy’s situation. It cannot be expected that the defender will passively permit the assailant to gain an insight into his dispositions. A feint will accomplish nothing; the enemy must be seriously engaged, so that he will show his hand.[363] Yet in spite of these combats, misapprehensions are not precluded.

[363] It was the intention of the Japanese commander-in-chief, on October 10th, 1904 (battle on the Shaho), to attack the Russian army before it had completed its concentration for battle. The advance guards of the Reserve Division and of the 5th Division encountered advanced Russian detachments at Kushutsy (Xth Army Corps), and at Wulitaisy (XVIIth Army Corps), whose weakness was, however, not recognized. In the belief that the Russian main position had been encountered, the advance on the hostile position was ordered for the night 10/11th October, the attack to take place at daybreak on the 11th. 9th Supplement to the _Militär-Wochenblatt_, 1906, p. 327.

It is quite natural that isolated detachments, in their endeavor to gain an insight into the hostile dispositions, may find themselves suddenly within short range of the enemy. In such a situation, the detachment should maintain its position, as its fire will frequently facilitate the approach of the other attacking troops. Almost every one of the more serious engagements furnishes examples illustrating this feature.[364]

[364] The perseverance of Nambu’s Brigade on March 7th, in the “three houses” (Yuhuntun near Mukden). _Vierteljahrshefte_, 1907, p. 78. The perseverance of the troops in the Palungshan works, captured on August 22nd, 1904, by being enveloped on both flanks. (Port Arthur). _Streffleur_, _Einzelschriften_, 4, pp. 81 and 91. The perseverance of parts of the IInd Battalion of the 3rd Guard Regiment in the engagement at Towan (31st July, 1904). _Urteile und Beobachtungen von Mitkämpfern_, I, p. 60.

In order to guard the reconnoitering troops from being driven back, if for no other reason, it is advisable to place in readiness an adequate force of artillery. As the artillery is protected by shields, it can take up the fight even against superior artillery with better chances of succeeding than in the past.

If the commander has decided to attack and has determined against what part of the hostile position the main attack is to be made, the foreground of the hostile position is at once occupied, and the enemy’s advanced troops forced back, so as to prevent the defender from gaining an insight into the dispositions of the assailant.

The assailant should launch as few troops as possible for initiating the action. They should avoid engaging prematurely in a fire fight with the infantry of the hostile main position, even if the terrain would permit a covered approach to short range. If the advanced troops allow themselves to be enticed into doing this, they expose themselves to the danger of suffering a defeat, and oblige the commander of the whole force to launch for their relief troops that were intended for the main attack.[365]

[365] “It is a general principle to push as close as the terrain permits to the enemy’s position with advance troops for the purpose of opening fire.”

Insufficient information in regard to the enemy and undue precipitation in issuing orders may place advanced troops in such an unfavorable situation. If the defender allows himself to be tricked into assuming the offensive for the purpose of driving off harassing detachments, so much the better for the assailant, for the latter’s artillery will then find an opportunity to fire on the enemy.[366]

[366] The French regulations hint at this. Look up the advance of French infantry during the combats around Ste. Marie aux Chênes. _Der 18. August_, pp. 174 and 179.

=Austria.= “Under certain circumstances, the covering troops will have to be reinforced at an early moment in order that a strong line may be formed opposite the enemy, but, in many cases, they will nevertheless still abstain from advancing into the zone of effective fire.” The Austrians usually employ strong covering bodies. The Germans desire to ensure simultaneous action on the part of all the troops in opening the combat.

At =Spicheren= the commander of the 14th Infantry Division, under the erroneous assumption that the heights of Spicheren were only occupied by troops covering the entraining at Forbach, issued orders to General von François to drive away the hostile artillery. All of Frossard’s Corps, however, was in position on the heights on which the artillery was posted.[367]

[367] _Gen. St. W._, I, p. 310.

At 10 A. M., on August 6th, 1870, the commanding general of the Vth Army Corps issued orders to the advance guard to cross the Sauer with four battalions at =Wörth= and =Spachbach= (1500 m. apart) and to occupy Wörth and the heights beyond, where the entire corps of Mac Mahon was in position.[368]

[368] _Gen. St. W._, I, p. 320.

The advance of the attacking troops, under cover of the advance guard, into a preparatory position, is made in such a manner that units are opposite their objectives when the subsequent forward movement against the enemy is begun.[369] This frequently requires a rearrangement of the forces so that even an assailant who is numerically inferior may be superior at the decisive point. A simultaneous attack from the front and flanks requires reserves everywhere and is opposed to the economical employment of the forces; it may easily lead to failure, and is justifiable only when the assailant is greatly superior in numbers or morale.

[369] The deployment of the 1st Infantry Brigade of the Guard, near Ste. Marie aux Chênes, against St. Privat. _Der 18. August_ p. 408.

A premature deployment impairs the leader’s influence on the course of the combat and makes it difficult to change the direction of the attack. Route columns, taking advantage of all available cover, will, therefore, be retained as long as possible, and only subordinate units permitted to march directly toward their proper objectives, until the hostile fire compels a more extended deployment (development). The preparatory position is taken up in the last sheltered area in front of the hostile position, provided that that area is large enough to accommodate the attacking force when deployed for action, and to shield it from the observation and the fire of the enemy.

In country generally devoid of cover, infantry will have to be placed in a preparatory position when three kilometers or more from the enemy, even when the latter’s artillery will in all probability be neutralized by our own.

“In order to ensure the concerted advance of the various units into the preparatory position, it is advisable, especially in close country, to have them move from one covered position to another. If this is done, units whose march was favored by the nature of the ground, will not arrive prematurely within dangerous proximity of the enemy, while others who had farther to go, or whose advance was difficult, are still a considerable distance to the rear. The leader should make his dispositions so that no loss of time will result from this advance from one covered position to another.” (Par. 369 German I. D. R.).

Where large forces are concerned, the attack on a position carefully prepared for defense will consume several days, the assailant placing his artillery in position on the first day and reconnoitering under cover of infantry, which is pushed to the front.[370] The troops of the first line are pushed forward far enough before daylight so that they can intrench under cover of darkness and open fire at dawn. This will be more difficult to accomplish when covering troops or advanced positions are located in front of the hostile position. If the assailant has succeeded, on the previous day, in driving these troops back upon the main position, an advance to within effective range may be made during the night in order that the fire fight may be opened on the succeeding day. Although the chance of taking the enemy by surprise is eliminated in such a case, the advantage of having diminished the distance that will have to be crossed under fire remains.[371]

[370] The attack on fortified positions is discussed in detail in _Taktik_, V, p. 237, et seq., as It depends upon the closest cooperation of field artillery, foot artillery, infantry and pioneers.

[371] The engagement at Belmont, on Nov. 22nd, 1899, furnishes an interesting example of unforeseen friction. The advance, in this instance, was made during the night from a point 8 km. from the enemy.

It is difficult to find shelter for the rearward echelons, which must be kept in readiness in very close proximity to the leading line. These rear echelons must either be intrenched or at least sheltered by masks. General actions should be avoided at night.

4. THE COÖPERATION OF INFANTRY AND ARTILLERY IN BATTLE.

Upon completion of the concentration for action (development), the infantry has to advance within the zone of effective infantry fire. In doing this the infantry must either pass by or through the artillery which is already engaged.[372]

[372] See p. 316, et seq.

During the Russo-Japanese war, the effect of shrapnel, in spite of the mediocre matériel and the lack of shields, forced the artillery of both belligerents to seek shelter on the reverse slope of heights. When this was neglected and when batteries went into position in the open, within effective range, they were quickly silenced. The fear of shrapnel caused both sides to advance cautiously, to relinquish all close order formations at an early moment, and to employ the spade extensively. This alone was evidence of the fact that the artillery had accomplished a good deal. Moreover, it was not altogether accident that the first few of the larger Japanese night attacks occurred coincidentally with the appearance of Russian artillery matériel, which was superior both as regards numbers and power. The new German I. D. R. (par. 444), in contrast with the previous edition (II, par. 82). prescribe that the infantry attack should not be postponed until a superiority of fire has been gained. Thus, the regulations draw logical conclusions from the modern armament and seek to avoid useless bombardments of hostile positions (such, for instance, as the Russians indulged in at Plevna and the British in South Africa).

“_The principal duty of field artillery is to support the infantry in the most effective manner. Its duties are inseparably connected with those of the infantry. It should, on principle, always fight the targets that are most dangerous for its infantry._” (Par. 364 German F. A. D. R.).

The German Field Artillery Drill Regulations prescribe that the guns should fire over the heads of the advancing infantry (par. 375), and that single batteries should accompany the infantry attack to within close range of the enemy (par. 471). When an assault is to be made, the infantry expects the artillery to direct its fire against the point of attack until immediately before the assault begins.

“But our infantry should never be obliged to dispense with the support of artillery. The gun shields afford considerable protection, even at the short ranges. _At the decisive moment the artillery should not shrink even from the heaviest infantry fire._” (Par. 369 German F. A. D. R.).

“In selecting an objective, it is essential for the artillery to consider whether, by fighting it, the infantry will be effectively supported. Whether the hostile infantry or artillery is chosen as an objective will depend upon the situation. As a rule, the hostile artillery will be the proper objective for our artillery during the preparatory stage of the action. As the distance between the opposing infantry forces decreases, it will become more and more necessary for the artillery to devote itself to the hostile infantry.” (Par. 432 German F. A. D. R.).

If the artillery is equipped with shielded guns, it can devote itself for some time to the most important target without regard to the hostile artillery, contenting itself with merely occupying the latter’s attention. (Par. 469 German F. A. D. R.). To silence artillery in a concealed position requires curved fire and a good deal of ammunition; but, on the other hand, artillery so posted cannot fire upon advancing skirmishers.[373] Therefore, the advancing skirmishers of the assailant should force the hostile artillery to leave its cover and to expose itself to the attacker’s artillery. (Pars. 330 and 496 German F. A. D. R.).

[373] This is partly due to the fact that fire cannot be adjusted quickly enough, and that it is difficult to follow moving targets. Besides, when the targets are small and numerous, they are difficult to hit.

The result of this procedure will be that the artillery of both sides will engage each other’s attention with only a small part of their guns, and concentrate the remainder on the hostile infantry. It is obvious that the infantry will very soon demand of its artillery in definite terms that it should first annihilate the hostile artillery before the infantry can think of continuing the attack.

The provisions of the German regulations in regard to the fusion of activities of infantry and artillery mark an entirely new departure. The commencement of the infantry attack is accordingly no longer dependent upon the result of the artillery combat; on the contrary, both combats are of equal importance and proceed along parallel lines; the only danger is that the infantry may make a headlong rush to the front before a superiority of fire has been gained.

Confidential British instructions, dealing with the lessons learned by the Japanese in Manchuria, contain the following: “Intrenched artillery can be permanently silenced only under very exceptional circumstances, as it will withdraw its personnel temporarily, as soon as the hostile fire becomes too hot, and resume its fire again when that of the enemy abates. The infantry attack should therefore be launched without awaiting the result of the artillery combat, but the infantry must insist upon the artillery completely engaging the attention of the hostile guns during the advance. Another reason for not awaiting the outcome of the artillery combat, lies in the great frontage of battle lines. The unsuccessful attack made by a division will then frequently cause the neighboring unit to make an immediate attack.”

=Austria= (1904). “The artillery must be given an opportunity and the necessary time for effectively preparing the infantry attack. So long as the artillery engaged with the hostile batteries has not achieved a noticeable success, or is not at least neutralizing the hostile artillery, the infantry attack remains a difficult undertaking.”

=France.= The artillery during the preparatory stage of an action: The artillery should endeavor to silence the hostile artillery as quickly as possible, without employing more guns than are absolutely necessary. The commander should give the order for the attack only when the preparation is considered sufficient.

=England.= The regulations emphasize the necessity of pushing infantry forward, and of supporting that infantry energetically, so as to compel the defender to expose himself. “As soon as the hostile batteries have been sufficiently silenced, or the infantry advances to the attack, the fire is directed upon the point of attack in order to prepare and to cover the assault.”

=Italy.= The regulations state that artillery is a supporting arm for infantry. “If the hostile artillery discloses its position from the start by employing direct fire against the assailant’s artillery or infantry, the attacker’s batteries endeavor to silence it or to draw its fire upon themselves, in order to facilitate the deployment of their own infantry. If, on the other hand, the hostile artillery remains concealed for the purpose of saving its fire for the infantry when the latter offers a favorable target upon arriving within effective range, then it would seem advisable for the artillery of the assailant not to open fire at all, or to open fire only with enough guns to cope with the available targets. The assailant’s artillery brings the fire of all its batteries into play when the defender’s artillery is compelled to come into action in order to support its own infantry against the advance of the attacker’s infantry.”

The difficulties of providing for coöperation between infantry and artillery are due to the impossibility of distinguishing at all times with certainty between friend and foe (assaulting guidons),[374] since the elimination of powder smoke and the adoption of neutral tinted uniforms; and, further, to the circumstance that, while we have a signal for increasing the range of the artillery (g.g.g.), we have none for indicating that the fire is to be concentrated upon certain points. “Uninterrupted communication with the fighting line in front must be provided for. For this purpose officers, who report by signal or by telephone, should be sent forward. These officers are primarily to ascertain how close their own firing line is to the enemy, in order that the artillery may keep up its fire as long as possible.” (Par. 376 German F. A. D. R.). In England, it has been suggested to indicate the point upon which fire is to be concentrated, by the colored ball of smoke of a special projectile. It requires strict attention on the part of the infantry to make its work harmonize with that of the artillery. Every opportunity, for example, when the hostile infantry is forced under cover by a burst of fire, should be utilized for advancing. This is particularly emphasized in France. The defender is to be blinded by a hailstorm of fragments. “Every rafale of the artillery will either cause the most advanced line to make a rush, or the troops of the rear line to come up to the firing line in order to reinforce it or to carry it forward as much as possible. Thus the rafale becomes a veritable shield for the infantry (_véritable bouclier de l’infanterie_).” LANGLOIS.

[374] During the attack on the Waterberg, on August 11th, 1904, the various units were ordered to carry, on their outer flanks, flags attached to long poles. These flags were white in Estorffs, red in v.d. Heyde’s, blue in Müller’s, and green in Deimling’s detachment.

5. THE POINT OF ATTACK.[375]

[375] See _Taktik_, V, p. 138.

The reconnoitering troops are charged with the duty of ascertaining the parts of the hostile position which can be approached under cover, which are weaker than the others (frequently true of the flanks),[376] or which can be enfiladed. The attack will usually be directed against the weakest point in the hostile position, or that on which the greatest volume of fire can be concentrated from enfilading or commanding positions. At all other points of the battlefield, the assailant will endeavor to deceive the opponent, with weak forces, as to his true intentions, but, at the decisive point, he should launch superior numbers. The French regulations contend that such weak points will only become apparent during the course of the fight, and therefore separate the troops into a preparatory and a decisive combat group.

[376] Example: The right flank of the French position at Wörth, and at Roncourt (St. Privat).

The desire to strike the weakest point in the enemy’s line causes the decisive blow to be directed against a flank, and the numerical superiority requisite for gaining the superiority of fire, leads to

6. ENVELOPMENT.

(Pars. 392-396 German I. D. R.).

The desire of the attacker to put a superior number of rifles into the fight, in order to gain a superiority of fire more quickly, naturally leads to an extension of the firing line and to an overlapping of the defender’s line. The advantage of overlapping the enemy’s line lies in the fact that part of the line attacked is exposed to both frontal and oblique fire. The effect of this oblique fire is increased by bending the wing of the attacking line toward the enemy. If the attacking line succeeds in pushing its firing line so far forward that not only the hostile wing but also the hostile flank is struck, an envelopment is brought about with the result that the lines of fire of the assailant cross each other within the hostile position. If the defender refuses a wing, portions of his line may be enfiladed. This will cause such heavy losses that the defender will begin to succumb first at the salient point of his line. A further advantage is gained by a pressure on the enemy’s line of retreat.

Pure frontal attacks offer little prospect of success;[377] they may perhaps force the enemy back, but they cannot annihilate him.

[377] It is only necessary to invite attention to the first attacks made by the Prussian Guard against St. Privat, and to the attack made by the 72nd, 40th and 11th Infantry Regiments against the height of Maison Blanche south of Rezonville, on August 16th, 1870. KUNZ, _Kriegsgeschichtliche Beispiele_, 8-10, p. 128.

For carrying out the attack itself, it is immaterial whether the commander launches it against the hostile front or a hostile flank; individual companies, battalions, and, in large units, regiments, finally make a frontal attack anyway. The fear of the front of the enemy should not lead the enveloping force to attempt to execute another enveloping movement when it encounters a newly formed front. Surprise is, to a certain extent, essential to the success of a flank attack.[378] The troops holding the enemy in front [secondary attack] must, therefore, hold him in such a manner as to keep him in ignorance about the true point of attack, must so engage his attention that he will finally place the bulk of his force into the frontal action. If this does not occur, the opponent will soon distinguish sham from reality and will not oppose a weak, inactive containing force with more troops than are absolutely necessary. In this connection, compare the conduct of the 1st Army at Königgrätz and of the Prussian Vth Army Corps at Wörth with the vacillating action of the Russian IIIrd and Ist Armies at Sandepu.[379] So long as the enemy is not firmly held in front, he will be able to evade an envelopment by withdrawing. The combats of the Boers in the Orange Free State furnish numerous examples of this fact. The Austrian regulations have very properly coined the term “attack on two fronts”, which better indicates the task of both parts of an attacking force.

[378] The attack of the Guard at Chlum (Königgrätz). V. LETTOW-VORBECK, II, p. 474. The assault and capture of the hill of Forbach at Spicheren by six battalions of the IIIrd Army Corps. _Gen. St. W._, I. p. 356. The assault and capture of the Mont de Brune (Beaumont) by 6¹⁄₂ Prussian companies, which were followed by 4²⁄₃ companies more. The hill mentioned was defended by 6 battalions and 3 batteries; 6 guns were captured. HOPFFGARTEN-HEIDLER, _Beaumont_, pp. 132 and 227.

[379] _Taktik_. V. p. 42.

Whether the decisive blow is directed against the front or a flank, depends upon the result of the fire. The advantages offered by an enveloping movement must not lead to holding the enemy once and for all in front, while the main attack is directed against his flank. A frontal attack made in conjunction with a threatening demonstration against the hostile flank frequently offers far greater prospects of success.[380] If a superiority is to be employed to advantage, an envelopment must be made; all objections advanced against the “enveloping craze” are disposed of by this statement.[381] “A condition precedent to an envelopment is that the enemy be held in front. For this purpose a determined demonstration is most effective.” (Par. 392 German I. D. R.).

[380] The attack on Flanville, on September 1st, 1870, is an instructive example. KUNZ, _Noisseville_, p. 87. _Gen. St. W._, II. p. 1407.

[381] V. D. GOLTZ, _Das Volk in Waffen_, pp. 328 and 332. BLUME, _Strategie_, p. 170. MECKEL, _Truppenführung_, p. 221.

The risks involved in an envelopment must not be overlooked--overextension and dispersion of the troops;[382] the possibility that the troops fighting in front and those fighting on the flank, separated from each other, may be defeated in detail, whether this be brought about by the defender assuming the offensive, or by the force holding the enemy in front allowing itself to be enticed into making a premature advance and suffering a defeat before the envelopment has a chance to become effective.

[382] The attack made by François’ Brigade during the battle of Spicheren. _Gen. St. W._, I. p. 318. Between 12 and 1 o’clock, this brigade covered a front of 4000 m. See p. 262, supra.

“The envelopment is effected in the simplest manner if the forces designated for this task, when still at a distance from the enemy, are given a march direction that will bring them against the hostile flank.

“When initiated during the development for action or when carried out by retained reserves, the envelopment is much more difficult.” (Par. 393 German I. D. R.).

In the last-mentioned case it may happen that the force detailed to make the flank attack strikes the enemy’s front instead of his flank. The same is true of attempts to envelop with parts of the infantry of the first line that are already deployed, perhaps already engaged, when the terrain is not specially favorable for such a movement. Such movements may, in special cases, be carried out at night. (Enveloping movements of the divisions of the Japanese IIIrd Army at Mukden). As a rule, this brings about only an overlapping and flanking of the parts of the hostile position next adjacent to the wing making the movement, but does not produce a concentric effect on the hostile flank. Yet, even weak detachments that reach positions from which they are able to enfilade the enemy, facilitate the advance to the front.

In starting an enveloping movement when at a considerable distance from the enemy, the force which is to make it, is directed upon a point located in rear of the hostile position, approximately where his reserves are presumed to be. If then the fighting line is further extended toward the outer flank, the assailant avoids facing the hostile front directly, and will almost invariably have a start over the defender in extending the threatened wing. The troops still in the act of withdrawing from the route column naturally take charge of the protection of the flanks.[383]

[383] Compare the deployment for action of the 1st Guard Division at Königgrätz with that of the 4th Japanese Division at Wafangu. In the last-mentioned case, the leading (10th) brigade was launched in a very skillful flank attack; the second brigade took charge of protecting the flank.

If a flank march in front of the enemy should become necessary, it can be undertaken with sufficient safety only when proper preparations have been made--distribution in depth, shortening of route columns, due regard being had to protection of the front and flanks--to permit a deployment of the force at the right moment and in a suitable formation toward the hostile side.[384] Within effective range of the enemy, such a movement by the flank can be carried out only when cover is available, otherwise the hostile fire will very quickly force the troops making the flank march to face to the front.[385]

[384] V. SCHLICHTING. _Taktische und strategische Grundsätze_, I, p. 90, et seq. The attack of the six Brandenburg battalions against the Hill of Forbach (Spicheren) is especially instructive in this connection. The attacking force was threatened by hostile troops lodged in the Stiring Wald. The first deployment caused the attacking force to face toward the front of the French position. As soon as this was noticed, the skirmishers were withdrawn in order to be pushed into the fight again at another place. GERNIER, _Einmarschkämpfe_, p. 184.

[385] Look up the conduct of the 22nd Infantry Division at Villermain-Cravant, on December 8th, 1870. It is indeed true that a violent snow storm and thick weather made it possible for this force to disengage itself from the enemy and to join the 1st Bavarian Army Corps at Cravant.

The attempt of the 16th Infantry Division to envelop the French position on the =Hallue=[386]: The 30th Brigade used the road leading along the hostile front from Querrieux to Frechencourt, for its movement. The leading regiment of the brigade, the 28th Infantry, on debouching from Querrieux, immediately faced toward the annoying flanking fire and endeavored to advance in the face of it, while the brigade commander, energetically carrying out the orders given him, led the 68th Infantry toward Frechencourt, thus forestalling several French battalions that were hurrying up from the east. The village was occupied and held by the 68th Infantry, but a frontal offensive movement against the hostile main position could not be carried out from here either, in spite of the inferiority of the French troops.

[386] V. MALACHOWSKI, _Frontalschlacht und Flügelschlacht_, p. 24, et seq. KUNZ, _Nordarmee_, I, p. 134, et seq. In regard to the conduct of the 15th Infantry Division, which was to hold the enemy in front and which advanced prematurely before the enveloping movement of the 16th Division had become effective, consult p. 282 supra, and _Taktik_, V. p. 163.

Whether an enveloping force can be sent into action at once without being first placed in a preparatory position[387] or whether it should first be concentrated, depends upon the situation of the troops engaged in front with the enemy (the necessity of relieving the pressure on the Ist Army engaged in front with the enemy at Königgrätz), and upon the counter-measures taken by the enemy. If the assailant encounters a newly formed front, it would be a mistake for him to attack successively with the different units.

[387] According to the opinion of General V. SCHLICHTING, a preparatory position should be taken up. _Taktische und strategische Grundsätze_, III, pp. 133 and 154, et seq. See _Taktik_, V, p. 174.

Whether the troops holding the enemy in front participate in the assault during an enveloping movement, depends upon circumstances. They may frequently better ensure the success of the attack by delivering an enfilading fire than by advancing. The commander should, at any rate, not lose sight of this advantage. If both groups (the enveloping and the holding group) advance to the decisive attack, they should do so simultaneously. The group holding the enemy in front must resist the temptation of moving to the front before the envelopment can become effective.[388]

[388] Consult _Der 18. August_, pp. 377, 561 and 590. In regard to the attack made by the Guard and the Saxons and the premature attack made by the Guard at St Privat.

The attack on =Ste. Marie aux Chênes=, on August 18th, 1870,[389] and that made by the 37th Infantry Brigade on =Ladon=[390] are models worthy of imitation. “The brigade commander personally directed Lieutenant-Colonel v. Hagen (commanding the troops holding the enemy in front) to have the signal ‘forward double time’ sounded as soon as he could see the skirmishers of the 78th Infantry coming over the heights to the right front.”

[389] The 1st Infantry Division of the Guard received orders “to form for attack against St. Privat, but not to attack that village before the expected arrival of the Saxon Corps.” _Der 18. August_, pp. 167 and 288.

[390] HÖNIG, _Gefechtsbilder_, III, pp. 58 and 49.

At =Gorni Dubniac=, on October 30th, 1877, the scheme of designating the moment for attack by means of artillery salvos, failed. During the attack on =Scheinovo=, on January 9th, 1878, the simultaneous advance of Prince Mirski’s troops was regulated by the clock.

If the attacker desires to deliver an effective blow against the enemy’s flank, _a considerable interval must be left between the troops charged with the holding attack_ [secondary attack] _and those detailed to make the flank attack_, when the envelopment is initiated. (Par. 393 German I. D. R.). The width of this gap is increased to a seemingly dangerous degree by the range of modern weapons, but real danger is not to be apprehended as a counter-attack of the defender exposes both of his flanks to an enveloping attack. If the enveloping group continues to advance, that advance in itself will very soon set a limit to the enemy’s counter-attack. The seemingly dangerous gap in the line, at the commencement of an action, is closed more and more as the enemy is approached. Nevertheless, this gap may induce a cautious leader to draw the enveloping group closer to the frontal group, thereby impairing the effectiveness of the envelopment. The flanking groups accomplish the best results, but in following up tactical objectives, they should never lose sight of the annihilation of the enemy. The difficulty of coördinating the action of the separated parts of the line is greater than the danger to be apprehended from a hostile counter-attack against the frontal group. As a rule, the entry of the enveloping group into action will be the signal for a general attack. The effectiveness of the enveloping attack is proportional to the energy with which it is made, but the danger to be apprehended from a hostile counter-attack increases in the same ratio.

Provisions of Various Regulations.

=Austria.= When possible, the reserve is to be designated to make the enveloping movement. (Par. 407 Austrian I. D. R.). When practicable, a part of the reserve is employed from the start for the envelopment, and, under certain circumstances, also for the purpose of gaining positions from which an enfilade fire can be delivered, and for supporting the advance of the frontal attack. The group holding the enemy in front may at first fight a purely defensive action to prevent a hostile counter-attack, to screen our own dispositions, and finally, by means of a fire fight at effective ranges, to hold the hostile troops in their position.

=France.= The envelopment is occasionally mentioned in the regulations (for example in pars. 290, 301 and 302). The Field Service Regulations, in discussing the attack, whose different stages may vary in length depending upon the intentions of the commander, state, however, that the attacker “may assail a wing or a flank of the enemy, with superior forces, for the purpose of annihilating him.”

=England.= The importance of flank attacks, even those in which the defender is subdued by the flanking fire of mounted troops, is specially mentioned, but, in this connection, it is emphasized that it is immaterial whether the attack is finally directed against the front or a flank of the enemy. The holding attack is to be carried out with energy in front to prevent the enemy from drawing reinforcements to other points.

=Italy.= While the regulations of 1891 still unqualifiedly acknowledged that any frontal attack might succeed, the regulations of 1903 called attention to the importance of the envelopment, without denying “that the frontal attack might be the decisive one.” Surprise is an advantageous factor for success, and for this reason, even covering troops, for example, may have to be dispensed with on the march.

If a force desires to take the enemy by surprise, it must carefully take advantage of the ground. The surprise may be made more complete, if the accompanying frontal attack is energetically pushed. On the other hand, considerations for the troops in the holding attack, set a limit to the extension of the flanking movement. The fire power of the troops in the holding attack must not be exhausted, or the troops themselves defeated by a hostile counter-attack, before the moment of the general advance arrives. They must pay the strictest attention to the course of events on the opponent’s side; if the enemy retires, or shifts parts of his force in order to meet a flank attack, the troops in the holding attack must act with energy. If such signs are not apparent, a frontal advance will, as a rule, be proper only when the pressure of the flank attack makes itself felt on the enemy’s line. This is the only way in which “simultaneous action by both attacks may be ensured, and this is of decisive importance to the successful issue of the combat.”

7. REMOVAL OF PACKS.

It is advisable for infantry to remove packs for an attack; such tremendous physical exertions await the troops that everything ought to be done to reduce the load carried by the individual man.[391] “As soon as it becomes doubtful whether the troops will be able to perform the task assigned them in action without such relief, all independent commanders, and, in organizations larger than a regiment, commanders of regiments and of higher units, have authority to order the men to remove their packs. In issuing such an order they should bear in mind the disadvantages which may result from leaving the packs behind. When knapsacks are removed, the ammunition and iron rations should be taken from them. Overcoats, cooking utensils, canteens, bread bags, and intrenching tools remain on the men.” (Par. 301 German I. D. R.).

[391] Examples from military history in _Militär-Wochenblatt_, 1902, No. 32.

According to the French Manual of Field Engineering, the skirmishers, especially when intrenching, may utilize the knapsack as cover.

In a defeat knapsacks will frequently be lost. Thus the Russians, after the second battle of Plevna, and Frossard’s Corps, after the battle of Spicheren, lost their knapsacks with camp equipment and iron rations, and, in consequence thereof, suffered great hardships during the succeeding days. On the other hand, during their retreat, the 43rd, 44th and 45th Infantry Regiments of the Ist Army Corps managed to recover without trouble the packs which they had removed before entering the battle of Trautenau.

The infantry of the Xth Army Corps had left its knapsacks behind on August 8th, 1870, and did not get them again until the early part of September. The knapsacks were not hauled on wagons after the organizations, but were left at the railroad station of St. Ingbert. On August 6th, 1870, the Würtemberg Field Brigade had left its knapsacks in a bivouac near Reimersweiler at the risk of never seeing them again. Among other reasons, General v. d. Tann considered it impossible for the 2nd Bavarian Division to advance beyond Wörth, because the organizations might perhaps thereby have been separated for several days from their baggage, which they had left behind between Preuschdorf and Görsdorf.

When knapsacks are removed, a detachment will have to be left behind to guard them, otherwise they may be robbed of their contents.[392] The troops always consider the trip to the rear to get the baggage a special hardship; wagons will very rarely be available for this purpose, as after great battles all the wagons in the entire neighborhood will be requisitioned for transporting the wounded, and as supply wagons will, as a rule, not be at hand.

[392] This was neglected by the 20th and 35th Infantries, on August 16th, 1870.

8. THE EMPLOYMENT OF MACHINE GUNS.

In an attack upon a defensive position which is held in force, machine gun batteries will generally be held in rear for the time being. They form a mobile reserve in the hands of the commander-in-chief, who may employ it for quickly reinforcing threatened points, for exerting a pressure upon the wings and flanks of the enemy, and for preparing the assault. Machine gun companies, either broken up into platoons or not, as the case may be, endeavor to reach positions from which they can facilitate the advance of their infantry.

It is especially advantageous if the fire that is directed upon the point where the hostile position is to be penetrated, comes from a position permitting a good view, or from an oblique direction, because the fire will not have to be discontinued even when the infantry continues its advance or moves to the assault. If such a position, permitting the greatest fire effect, is reached (at about 800 m. or less from the hostile position) any further advance of the machine guns is faulty, because it interrupts the fire and necessitates fresh laying and adjustment.

Upon the victorious termination of a fight, the machine guns should participate in the first stages of the pursuit by making an extended use of their fire. They hurry forward into the captured position, as soon as it is apparent that the victory has been gained, in order to support the infantry in holding the position, to cover the infantry while it is re-forming, and to reduce the last vestige of the enemy’s resistance. If the attack fails the machine guns cover the retiring troops.

9. THE CONDUCT OF THE ATTACK.

In an infantry attack, the art of minor troop leading consists of pushing a firing line, superior to the enemy, to the strip of ground from which the power of our rifle can be utilized to the best advantage for vanquishing the enemy; secondly, of bringing up supports, without exposing them to unnecessary losses, so that they will be promptly available in case of need. The preparations which the enemy has made for attaining the maximum fire power (by intrenching, placing ammunition in readiness, and by ascertaining ranges) must be offset by employing a superior number of rifles. The commander who brings a greater number of rifles into action than his opponent, may count on gaining a superiority of fire quickly and with certainty.

The task of higher troop leading consists of simultaneously launching the troops against the common objective.

The effect of modern projectiles requires that, on open ground, the first deployment be made when 4000-5000 m. from the enemy. The best scheme would be to advance, without halting, to within decisive short range of the defender, and then to open fire, but, as previously stated, the defender should endeavor to prevent the assailant from ever reaching these ranges. This design of the defender must be frustrated; if artillery is unable to accomplish this, machine guns or a part of the infantry must enter the fight; but all parts of the force not required for this fire fight at medium ranges should continue their movement without interruption.

The most difficult task that infantry may be called upon to perform consists of advancing over an open plain, in the face of unsubdued artillery, when the situation does not permit night or the effect of an envelopment to be awaited.

The first deployment as skirmishers is made for the purpose of protecting the advancing troops against surprise. Frequently, a squad or a section per company will suffice for this purpose, but these units should cover the entire front available for the organization to which they belong. A uniform and simultaneous advance along the whole line is impossible however, on account of the diversity of the ground at various points. When cover is available, skirmish lines may be formed quickly and pushed forward as entities, but when cover is lacking, firing lines may have to be deployed slowly and piecemeal. The unit that has pushed farthest to the front must facilitate with its fire the advance of those who have encountered greater obstacles in advancing.

Long, dense firing lines and the supports following them are exposed to such heavy losses in open country, even at long ranges, that their advance will soon hesitate. Moreover, the defender will only fire on targets whose size and density promise a great number of hits. Therefore, the assailant should endeavor to lead his infantry forward in loose, disconnected skirmish lines, which are difficult for the enemy to hit. As a rule, the assailant should not open fire until after he has been reinforced and has sufficient fire power available. (Par. 334 German I. D. R.). The situation in which these thin firing lines are placed is by no means a favorable one, as the defender will concentrate his fire on the points where the assailant seems to be filling up his line “for the purpose of overwhelming the defender permanently by a superiority of fire.” (Par. 413 German I. D. R.). The skirmishers will then quite naturally open fire for the purpose of interfering with the cool delivery of the defender’s fire.

Such a piecemeal, almost independent advance, during which the effect of the accustomed word of command is considerably reduced and control and supervision of the individual skirmisher is impossible, presupposes that the troops are well-drilled, individually trained, and, above all, intelligent. Attention must also be called to the fact that the firing line can offer but a weak resistance to an enemy advancing unexpectedly in force. But, in spite of these drawbacks, this mode of advance has its advantages for crossing a plain devoid of cover. It permits favorable fire positions to be reached with greater safety, especially if these positions can be picked out with the aid of field glasses, than would be the case if dense skirmish lines were led forward simultaneously.

The advance of the infantry under hostile fire, over open ground, may accordingly be conducted--

1. At a walk, by long rushes made by strong units (by platoons at least), supported by powerful artillery fire or by the fire of a machine gun battery or a detachment of skirmishers posted in a favorable position;

2. By shorter rushes made by smaller units (“proper only when conditions demand it”);

3. By crawling, or, in exceptional cases (for example in passing through fields of standing grain), by employing

4. Fire while in motion.

The fire fight at long ranges and near the extreme limit of mid ranges is only a means for the purpose of reaching the decisive battle ranges, and of interfering with the undisturbed delivery of the enemy’s fire. Fire must be opened at as late a moment as possible. Our firing line should in any case be strong enough, upon entering the zone of mid ranges, to reply effectively to the enemy’s fire. Experience has shown that an assailant who opens fire at “long” ranges rarely reaches short ranges. (See p. 149 supra).

The distances at which the echelons in rear follow the firing line should be less (as laid down in the Italian and Russian regulations) than the distance which separates the firing line of the attacker from that of the defender. The distances may be increased without danger at this stage of the combat, as the decision is not imminent, but on the flanks the supports will have to be brought up closer in order that an unexpected flank attack may be effectively opposed. All parts of the attacking force move--as long as possible at a walk--straight to the front. Subordinate leaders, taking advantage of all available cover, should endeavor to lead the supports skillfully after the firing line. This requires that the ground to be crossed be reconnoitered. As a rule, a movement by the flank upon leaving cover is costlier than an advance by squads or sections over open ground. Long lines make it easier for the hostile artillery to adjust and observe its fire, while, when a greater number of targets of smaller frontage is exposed, this is made more difficult. For this reason, supports are not led forward as entire units, but, on the contrary, they are broken up, and, under certain circumstances, even disintegrated into smaller units. The units following in rear remain as long as possible in close order formations, preferably in route columns. “Man is by nature exceedingly timid. Soldiers, even those drawn from the educated classes, who were fully aware of the supreme importance of gaining the victory, broke down on coming under fire. In close order the moral encouragement due to the proximity of superiors and comrades kept up their courage.” (Hessert).[393] Where cover is lacking, the supports will also have to be deployed. Large units are broken up into platoons, which deploy and follow each other at considerable distances.[394]

[393] “We are prone to place the individual on too high a pedestal, and, in doing so, to ignore the psychological element of combat.” Major-General Stieler.

[394] The losses sustained during the advance of the Russian reserves at Plevna (11th September, 1877), and during the attack made by the Guard on Gorni Dubniac, led to a spontaneous deployment on the part of the reserves.

As soon as the enemy opens fire, platoon commanders must decide whether or not it ought to be returned; but the closer one can get to the enemy without firing a shot, the better. According to the German F. S. R. (par. 296), a prolonged, uninterrupted forward movement of skirmish lines in the open, at less than 1000 m. from the enemy, is possible only when supported by adequate fire. On the other hand, even skirmishers lying down suffer serious losses when 600 m. from the enemy.

Thus, at mid ranges, begins the actual, protracted fire fight, which, in the first place, is to make a further advance possible, and which, subsequently, is to produce a superiority of fire. As taught by experience, this cannot be accomplished from a single position, if the enemy is efficient.

A so-called “main firing position”, which was to be located 400-600 m. from the enemy, was frequently used during peace maneuvers for the purpose of bringing cohesion and harmony into the attack. In making use of such a position, the principal difficulty of every serious infantry attack, that of crossing the space lying between the first firing position and the assaulting position, was not appreciated.

=Austria.= (Par. 589 I. D. R.). “When conditions are very favorable, it might be possible to choose the firing position in which the decisive fire fight is to be begun, so close to the enemy that the decision can be gained from it.”

The fire fight must be taken up by enough troops to make it impossible for the defender, who holds his position strongly, to gain a superiority of fire over some parts of the attacking force. The supports will now move closer to the firing line, in order to fill every gap in that line and to meet every attempt of the defender to gain the upper hand. The echelons of the second line which have not as yet been absorbed by the firing line, move up in a similar manner. If the hostile fire abates, parts of the firing line should endeavor to get closer to the enemy; they are followed by the next adjoining units. At this stage of the action the attacker will have to give up, to some extent, his distribution in depth.

Superiority of fire is an essential condition to victory. It is attained by better marksmanship, fire control and fire direction, by taking advantage of cover, and by concentrating a powerful fire against the decisive point. When the attacker’s troops are not well trained, a greater number of rifles and more ammunition will be required to gain this superiority. Accordingly, the attacker will either make an envelopment or employ fire of position. The attacker possesses a great advantage, in that he does not need to gain a superiority of fire along the whole front, but only at a single point. It suffices for him to contain weak portions of the hostile front with suitable, well concealed combat groups capable of quickly developing a powerful fire, while he masses the bulk of his forces against the decisive point. The defender, who never knows where the decisive blow is going to fall, ought not to allow himself to be enticed into occupying portions of his line more weakly than the rest.

The attainment of the superiority of fire requires time, and, in addition, coolness and patience on the part of the leaders. All the ammunition that is expended in gaining this superiority is later compensated for by fewer losses. The heavy losses sustained by the Prussian troops on the slopes of Point du Jour, on August 18th, 1870, may be traced directly to the fact that the leaders did not know how to wait.

Superiority of fire[395] is absolutely essential to the success of the attack. Any failure to appreciate this principle will lead to such heavy losses that even if the assailant were to reach the enemy’s position, he would be too weak to gain the victory.[396]

[395] For the situation of the British Guard at Modder River (28th November, 1890), see p. 182 supra. The Guards were closely hugging the ground at a distance of 800 m. from the enemy. After 29 ammunition carriers had been shot at the very beginning of the engagement, all attempts to carry orders or ammunition to the firing line were abandoned. No attempts were made to relieve the pressure by means of the fire of sharpshooters, by bringing up reinforcements, or by gaining ground by crawling.

[396] “Battles are won by the superiority of fire.” FREDERICK THE GREAT in his _Military Testament_, 1768.

During the fluctuating fire fight, which lasts for hours, the attacker will have succeeded in working forward little by little until he is close to the enemy’s position. His superiority will now make itself felt; the fire from the part of the hostile line that is to be penetrated will begin to abate; and, at first, single groups, then several, and finally, whole units of the enemy’s line will commence to crumble away. The attacker should wait until this effect is produced before he begins the assault; if he does not do this, the attack is sure to fail.

_Austria._ (Par. 590 I. D. R.). “The close approach of a long firing line to an enemy who occupies a good position, may well pass as a proof of the assailant’s superiority. Nevertheless, this does not, under all circumstances, furnish assurance that a forward movement for the purpose of penetrating the hostile position will now succeed; a premature assault may still result in disaster. _As long as the conduct of the opponent does not show clear indications that his fire power is crippled, nothing remains for the attacker but to continue the fight for the superiority of fire._”

Even in this, mistakes are not precluded. It is far from easy to recognize when the defender of a position has been sufficiently subdued by fire to make an assault feasible, and when the proper moment has arrived for launching the reserves. It is only necessary to recall the premature advance of the artillery and cavalry over the ravine of the Mance brook, on August 18th, 1870.

The cessation of the defender’s fire, in itself, is not a sure sign that his firing line is shaken, as the attacker is unable to distinguish between a fire pause ordered by the commander on the defensive and the forced discontinuance of the fight. Sure indications are not available until men actually leave the defender’s fighting line here and there, and attempts of the leaders to hold the wavering ones are clearly apparent.

At this moment, a leader who has resolved to assault, should order bayonets fixed.

* * * * *

The temporary interruption of the fire occasioned by fixing bayonets is of no importance, as the superiority of fire has already been gained. If bayonets are prematurely ordered to be fixed, the accuracy of the fire will soon be impaired, as the firing of rifles, weighted down by the attached bayonets, increases the fatigue of the men. When the troops are excited, the downward deflection of the bullets caused by fixing the bayonet can, however, only produce a good effect. It is best to fix bayonets at the signal “Fix bayonet”. In the excitement prevailing at the moment, it will be impossible to execute the order with any uniformity, but it is a good plan, in time of peace, to require one man of each file to fire while the other one fixes his bayonet. The approaching reserves fix bayonets while on the march.

10. THE ASSAULT.

“The assault does not, strictly speaking, belong to the domain of tactics. Rules, showing in what formations and under what conditions the assault should be made in war, cannot be formulated. At any rate, fire tactics are not only an essential factor but also the crowning act of combat; the assault is nothing but the postlude. All modern combats show that the morale of the men suffers most, and that, in consequence thereof, troops deteriorate quickly when they are exposed to the annihilating effect of fire. This lesson was thoroughly learned by the Austrians in 1866, and by the Russians in front of Plevna. Of what avail were ‘self-sacrifice’, the ‘unconquerable determination to gain the victory’, the ‘desire for hand to hand conflict’, and all the other terms that are employed to prove that the moral factors are the decisive ones in war? That they are the decisive factors needs no proof whatever; it follows, as a matter of course, from uniform training, uniform leadership, and uniform arms. But tactics fit for use in war, are to furnish, above all else, ways and means, showing how and by what methods the fighting energy of troops may be preserved most effectively, and thus contribute directly toward preventing the premature deterioration of the morale of the troops.”[397]

[397] Colonel KEIM in _von Löbells Jahresberichte_, 1899, II, p. 561.

“The defeat of the opponent is consummated by the assault with fixed bayonets.” (Par. 324 German I. D. R.). A premature advance to the assault, with all the peculiar features attending it, produces an aversion against the attack, an undue extension of battle lines, and makes it impossible for reinforcements to come up, except under cover of darkness.

The decision for making the assault emanates either from the subordinate leaders in the firing line or from the commander of the whole force. The latter may give the impulse for the assault by launching the reserve. This is undoubtedly the safer procedure. “When the decision to assault emanates from the commanders in rear, notice thereof is given by sounding the signal ‘fix bayonet’, which must be repeated by all the units that are to take part in the assault. At this signal the skirmishers increase their fire to the utmost. The parts of the firing line which are still in rear, move forward, as quickly as possible, to a position close to the enemy. All reinforcements in rear hasten straight to the front. As soon as the leading line is to form for the assault, all the trumpeters sound the signal ‘forward, double time’, all the drummers beat their drums, and all parts of the force throw themselves with the greatest determination upon the enemy. It should be a point of honor with skirmishers not to allow the supports to overtake them earlier than the moment of penetrating the enemy’s position. When immediately in front of the enemy, the men should charge bayonet and, with a cheer, penetrate the position.” (Pars. 346-348 German I. D. R.).

It is very difficult for a superior commander to perceive when the proper moment for making the assault has arrived, as he is compelled to remain so far in rear of the fighting line, especially where large forces are concerned, that he can only follow the general course of the attack. The first indication which he receives as to whether the enemy’s fire power has been broken all along the line, is the advance of his own firing line. He will still more rarely be able to see in time when the resistance of the enemy abates at some one point, and it will be quite impossible for him to issue orders with sufficient promptness to turn such an advantage quickly to good account.[398]

[398] “The attack fed from the rear, which may be likened to the closing of a telescope, is one of the most peculiar results of constructive theory, which seeks, by this means, to increase the energy of the first line, but only succeeds in massing too many men in front of the enemy, a better condition than which the enemy could not desire.” VON MALACHOWSKI, _Scharfe Taktik und Revue-Taktik_, p. 230. Incorrect estimate of the situation by the commander of the Ist Army on August 18th, 1870. F. HÖNIG, _Vierundzwanzig Stunden Moltkescher Strategie_, p. 145. _Der 18. August_, p. 271.

The firing line will, therefore, frequently have to take the initiative in bringing about the assault. It is absolutely necessary, especially if the enemy evacuates the position, that the firing line, quickly taking advantage of this moment, pass over to the bayonet attack. If the firing line were to wait until the reserves are up, valuable time would be lost, under certain circumstances; the enemy might recover from his temporary bewilderment and re-form, or might even receive reinforcements. In addition, hesitation on the part of the attacker would enable the enemy to gain time, evacuate the position unmolested, retire in good order, and perhaps take up a new position, or at least evade quickly the pursuing fire of the assailant. The firing line would be the first, in such a case, to perceive when and where the resistance of the enemy abates; it should therefore make the most of this knowledge and throw itself upon the part of the defender’s force that is in the act of withdrawing.

When the impulse for the assault emanates from the firing line, there is danger that instead of a general attack only a local one will result. It is impossible to conceive that the whole firing line will simultaneously consider that the moment for the assault has arrived; in general, only a part of that line at a time will come to this conclusion. Such local attacks are hazardous, however, and have some chance of succeeding only in covered terrain. A local assault made by a single battalion or company will usually attract the fire of a considerable portion of the hostile line and quite naturally dash itself to pieces against it. Even assuming that a gallantly charging unit succeeds in unexpectedly penetrating the hostile line at some one point, the defender will at once attack it in vastly superior force and compel it to retire with heavy loss. Furthermore, the failure is usually not confined to the one unit. The troops on the right and left of it, although they are perhaps farther from the enemy, and have not yet shaken him sufficiently by their fire, nevertheless join in the assault, as soon as they see the first unit rush forward. As a rule, when the decision to assault emanates from the firing line, a series of unsuccessful assaults will result. These will, however, bring good troops closer and closer to the enemy, until the great moment of definitely gained superiority finally arrives.

The General Staff account of the Franco-German war[399] very aptly describes the decisive moment for the assault: “The tension of the tactical situation was increased to the highest pitch by the prolonged fight at close range; the time was now ripe for the decision and the German corps commanders issued orders for the assault. Before this order reached the leading line, however, the German general officers on the spot had decided, at about 7:30 P. M., to undertake the assault on their own responsibility, as they considered the attack sufficiently prepared. On the signal given by them, and in many instances of their own accord, the Prussian and Saxon battalions hurled themselves, just as the sun was setting, on the position which had been so long and so tenaciously defended by the enemy.” (=St. Privat=). Consult, _Der 18. August_, pp. 525 and 571.

[399] _Gen. St. W._, II, p. 800.

“When the XIth Army Corps issued from the =Niederwald= (near =Wörth=), the infantry encountered such a heavy fire from the direction of =Elsaszhausen= that the troops had to choose between either advancing farther or giving up the advantages that had been gained at such great sacrifices. The former course was indeed open to objection, as the troops were exhausted, as organizations were in confusion from the fighting they had just gone through, and as only three formed and fresh battalions were available.”--“General von Bose now ordered a general attack. At the signal ‘the whole force will advance’, the firing lines rushed from the Niederwald and, with loud cheers, threw themselves upon the enemy.”[400]

[400] _Gen. St. W._, I, p. 267.

The assault was thus not a result of the superiority that had been gained, but an act of desperation in a situation that had become unbearable. Moreover, the success of the assault was not due to any numerical superiority of the attacker, but to the lack of initiative of the defender, and to the fact that he confined himself to purely defensive action.

It is, therefore, after all, an open question whether the initiative of parts of the line should govern the conduct of the entire force. In some instances, it certainly ought not to govern, if disaster is to be avoided. When a portion of the firing line advances, however, and the tactical situation in any way permits, neighboring units should at once conform to the movement. The units in rear, in particular, should, in this case, promptly hurry forward by the shortest route without regard to losses, support the firing line, and prevent it being repulsed. (Par. 345, German I. D. R.).

This brings up the question, as to whether the trumpeters of the assaulting units should sound the signal “fix bayonet,” in this assault, and thus bring about a prompt general assault by the entire line. This might obviously cause the troops to advance prematurely to the assault, a danger which might be brought about by the junior platoon commander. No one but the supreme commander, therefore, has the right to order this signal to be sounded when he wishes a general assault to be made. This is prescribed in the German Infantry Drill Regulations (par. 347). If the commander of the firing line decides to assault, he transmits his decision to the rear by means of signals (s. s. s.). The supreme commander can still restrain the skirmishers by the signal h. h. h., or bring about a general assault all along the line by giving the signal “fix bayonet”. If a unit moves to the assault contrary to the wishes of the supreme commander, he should possess enough nerve to look on calmly while it is being defeated. It is much better for him to allow a single unit to be defeated than to cause the failure of the general attack by a premature advance.

“Although the assault should be made as nearly simultaneously as possible, this is not to be understood as meaning that all the units should penetrate the hostile position at one and the same time. Such simultaneous action is immaterial, and might, indeed, cause parts of the line who had a chance of successfully carrying out the assault, to hesitate because others are still in rear. The power of the attack would accordingly be impaired. All units that have once started must continue to advance uninterruptedly.” (Par. 349 German I. D. R.).

It depends upon the situation whether the troops intended for the holding attack finally participate in the assault itself. If they can bring an effective fire to bear upon the point of attack from an oblique direction and thereby ensure the success of the attack, they should make the most of this advantage. (Par. 340 German I. D. R.).

When the enemy advances to the frontal counter-attack, as laid down in the Russian and British regulations, the skirmishers throw themselves down for the purpose of firing. The supports in the act of moving up continue their march. If the enemy faces about, all the troops press after him.

The French regulations (par. 270) also consider such a counter-attack:

“If the attacker presses forward too hastily and if he threatens to carry the defender’s position, fresh troops, which have been assembled in a place sheltered from view, attack him energetically, while the troops already engaged increase the intensity of their fire. This powerful and energetic counter-attack produces confusion in the enemy’s ranks and compels him to retire, or at least to discontinue his forward movement until he has had time to recover.... The troops in the counter-attack should move forward without hesitation and regardless of the cost. When such a forward movement has to be discontinued, the commander must decide where it shall cease. The efforts of all should be directed toward one object, that of tiring and demoralizing the enemy by constant counter-attacks, until the moment arrives when the commander must order the offensive to be assumed.”

The German Infantry Drill Regulations contain no further rules for the conduct of the assault. If the physical and moral power of the enemy is so broken by the preceding fire fight that he commences to evacuate his position, it is quite immaterial what sort of an assault is made; the men simply fire and rush quickly after the retiring enemy. In this case the assault is nothing but a postlude of the fire fight.

A brave and well disciplined opponent who is energetically led, will not allow himself to be forced to evacuate his position by fire alone; to compel him to evacuate his position will at the very least require that an assault be threatened.

Before the Boer war, the British held the view that the effect of the fire fight alone was so great that the assault would strike nothing but an evacuated or, at most, a feebly defended position. The assault was to commence after the enemy had ceased firing and had sought protection in his trenches. The following statement is made by one who fought on the Boer side:

“The artillery supported the advance until the latter had arrived within 300 or 400 m. of the enemy; then it ceased firing. After a brief period of preparation by fire, the British infantry began the assault simultaneously in one long line. This assault, made without fire support, was repulsed without trouble by the Boer fire. On several occasions, short lines of our opponent had begun to advance, but these were in every instance forced to throw themselves down after a few moments had elapsed. Thereupon the whole British line, in my estimation at least 300-400 men strong, began to advance. One could clearly hear the British leaders call to their men to cease firing, could clearly hear the command ‘fix bayonet’, and the cheer ‘God save the Queen’! run along the British line. Then the whole hostile line rose. As they rushed toward us, they looked to me like a grayish yellow swarm, the men being almost shoulder to shoulder and the line being in places three to four men deep, just as frequently happens in charges made during our own peace maneuvers. At the same moment, we began firing. Our fire was at first somewhat wild, but was soon better controlled by our more experienced fighters calling, ‘Steady boys, steady, then none of them will reach us’. More and more men fell in the British line, and, when it had arrived within 100 or 80 paces of our position, its energy had spent itself. A part of the men threw themselves down behind boulders and fired, while the majority rushed back to the shelter of some bushes; but even there it was for the most part impossible to hold them. An assaulting enemy who does not fire, is not dangerous, even if he is numerically superior. In this case, the defender can fire a number of times, and the closer the assailant is to the defender’s position the more quickly and certainly will his force dwindle away. No one will, however, be able to induce the same men to advance again under hostile fire over an open field, that is, to expose themselves without shelter to the hostile fire.”[401]

[401] Supplement 8 to the _Militär-Wochenblatt_, 1901.

The same lesson was learned long ago at =Gorni Dubniac= and at =Plevna=.

It is obvious that fire support is essential to the success of such an assault. This should be furnished in the first place by the artillery. In furnishing this support, artillery can employ time fire only until the infantry arrives within 300 m. of the enemy, while percussion fire may be continued until the infantry arrives within 150 m. of the enemy. During the attack on Pieters Hill (1900), Colonel Kitchener is said to have told his artillerymen that he would not censure them if two or three of their shrapnel burst in the ranks of his infantry. The following statement appears in a British memorial on the lessons of the war in the Far East: “The moral effect produced by artillery fire, which forced the defenders to take to cover and did not even permit them to raise their heads above the parapet, was so highly esteemed by the Japanese infantry that it requested the batteries to continue firing, without regard to the losses thereby inflicted in its own ranks, until it had taken the position or unfurled small national flags as an indication that fire support was no longer necessary. According to the opinion of the Japanese themselves, the losses inflicted in their infantry by their own guns were insignificant in comparison to the losses which the defender could inflict by delivering his fire undisturbed at a range of a few hundred meters, when not kept down by the attacking artillery.” According to the Austrian regulations, one unit is to remain halted for the purpose of directing its fire upon the point of attack or upon any reserves that might appear. This provision involves a grave danger, in that it may induce the leader to retain a considerable number of troops in rallying positions, instead of launching his whole force in the assault.

When fire support is deemed necessary in an attack, the artillery will perhaps be best able to furnish it until the infantry has reached a certain point. Then a moment will arrive, however, when the guns will have to cease firing, and when even the infantry units which have been left behind to support the attack, will no longer be able to direct their fire upon the enemy on account of the wide frontage of the assaulting force. The defender’s troops would have to be poor indeed, if they would not at this moment, when the assailant’s fire has practically ceased, raise their heads above the parapet for the purpose of emptying their magazines once more at the assailant, even though the fire be unaimed.

If the assault is to succeed, it is essential however, that, while the attacker covers the last 100-150 m., the defender be compelled to keep under cover. _This can only be accomplished by employing fire while in motion._

This fire is practicable because the defender, who has been overwhelmed in the fire fight, has sought shelter in his works; it is advantageous, as it is only to compel the enemy to keep under cover. It would unquestionably be a mistake, and not justifiable in any case, to employ fire while in motion, when these conditions are not fulfilled, when the enemy is not completely subdued and is perhaps waiting under cover, ready to meet the assailant’s assault. Supporting the infantry assault with fire has, moreover, the additional advantage of preventing the defender from bringing up his reserves.

The following is taken from a private letter of Sir Ian Hamilton, perhaps the foremost British infantry tactician, who had the good fortune, at Elandslaagte and Doornkop, of leading his command close up to the enemy: “It is my opinion that no matter what regulations are promulgated in time of peace, the men will fire during the assault. You may rest assured that nothing will prevent their doing this. One would do well, therefore, to reckon with this factor from the very start. The greatest danger is always that the men will throw themselves down instead of continuing the advance. And, if the men have once thrown themselves down during the assault, they will rise only for the purpose of retreating.”[402]

[402] In _Ausbildung der Infanterie für den Angriff_, p. 63, Colonel VON DER GOLTZ makes the following statement in regard to an experiment: “As the line gradually drew closer to the defender’s position, the desire of the individual men to get into the hostile position as quickly as possible, became more and more apparent; the prone position for firing was abandoned for the kneeling position, finally for the standing position, and, quite naturally, fire while in motion resulted in the end. Fire while in motion is authorized by the regulations and is, in this case, certainly permissible. Its employment in this case may be traced to the very proper desire of not allowing the enemy, who has been held down this long, to raise himself above his parapet. This fire while in motion should not be confused with the fire while in motion formerly employed by long skirmish lines at long ranges, and condemned at that time. The latter had for its object not the keeping down of an enemy already overwhelmed, but, on the contrary, was intended to overpower an unshaken opponent.”

=Russia.= The attacking force approaches the enemy so close (35 m.) that the troops are enabled to throw themselves upon him. The point at which the hostile position is to be penetrated is designated and the men form in rear of their platoon leader. The reserves move at a run or by crawling close up to the firing line. If the assault is begun at a greater distance than 35 m. from the hostile position, fire while in motion is employed, “in order that the enemy may not regain his senses and may be prevented from rising above his parapet.”

During an unexpected encounter at night, on unfavorable terrain (Swiep-Wald at Königgrätz), as well as during obstinate fights for the possession of fortifications (the Grivica Work at Plevna, Scheinovo), bayonet combats are unavoidable, provided both forces are equally determined. During the fight for the possession of Servigny, on the evening of August 31st, 1870, serious hand to hand fighting occurred in the narrow village streets.[403] The Russo-Japanese war also proved beyond the shadow of a doubt that determined troops will maintain their positions until they are thrown out of them by cold steel.[404]

[403] KUNZ, _Noisseville_, p. 51. See p. 134 supra. Fieldmarshal MOLTKE makes the following observations in regard to the bayonet fights of the campaign of 1859: “General Niel credits his victory at Solferino to the use of the bayonet. The question as to how often the advance to hand to hand conflict is carried out, may be left open. As a rule, it is employed only when it may be presumed that the enemy will not await the onslaught.” In his memoranda of 1865, in regard to the influence of improved fire arms on tactics, he states: “If the bayonet fights, so often mentioned in French accounts of the campaign of 1859, were stripped of their dramatic splendor, and if the simple prosaic truth could be ascertained, by far the greater number of these reports would be corrected in so far as to state that the opponent, shaken by more or less heavy losses, avoided the actual collision.”

[404] Examples: The attack on Tempel Hill on October 11th, In _Angriffsverfahren der Japaner_, VON LÜTTWITZ.--The capture of works No. 17 and No. 18 by the 2nd Division, on March 1st, 1905 (Mukden).--Description by an eyewitness of a bayonet fight. Sir IAN HAMILTON, _A Staff Officer’s Scrap Book_, p. 252.--A bayonet fight occurred in the day time, in the open, when the 11th Rifle Regiment broke through the line at Hamatan during the battle on the Yalu, (see _Kriegsgeschichtliche Einzelschriften_, 39-40, p. 131), and in Bernaul’s Regiment, during the engagement at Datshishiao, on July 24th, 1904.

The defender will never retire simultaneously all along the line; frequently isolated groups and then entire units will leave his line when the superiority of the attacker’s fire becomes effective. Officers, non-commissioned officers and capable privates will endeavor to keep the weak-kneed from running away.[405]

[405] At Villepion, Captain von Hoffmann made a wavering section hold its position by springing toward them, revolver in hand, and yelling: “I’ll shoot the first man who gets up! my revolver will hit too, whether Chassepot bullets will hit you is a question.” _Geschichte des Bayerischen Leibregiments_.

If the assault is not made at this moment, the crisis may pass, but a determined rush by the attacker will, as a rule, bring about the decision. The threat of a bayonet attack usually decides those who have remained in the position, to make no further resistance. The attacker must make use of the moral factors in an assault, hence the importance of running, cheering, and accompanying the advance of all bodies in close order by the beating of drums and the sounding of trumpets.[406]

[406] One must read KUNZ, _Kriegsgeschichtliche Beispiele_, 13, pp. 80, 116, 123 and 156, in order to appreciate what an electrifying influence the beating of drums may have even on retreating lines.

“The French were unable to withstand an energetic attack, when undertaken in anything like sufficient strength and accompanied by cheers and beating drums.” BOGUSLAWSKI.

“Suddenly some soldier shouted: ‘Columns! Columns!’ Captain von Wobeser rose to see what was going on, but at the same moment his men rushed back and made straight for the Bois.”--“The mere launching of the attack from the direction of =Point du Jour= sufficed to induce the well concealed force of about 400 men, which held the gravel pits, likewise to beat a retreat that very much resembled a rout.” HÖNIG.

In time of peace there should be instilled in the soldier the conviction that, with the bayonet, he is a match for any opponent; that, in bayonet fighting, no other infantry is the equal of his own. The soldier should not be taught to shrink from the bayonet attack, but to seek it. If the infantry is deprived of the _arme blanche_, if the impossibility of bayonet fighting is preached, and the soldier is never given an opportunity in time of peace of defending himself, man to man, with his weapon in bayonet fencing, an infantry will be developed, which is unsuitable for attack and which, moreover, lacks a most essential quality, viz., the moral power to reach the enemy’s position.

“The rarity of bayonet fights does not prove the uselessness of the bayonet, but shows that opponents will rarely be found who are equally capable of making use of it. Indeed, the bayonet cannot be abolished for the reason, if for no other, that it is the sole and exclusive embodiment of that will power which alone, both in war and in every-day life, attains its object, whereas reason only tends to facilitate the attainment of the object.

“Let us assume that there exists an army which bases success in battle on fire action, and takes for granted that the enemy will not be able to get near enough to make a bayonet attack. If this army were to encounter another army which, without undervaluing the effect of fire, remembers the bayonet at the proper time, it would be filled with the most dreadful dismay when the enemy actually assails it with the bayonet. With modern rifles, bullets are unquestionably a good substitute for the bayonet at close quarters, but this is true only of troops who do not fear annihilation, _i.e._, troops trained to use the bayonet and capable of closing with the enemy after firing. If this is not the case, such firing at close quarters is a pure waste of ammunition, since men who are afraid to close with the enemy, if necessary at such a moment, will usually fire into the air.

“If the soldier has been taught, however, to annihilate the enemy from a distance and from behind cover, he will naturally prefer this mode of inflicting losses, since he runs very little risk of getting hurt, and will, moreover, acquire an aversion for exposing himself to danger, _i.e._, he will shrink from bayonet work. Hence, if we attach too much importance to marksmanship, we produce a more or less trained soldier, who may possibly be a very good shot at long ranges, but who is not especially inclined to take his chances in a bayonet fight. Incidentally, target practice develops the mentality of the man, but does not improve his morale.” DRAGOMIROV.

Of every 100 wounds, the following percentages were produced by cutting weapons:

Campaign of 1859 1.67% Campaign of 1864 4.0 % Campaign of 1866 (Prussians) 5.4 % St. Privat (Germans) 1.0 % Russo-Turkish war 0.9 %

In time of peace the assaulting distance is to be about 150 m. During the Franco-German war, the assault against Elsaszhausen (battle of Wörth) was launched at about 300 m.[407] and that against St. Hubert at 100-200 m. from the enemy.[408] The 107th Infantry, after charging over a distance of more than 500 paces, captured a hedge which was held by the French north of St. Privat, and, in the assault against the northern outskirts of the village, a distance of 300 paces had to be covered.[409] In the attack on Le Bourget, on October 30th, 1870, the center column halted when 600 m. from the village; “then began a wild, headlong assault against its outskirts.”[410] The Japanese frequently had occasion to cross similar stretches at a run, but there were also instances where their assaulting troops had only to cover a few meters (1st Division at Kinchau, 20 m.).

[407] _Gen. St. W._, I, p. 267.

[408] HÖNIG, _Vierundzwanzig Stunden Moltkescher Strategie_, p. 127.

[409] _Gen. St. W._, II, p. 804.

[410] KUNZ, _Le Bourget_, p. 21.

=If the attacker succeeds in carrying the position=, he will be at a disadvantage for the moment; his troops will be in confusion and exhausted, and a large number of officers will be gone. If the defender, reinforced by fresh reserves, takes advantage of this moment, he may be able to turn the tide of the battle. The inclination of the men to pursue the enemy with the bayonet, instead of halting and making the most of the fire power of their rifles, is noticeable in all battles. The attacker will have to take steps to restrain his victorious infantry, and, as soon as opportunity offers, to pursue the enemy with fire. Under cover of this fire fresh troops or quickly assembled detachments should advance on the flanks in pursuit of the enemy. There is a wide difference between a wild, headlong rush after the enemy and a systematic pursuit. Infantry that rushes headlong to the front after penetrating a position must be brought back at any cost, unless it can enter a second position simultaneously with the enemy.[411]

[411] The conduct of the 47th Infantry Brigade after the capture of Ste. Marie aux Chênes. _Der 18. August_, p. 184. The second line of the position at Düppel was carried by the pursuing victors at the first rush. _Gen. St. W._, 1864, II, p. 539.

In addition to pursuing the enemy with fire, the attacker should re-form his troops without regard to their original arrangement (if the enemy gives him time enough, the original organizations should be re-formed), occupy the position, replenish ammunition, and remove the prisoners. It is a mistake to mass more rifles in the captured position than can be employed to advantage, as the enemy will in all probability direct a heavy fire upon it. As soon as the fight has been decided, the echelons in rear should be halted, so that they can be employed as occasion demands. The leaders of these units will often have to act independently in such a case. (Par. 350 German I. D. R.). Preparations should be made to the end that hostile counter-attacks may be at once repulsed. These rules are particularly important when the position that has been carried is not the main position but only an advanced post.[412] These measures must be taken independently by all leaders who participated in the assault, without waiting for orders from superior authority. The pursuit should be begun as soon as possible with formed bodies of troops (if practicable, while the enemy is being pursued by fire), in order to interfere with his re-forming, to prevent his taking up route column, and to overrun his rallying positions. The battle of Beaumont consisted of a whole series of such pursuing actions. The arrival of night should by no means be used as an excuse for discontinuing the pursuit, for night above all else is the mightiest ally of a bold victor.[413]

[412] See _Taktik_, V, p. 359, et seq. See also the measures taken after the capture of St. Privat. _Der 18. August_, p. 533. The situation in Fröschweiler; KUNZ. _Kriegsgeschichtliche Beispiele_, 17. pp. 109 and 153. As in peace, the signals, ‘the whole force assemble,’ and ‘the whole force halt,’ was sounded everywhere. How little the infantry was inclined to pursue is shown by the conduct of the 94th and the 32nd Infantry Regiments. _Ibid._, pp. 87-90. The 10th Company of the 32nd Infantry marched fully two miles to the rear to a bivouac which they had left in the morning.

[413] See _Taktik_, V. p. 436.

=If the attack fails=, it will be the duty of the commander to arrest the flight of the skirmishers who are rushing to the rear under hostile fire. It will be impossible, however, to halt these men while they are exposed to the most effective fire of the enemy. Only when the nearest cover is reached can there be any question of halting. (Par. 327 German I. D. R.). When cover is not available near at hand, the exhaustion of the troops will soon stop the flight, or the leaders may be able to face them again to the front, as soon as the hostile fire abates. However, the retreating troops will have placed quite a distance between themselves and the enemy before this can be done, and the latter, unmolested by fire from the attacker, will be able to take full advantage of the technical qualities of his rifle, unless the attacker’s artillery or cavalry prevent his doing so. No matter where the retreating troops come to a halt and face to the front, there they must stay, and, if the hostile fire permits, intrench.

The perseverance of the Prussian Guard 600-800 m. in front of =St. Privat=,[414] and of the British Brigade of Highlanders at =Magersfontain=, immediately in front of the Boer position, on December 11th, 1899, is worthy of imitation.

[414] The distance at which the first attack came to a standstill is variously given as 300 (3rd Guard Regiment and IInd Battalion of the 1st Guard Regiment) and 800-900 paces (2nd Guard Regiment). See _History of the 3rd Guard Regiment_, pp. 276, 279 and 280; that of the _1st Guard Regiment_, p. 165; that of the _2nd Guard Regiment_, p. 232. “Headed by a few of the officers who still remained, the depleted lines clung to the slope; with iron endurance and self-sacrifice they maintained the dearly bought positions.” _Gen. St. W._, II, p. 872.

The assault on =Gorni Dubniac= came to a standstill at very short range, and a part of the skirmishers of the Moscow and Pavlov Regiments maintained their positions 50 m., the remaining Russian skirmishers 320 m., from the trench.[415]

[415] PUSYREWSKI, _Die russische Garde_, p. 126.

11. THE USE OF THE SPADE IN ATTACK.

(Pars. 157, 313, 339, 380 and 381 German I. D. R.).

In every attack there are situations in which it may be advantageous to use intrenching tools--

1. In fortifying rallying positions.

The Japanese, whose mode of waging war was very cautious, fortified the initial positions from which their attacks were made, in order that they might have rallying positions in case of defeat.[416]

[416] On July 19th, 1904, the 12th Infantry Division (Ist Army) had pushed back Russian troops at Shaotao and at once fortified a position 2700 m. from the new Russian position at Yushuling. From this position the 12th Division advanced, on July 31st, as a Russian attack had not taken place. The extended fortifications facing the Russian Shaho position were made with the same end in view. The war in the Far East was one of positions, since neither army possessed sufficient freedom of action. See p. 341, et seq., supra.

2. In intrenching after making an advance under cover of darkness to within effective range of the enemy for the purpose of opening fire at daybreak. In this case, the advancing force is, as a rule, instructed to advance until it comes under hostile fire and then to intrench.[417]

[417] During the attack on Paardeberg, on February 27th, 1900, the Canadians were ordered to advance before daybreak from their trenches located 500 m. from the Boer position, and to throw themselves down and to intrench as soon as they were fired upon. This was done when the force was 100 m. from the enemy. _Kriegsgeschichtliche Einzelschriften_, 33, p. 60.

The Japanese 45th Infantry, in its advance under cover of darkness against Oerrshikiatsi (Shaho) was first fired upon at a range of 1000 m., whereupon the men threw themselves down and intrenched; when the hostile fire abated, the regiment advanced again, and when the enemy resumed his fire, it intrenched. A third advance brought the regiment within 500 m. of the defender’s position and it was able to make the assault during the forenoon of October 12th, 1904.

3. In intrenching an echelon posted to cover advancing infantry.

4. In fortifying a captured position. The want of intrenching tools in quickly putting captured positions in a state of defense, so often felt during the Franco-German war and the Russo-Turkish war, has now been removed by the introduction of portable tools.[418] The necessity of quickly preparing captured positions for defense presented itself in a number of instances.

[418] Examples: The French in St. Privat. The Germans and later the French in Noisseville. on September 1st, 1870. Villepion, on December 1st, 1870 (HÖNIG, _Volkskrieg_, III, p. 257; KUNZ, _Loigny_, p. 49): Les Granges, on January 11th, 1871 (_Geschichte des Regiments Nr. 20_. p. 297). Fortifying the position on the second ridge of the Green Hills in front of Plevna, on September 10th, 1877 (KUROPATKIN-KRAHMER, II, p. 178). Tempel Hill (Terrayama), on October 11th, 1904. In the last mentioned case three offensive returns were repulsed from the captured position, which had been prepared for defense. The fights for the possession of the village of Linchinpu (on the right bank of the Shaho, north of the railway), captured on October 14th, were still more obstinate; the position had to be prepared for defense under hostile artillery fire. (VON TETTAU, _Achtzehn Monate mit Russlands Heeren in der Mandschurei_, II, p. 136).

5. In holding ground that has been gained in an attack when further advance is impossible, that is, in situations such as confronted the infantry of the Guard on August 18th when its first attack came to a standstill. During the attack on Gorni Dubniac, in the Russo-Turkish war, the Russian Guard intrenched when a further advance became impossible. During the attack on Telish, which occurred a few days later, specific orders were issued for the troops to intrench when 1000-2000 m. from the Turkish works.[419]

[419] PUSYREWSKI, _Die russische Garde_, p. 166.

As a result of the lessons gained in the Russo-Turkish war, general instructions were issued to the Russian infantry on the subject of intrenching in attack. According to these instructions, the spade was to be used in attack in the following cases: In fortifying a captured position, as a protection against a possible offensive return of the defender; in holding supporting points necessary to a continuation of the attack; and in placing rallying positions in a state of defense. The order directing troops to intrench was to be given, in all cases, by the supreme commander. The following procedure was to be observed: “Every man equipped with a spade and who is not sheltered by some feature of the terrain, places his rifle on the ground and, lying on his left side, begins to excavate a hole parallel to his body. This hole should be as long as the distance from his left elbow to his knee, as wide as the length of the spade-handle, and as deep as the width of the blade of the spade. The excavated earth and sod he places in front of his head, which he endeavors to protect as quickly as possible. When this work is completed, he rolls over into the excavated hole, and, lying on his right side, repeats the operation. When he has obtained sufficient cover, he hands his spade to the other man of the file, who proceeds in a similar fashion.”

The Japanese, on account of their numerical inferiority, found it necessary to get along with few supports and reserves, and therefore made use of the spade in terrain devoid of cover, or utilized sand bags,[420] which were carried along. In this manner, they laboriously worked their way to within assaulting distance of the enemy. In many instances, this necessitated whole days of fighting when an envelopment was impossible. Sand bags were an advantage when the ground was frozen or when the sod was not thick.

[420] See p. 344 supra. Frequently the bags, which could be tied with a string, were filled near the place where they were to be used. The advance was considerably retarded by carrying along sand bags. During the attack on Yuputz, on March 1st, 1905, by the 8th Infantry Division of the IInd Army, the first sand bag cover was constructed 700 m. and the last 250 m. from the village.

_Results of Russian experiments._ The sand bag employed was made of coarse linen of grayish green color and when filled and tied, was approximately 50 cm. long (width of a man’s shoulders), 30-35 cm. wide, and 30-35 cm. high. The filled sand bag weighed 14-20 kg., depending upon the filling material (sand or broken stone). When filled with sand or broken stone, the sand bag stopped all projectiles, while, when filled with earth, even two bags placed in rear of each other did not afford sufficient protection. The sand bags were scarcely discernible with the naked eye at 400 m. They were not an easy target to hit, and, even at 300 m., it was difficult to aim at them.

The men had a distinct aversion against constructing shelter trenches while lying down. During the war they could be made to intrench only by great exertions on the part of the officers. The reason for this is obvious; digging with the small spade while in a prone position is uncomfortable. The skirmisher considers it much more profitable to fire than to puzzle out how he can best stir up the soil with the small spade while in a prone position. Moreover, he knows that at any moment he may have to make a rush to the front.

The beautiful idea that these trenches were to be used and widened by the reserves, was usually not carried out. The reserves preferred to make longer rushes and to take advantage of folds of the ground rather than occupy themselves with intrenching under hostile fire.

At ranges from 2000-1000 m., single men made short rushes, only 30-40 m. long, as the filled sand bag constituted a considerable load. Before a man ran forward, he slung his rifle, grasped the sand bag with one hand at the tied end, with the other at a loop specially provided for that purpose; then he jumped up, ran forward 30-40 m., as rapidly as he could in a crouching position, placed the sand bag on the ground, and threw himself down behind it. Under effective hostile fire, at 1000-550 m. (during our peace maneuvers at 420-280 m.), the men then crawl forward, utilizing the sand bag as cover. The men would rather crawl a greater distance with the sand bag than intrench while lying down.

From the position of the enemy, the skirmishers lying behind grayish green sand bags could not be recognized with the naked eye at 2000-1000 m. It is reported that both officers and men were at first very much disinclined toward making these experiments, but that they changed their views after one or two exercises, and the principal apprehension, that of increasing the weight of the field equipment, disappeared because of the undeniable advantages of the sand bag.

Such cover constructed by the assailant has no greater value than natural cover found on the ground over which the attack is made; it affords protection during halts and induces retreating skirmishers to face to the front again at an earlier moment than would otherwise be the case.

“It should not be forgotten, however, that time gained is of greater benefit to the defender than to the assailant. Moreover, the great difficulty of inducing a firing line which has made a lodgment under hostile fire, to advance from its laboriously constructed cover, admonishes us to be cautious in employing the spade during an attack. The construction of cover ought never to impair the desire for making an impetuous attack, or destroy the offensive spirit.” (Par. 313 German I. D. R.).

When a body of troops intrenches during an attack, it must detach half of its force to keep up the attack; this cannot be offset by an increased rate of fire, even if squad leaders, range finders, and musicians, take part in the fight, as the men offer a taller target while intrenching, and as the newly turned earth facilitates the enemy’s aim. A superiority of fire that has been gained may thereby be lost. However, when the defender’s troops have been so shaken that the assailant can detach half of his rifles with impunity, the latter need not remain lying on the ground, but can advance, in most cases, closer to the enemy’s position. The use of the spade is, therefore, proper only when ground that has been gained is to be held, and when the enemy’s fire permits intrenching.

=Russia.= In instructions issued by General Kuropatkin, the following statement in regard to the Japanese infantry appears: “It advances in widely deployed lines. The firing line advances by short, alternating rushes, the men then throwing themselves down and intrenching. In spite of our extraordinarily violent fire, the firing line continues to advance by alternate rushes, leaves its half completed shelter trenches and begins to dig new ones. The supports then advance by alternate rushes, occupy the first line of trenches and complete them. When the firing line advances from the second line of trenches, they are occupied by the supports, while the reserves move up into the first line of trenches. In this manner, the advance is continued by successive rushes. From this, it is apparent that the infantryman in the firing line must act on his own initiative in selecting a point for intrenching.”

=Japan.= In a number of cases, the Japanese conducted an attack in the manner described. At Liao Yang, on September 1st, 1904, shelter trenches were dug at 750 and at 530 m. from the Russian position. The advance beyond this was so managed that the men intrenched after every rush, finally arriving, in the course of the day, within 300 m. of the enemy. An assault made from this position on the afternoon of the 2nd was repulsed. The whole Japanese line again faced to the front on arriving in the shelter trenches which they had dug 300 m. from the hostile position. The Japanese now perfected their weak intrenchments and were even able to repulse two counter-attacks made by the Russians. This was certainly an exceptional case, and, besides, it involved an attack on a fortified position.

The German Manual of Field Engineering (No. 46) recommends that the man, when lying on his left side, construct in the first place a parapet 30 cm. high, as head cover and rifle rest. This produces pits 50 cm. wide, 60 cm. long, and 40 cm. deep, usually deeper in front than in rear, which makes aiming uncomfortable.

=France.= According to the _Instruction pratique sur les travaux de campagne_ (24th October, 1906), the men are to improve available cover; where natural cover is wanting, artificial cover is to be constructed when the hostile fire compels a halt or the men are forced to halt to regain their breath. At short ranges, the skirmishers dig individual pits. It is desirable for the soldier to use his knapsack as cover while working, and to leave it in position later also, to get better head cover.

=England.= Although the troops are not equipped with portable intrenching tools, it is prescribed that captured positions be fortified; in open country, when the hostile fire is too hot, this is to be done at night.

The suggestion of creating cover for skirmishers by using the pits produced by short shell salvos, is a singular one. Detailed experiments have been made in =Austria=.[421] In instructions issued by the commander of the XIth Corps, it was recommended that, when exposed to moderate hostile fire, the soldier should hug the ground as closely as possible while at work. The intrenching proceeded most rapidly when the soldier first excavated the ground in front and threw it forward. But in order to do this, the man has to push himself backward during the work and must throw the earth some distance. The parapet is low, but affords sufficient protection.

[421] _Streffleur_, 1906, III, p. 387.

The task is greater when the soldier lies first on his left, then on his right side, removes earth from a borrow pit at his right and then from one on his left, and piles it up in front. As the skirmisher lies on the natural surface of the ground during this operation, he naturally constructs a higher parapet.

The following general rules governing the use of the spade in attack may be laid down:

1. An invariable use of the spade in attack must be unhesitatingly condemned. The best means of gaining the superiority of fire, and the best protection against hostile fire, is our own fire.

2. It must not be left to the soldier’s discretion, as to whether or not he shall intrench. The order for intrenching should in every case emanate from the supreme commander.

3. As a rule, the spade should be used in those phases of combat that partake more of a defensive character, in particular--

(a) To protect artillery and prepare rallying positions during the preparatory stage of the action;

(b) To shelter troops detailed to contain the enemy while enveloping movements are in progress;

(c) To shelter troops that are to keep down the hostile fire by their own delivered from enfilading or commanding positions;

(d) To maintain a strip of ground or a supporting point that has just been gained, whether this has been captured from the enemy or whether the attack has come to a standstill at that point and a pause in the fighting occurs.

4. An attack with the aid of the spade from trench to trench is advisable only in exceptional cases, when the attack is a purely frontal one and is made over ground devoid of cover.

12. THE EMPLOYMENT OF RESERVES.[422]

(Pars. 294, 295, 366, 388, 393, 427 and 436 German I. D. R.).

[422] _Taktik_, V. p. 334, et seq.

The infantry attack may be characterized as a fire fight. It would seem desirable to surround the enemy’s zone of approach, or the position one wishes to attack, from the very outset with a dense, continuous line of rifles, and to overcome the resistance of the enemy in the earliest phases of the combat by means of an overwhelming volume of fire from as many rifles as possible. The impediments that stand in the way of carrying out this idea lie in the terrain, the ignorance of the enemy’s position, and in human nature. The defender can be driven from his position only by an attack; the impulse for an advance must be given by fresh troops; and the success gained by the firing line must be clinched by a retained assaulting force. The necessity of having a formed body of troops available, until the fight is in full swing, to meet unforeseen contingencies, further requires that a reserve be provided. Organizations should not be broken up any more than is absolutely necessary. The number of troops which the commander will retain for the time being, will depend upon the amount of information he has in regard to the situation. During an attack the reserve is frequently not designated until a preparatory position is taken up. In attack about ¹⁄₄-¹⁄₃, and in defense ¹⁄₆-¹⁄₂ of the whole force is put in the reserve, depending upon whether the ensuing action is to be a purely defensive one or the decision is sought.

The reserve enables the commander to “shift the center of gravity of the fight to the point desired by him, to reinforce his line where he considers proper, to equalize fluctuations of the combat, and, finally, to bring about the decision.” (Par. 294 German I. D. R.). As the combat progresses, the commander must decide whether the situation is such as to compel him to employ the reserves to cover his retreat,[423] or whether it is proper for him to put in his last troops for the purpose of gaining the victory. If the reserve has been put in and the attack fails (or, as at Wörth, the defender succumbs after putting in all the reserves) defeat is certain; but it would be a mistake not to employ the reserve, to keep it in readiness to cover a possible retreat, if its intervention can yet bring about a favorable termination of the combat.

[423] See deliberations of General v. d. Tann at Coulmiers. HELVIG, _Das erste bayerische Armeekorps_, p. 203.

The employment of the reserves by the Russians at =Plevna=, on September 11th, 1877: The general reserve consisted of nine battalions and was too weak to make an impression at one point; fifteen battalions were detailed to cover the lines of communication and the artillery (which was not at all in danger). Forty battalions that did not enter the fight were scattered all over the battlefield, no one being able to account for their presence.[424] When Skobeleff had effected a lodgment in the Turkish position, every available man should have been sent to this point. Although there were 9 battalions, 30 guns, and 4 troops (_Eskadrons_) available, only the Schuja Regiment (1300 men), which had suffered heavy losses in previous actions, was despatched to the point in question, and that more for the purpose of covering the retreat than to make the most of the success that had been gained.

[424] In the Franco-German war, the same thing happened on the German side. _Der 18. August_, p. 221.

In contrast to the Japanese commanders, who promptly launched all their troops, the Russian commanders were inclined to despatch numerous detachments, to organize provisional units, while completely ignoring existing organizations (this had, indeed, also the advantage that a suitable leader could be found for carrying a special mission into execution), and to form strong reserves by details from any and all imaginable units. These reserves were frequently not used at all.[425]

[425] On July 31st, 1904, when, in pursuance of orders from General Headquarters, a regiment and a battery was to be despatched to Mistshenko’s Cavalry Division, 15 km. away, a provisional regiment of two battalions was formed, without apparent reason, for the purpose from the 139th and 140th Infantry Regiments. In regard to the inclination of the Russians to form detachments, see LÖFFLER, I, pp. 11, 27, 53 and 54.

On March 5th, 1905, the commanding general of the Xth Army Corps (Zerpitzki) had available one brigade of his 31st Division, one regiment of his 9th Division, one regiment of the VIIIth Corps, three Rifle regiments of the mixed Rifle Corps, the 5th Rifle Brigade, and one regiment of the Vth Siberian Army Corps.[426]

[426] See V. TETTAU, _Achtzehn Monate mit Russlands Heeren in der Mandschurei_, II, p. 483.

On October 15th, in the battle on the =Shaho=, the general reserve of the army consisted of 32 battalions belonging to five different divisions and five different army corps. In his order for the battle, Kuropatkin laid particular stress on the necessity of forming reserves (Army Orders dated August 15th, 1904): “Keeping back more than half of the force in reserve is the best guarantee for success.” On December 27th, 1904, he made a similar statement.

The reserves are created to be used; every available man must participate in the decisive stage of the combat. If the enemy yields before the reserve is launched, so much the better; if he does not give way, all the troops that are at hand must be put in. The main thing is to gain the victory; scruples may be indulged in afterwards. A defeated commander who leaves the battlefield with troops that are still partially intact, has not made the most of the means at his disposal for combat, provided the situation was such that the launching of the reserves could have secured the victory. As shown by Hastenbeck (1757), by Idstedt (1850), and by Bapaume, at the moment of the crisis there is no sharp dividing line between victory and defeat, and the reserves may decide the fate of the day. The decision of Archduke Albrecht, during the battle of Custozza (1866), to push his last reserves into the fight was worthy of a great commander.

In contrast with this, =Russia= (1904): “In employing the general reserve, the commander-in-chief must be even more economical than the troop leader; he should, when necessary, detail single units to support this or that section, _but he should in no case use up his whole reserve before the decision has occurred_.” The failures of the British in the South African war may likewise be traced in part to a faulty use of the reserves. Thus, we read in the regulations of 1896: “The reserve should occupy a favorable defensive position in order to check the enemy in case of defeat; if the attack succeeds, the reserve should move up into the position and take charge of the pursuit.”

“Troops that give up a fight are like the swimmer who, after having made the most inconceivable exertions to swim across a broad, deep river, shrinks from the last spurt and drowns, although he need only stretch out his arm to reach the opposite shore.” (DRAGOMIROV).

In employing the reserve, it should be remembered that the whole available force must be launched at the decisive moment at the decisive point, and that the commander ought not to detach portions of the force intended for the decisive blow for tasks of secondary importance.

The launching of L’Estocq’s Corps at =Preussisch-Eylau=, is still a model worthy of imitation.[427]

[427] LETTOW-VORBECK, _Feldzug von 1806 und 1807_, IV, p. 107.

In the battle of =Vionville=, three battalions and four batteries were detached from the 20th Infantry Division, which had arrived during the afternoon, and sent to the right flank to take part in the action of the 5th Infantry Division, as infantry support seemed necessary on the right flank. When the head of the division reached Tronville, the question was discussed, as to whether it was desirable first to concentrate the division for action, or to throw the leading battalions into the Tronville forest, where portions of Lehman’s Brigade were still holding their ground. As an advance of the French out of the woods would have endangered the left flank of the Prussian artillery line, three battalions were at once thrown into the forest, while the six remaining battalions were kept in reserve for the time being. Subsequently, three more battalions were sent forward to reinforce the infantry engaged in the forest

“What a decisive blow the 20th Division could have struck, if it had been employed in one body!” (V. LIEBERT).[428]

[428] _Gen. St. W._, I, p. 595. _Kriegsgeschichtliche Einzelschriften_, 18, p. 580.--V. SCHERFF, _Kriegslehren_, II, p. 146.--Essay by V. LIEBERT published in Supplement of the _Militär-Wochenblatt_, 1895. From the description contained in the 4th Supplement of the _Militär-Wochenblatt_, 1895, p. 177. It appears, at any rate, that the support given by the 39th Half-Brigade was not absolutely necessary. On the right flank as well, a united employment of the force for the attack of Hill 970 ought to have been possible; as it was, regiments were cut up in making isolated assaults, which had no effect whatever on the outcome of the general action. KUNZ, _Kriegsgeschichtliche Beispiele_, 8/9, p. 128, et seq.

The decision is usually brought about by pressure on a flank, but it might become necessary to accomplish this result by launching large masses against some point of the hostile front.[429]

[429] General MINARELLI-FITZGERALD, _Infanteriemassen im Angriff_. Colonel CSICSERICS VON BACSANY of the Austrian Army, in a brilliant study entitled _Die Schlacht_ (Vienna, 1908), argues that with the increased combat frontage of armies, local successes have no longer the same Influence on the outcome of the battle as of old. Compare, for example, the envelopment of the Russian left flank at Liao Yang, and the penetration of the line at Yuhuntun (Mukden), with the effect produced by the capture of Chlum and St. Privat on the outcome of the battles of Königgrätz and Gravelotte, respectively.

The difficulties of accomplishing this are best illustrated by the situation of the IIIrd Army Corps on the afternoon of August 18th, 1870, when Prince Frederick Charles yielded to the entreaties of General von Alvensleben and permitted him to advance south of the Bois de la Cusse.[430] Similar situations resulted in the case of the Austrian 1st and VIth Army Corps at Königgrätz, the French IIIrd and IVth Army Corps, on a front of 2.75 km., with the Guards in rear, between Noisseville and Failly, and, finally, the advance of the 1st East Siberian Rifle Division at Wafangu. The French regulations likewise contemplate a decisive attack made by large masses on a narrow front. If these troops which are to clinch the success gained by the fighting line, are deployed on the front laid down in regulations, they will be unable to use their weapons. It isn’t mechanical shock action, but fire effect that decides the battle. In such a mass of troops, only fractional parts will be able to fire, the major portion is crowded together and becomes a dense, defenseless target, exposed to all the psychological impressions produced by crowding human beings into a narrow space.[431]

[430] _Der 18. August_, pp. 484 and 558, sketches 34 and 35.

[431] The successful attacks made by masses of fanatical warriors in colonial wars are carried out under such peculiar conditions that, for our purposes, deductions therefrom are not admissible. The defeat of the two French brigades at Bang-Bo (24th March, 1885), and at Ki-lua (28th March, 1885). LEHAUCOURT, _Les Expéditions de Tonkin_. The defeat of the Italians at Adua (1st March. 1896).

A brigade, therefore, should not deploy on a front of 1500 m., _i.e._, put only about ¹⁄₄ of its men in the first line; but no objection can be made if the brigade, in moving to the final decisive assault, at once advances on a front of 2500-3000 m.

13. THE CONDUCT OF THE LEADERS IN ACTION.

The difficulties of troop leading increase as the power of the commander to control and direct all ranks in action by words of command diminishes. In action, therefore, those means must be adopted that will facilitate the transmission of orders. This requires first of all the choice of an appropriate position for the leader.

The beginning of an action should find the leader as far forward as possible; during the advance to the battlefield, with the advance guard (par. 277 German I. D. R.), for neither messages nor reports, nor a map can adequately take the place of personal inspection of the situation of the enemy, of neighboring units, and of the ground. So placed, he can best direct the first deployment, upon which the future course of the action so largely depends, secure advantages by making prompt decisions in face of the enemy, save his own troops from making detours, handle them in accordance with a definite plan, and preclude arbitrary action on the part of the commander of the leading unit.

During the action, the superior commander can influence the course of the fight, his personal example excepted, only by employing his reserves. His place is, therefore, near the reserves, at a point that can be readily found, and never in the firing line.

A company commander should remain where he believes he can best control his company, as a rule, perhaps in the firing line. He provides for the supply and distribution of ammunition that is brought up from the rear, and regulates the coöperation of the platoons. (Pars. 216, 457 and 458 German I. D. R.).

A battalion commander should only in very exceptional cases take post in the firing line; he should nearly always remain with parts of the force that are held back for the time being, but, in any case, where he can effectively supervise his battalion. The choice of a regimental commander’s position is influenced by the same considerations; when his regiment is acting as part of a brigade, he must select his position so as to facilitate the transmission of orders from brigade headquarters. The brigade commander will, as a rule, remain near his reserves, at a point from which he can best overlook the deployment of his brigade.

On account of the fact that extended order fighting predominates, leaders of all grades must be particularly careful to maintain connection between the several parts of their command, with each other, and with adjoining units, and to preserve their influence over their firing lines. Superior commanders should, in addition, see that their troops do not get out of hand, and all subordinate leaders, after carrying out a task assigned them, should endeavor promptly to rejoin their proper commands, or place themselves at the disposal of the commander of troops still engaged with the enemy.

These requirements will be fulfilled, if superior commanders order nothing that they should not and cannot order, and if the officers charged with the execution of the orders coöperate to attain the desired end, and do not abuse the freedom of action allowed them.

While subordinate leaders, up to and including company commanders, are mainly occupied with fire control and fire direction, and should influence the men by their personal example, superior commanders have other tasks, which they must not neglect for the purpose of interfering in the sphere of action of their subordinates. They can influence the fire action only by sending the necessary forces to those portions of the firing line whose fire they wish to augment. An interference on their part with the action of subordinates is permissible only in case of obvious misunderstandings or mistakes, which would cause the combat to take a course other than that intended. The larger the unit commanded by an officer, the greater the latitude that must be allowed him. The leaders should concentrate their attention upon the general execution of their special tasks as part of the whole scheme, rather than upon supervision of details. It is by no means essential for all parts of the force to employ identical means to attain one and the same object. Every leader should bear in mind that _omission or neglect are greater crimes than a mistake made in the choice of means_.

The initiative of leaders of all grades is the foundation of great victories in war, but this initiative must neither jeopardize unity of action nor direct the course of events into channels not intended by the commander.[432]

[432] See _Taktik_, III, p. 174, and V, p. 57, et seq.

The best safeguard against the results of an act of unjustifiable initiative is to ask oneself: “What orders would my superior have to give me, if he were in my place and knew what I know?”

14. UNITED ACTION VERSUS TACTICAL MISSIONS.

Although no one disputes that victory depends upon a superiority of fire at the decisive point, yet there is a great diversity of opinion as to how this superiority is to be attained.

General Bronsart von Schellendorff states:[433] “Every battle seeks to bring about a decisive victory, but this is, after all, invariably the sum of local victories. Successful battle-tactics consist of correctly estimating the tactical value of these local successes and of contriving to gain a victory at the decisive point; in other words, to manage so that the sum-total of positive factors will be greater than that of the negative factors.”

[433] _Betrachtungen über die zeitgemäsze Fechtweise der Infanterie_, 1891, p. 36.

In the opinion of the advocates of this course,[434] unity of action is attainable by practice and study, but not by set formations. If unity of action could be ensured in all bodies of troops by means of study and practice, there would seem to be no reason why the regulations should lay down still more definite rules to govern the manner in which an attack should be conducted. The matter is not so simple, however. Bearing in mind the great latitude that the regulations allow each individual in choosing the formation which he deems proper in a given case, it is obvious that many very different procedures may result. This in itself is no drawback, and to a certain extent this condition must exist, as the task in hand, the nature of the country, and the existing situation vary. But, if a given problem can be correctly solved in several ways, it will also admit of a decidedly incorrect solution; and it is the more likely to be solved incorrectly, the less study and practice is indulged in by a large part of the corps of officers, and the less this class of officers finds in existing regulations as a guide to conduct. When, in spite of undeniable progress, we see dispersed attacks and an unquestionably incorrect conduct in every maneuver, and this with a corps of officers nearly all of whom are professional soldiers, who have had the advantage of study and practice, what may we expect in war, where the corps of officers will be very largely composed of officers of the Reserve and Landwehr, who have but very limited opportunities for study and practice, but who, after the very first battle, may have to command companies.

[434] General VON SCHLICHTING, _Taktische und strategische Grundsätze der Gegenwart_. See also the essay in the July number of _Jahrbücher für Armee und Marine_, 1898.

General von Scherff,[435] the chief advocate of “united action,” is opposed to the “combat with units of command” (_Kommandoeinheiten_) briefly sketched above. He makes a distinction between battle-tactics and the tactics of detachment warfare. In his opinion, the sum of the local successes can by no means gain the victory; that can only be done by the united launching of adequate forces at the decisive point. “No weapon in the world will ever alter the fact that five battalions united in one body have a greater inherent fighting power than five separate battalions--not to mention twenty separate companies--always provided that a united body of troops is also launched as one body.”

[435] _Kriegslehren in Kriegsgeschichtlichen Beispielen der Neuzeit_, I-IV, _Ein Schlachtenangriff_, 1898.

Examples Illustrating the Necessity of a United Attack.

1. The 26th Infantry Brigade was alarmed and put in march toward the battlefield to support the advance guard brigade of the VIIth Army Corps, engaged at =Colombey=. The commander of the 26th Infantry Brigade received orders from the commanding general to engage. It was not necessary for the brigade to provide its own reserve as the 25th Brigade had been directed to concentrate between Marsilly and Colligny, and to be at the disposal of the corps commander. The troops already engaged were in a critical situation; their moral and physical energy was exhausted. It is only too patent that the first battalion (1st Battalion, 13th Infantry) appearing on the scene was thrown into the fight to afford at least temporary relief, but this insufficient reinforcement was involved in the general failure. After about a quarter of an hour, the 25th Brigade (the IIIrd Battallion, 73rd Infantry had remained in bivouac at Pange) was concentrating for action at Coincy, but, instead of its making a united attack, only the 1st Battalion of the 73rd Infantry was launched. This battalion did, indeed, penetrate into the “Tannenwäldchen” at the “Todten-Allee”, but was then surrounded on three sides, had to fall back with considerable losses, prevented the further advance of the IInd Battallion of the 73rd Infantry, and rallied on the Füsilier Battalion of the 13th Infantry, on the bank of the Vallières brook. “Although the General Staff account of the war is silent on this subject, we are justified in assuming that only the presence of the brigade commander, who had learned a lesson from the second local assault, prevented the Füsilier Battalion of the 13th Infantry from making a fourth isolated effort. After re-forming the organizations, the new attack, which was made with indomitable spirit, proceeded more in connection with that of three other battalions advancing on the same line, and this united advance was closely followed by a second echelon consisting of the last battalion of the brigade (the IInd Battalion of the 13th Infantry), which had arrived just in time. The result was that the enemy was completely routed.”[436]

[436] _Gen. St. W._, I, p. 470. VON SCHERFF, _Kriegslehren_, I, p. 41, et seq.

2. At the Gorze-Rezonville road, on August 16th, 1870, the isolated attacks made against Hill 970 by eight battalions, belonging to three different brigades, likewise accomplished nothing, whereas, had a higher commander been present, a united attack launched by him would undoubtedly have been successful.[437]

[437] _Gen. St. W._, I, p. 631. VON SCHERFF, _Kriegslehren_, II, p. 271. KUNZ, _Kriegsgeschichtliche Beispiele_, 8/9, p. 128, et seq.

3. The well executed attack made against the hill west of the suburb of =St. Martin=, on January 19th, 1871, by six battalions of the 29th Infantry Brigade shows the importance of the united launching of a large body of massed infantry. The engagement of the 16th Infantry Division, in particular the attack made on =Grugies= (battle of =St. Quentin=) is the antithesis of the above-mentioned attack. Although the situation did not necessitate the simultaneous launching of the available forces, the brigade attacked in driblets. The attack made by these fractions, launched one after another, was not able to bring about a decision. In the first place, at about 11 A. M., three companies (5th, 6th, and 7th of the 69th Infantry), soon afterwards supported by the 8th Company of the 29th Infantry, and the 8th Company of the 69th Infantry, attacked the French position at the railway embankment and cut. The Prussian troops fought with great gallantry, the 5th, 6th and 7th Companies of the 69th Infantry making four attacks, and the other two companies, three. Although these five companies succeeded in gaining temporary successes, they lacked a common commander, and were supported from the rear only when they were thrown back after fighting for three-quarters of an hour.

About noon, the four companies of the Ist Battalion, 29th Infantry, were brought up, but did not engage until the first line had been forced back and the 5th, 6th, and 7th Companies of the 69th Infantry, at any rate, were out of action for the time being. Incidentally, it may be mentioned that the Ist Battalion of the 29th Infantry attacked in three groups, the strongest of which consisted of 2-l/2 companies, the weakest of only half a company. Only the strongest of these groups scored a success, and the Ist Battalion of the 29th Infantry was completely routed after a bloody fight. The 9th and 10th Companies, 29th Infantry, did not arrive on the battlefield until after the companies of the Ist Battalion of this regiment, whose heroic fight cannot be sufficiently praised, had ceased to exist as tactical units.

At 12:30 P. M., the 3rd and 4th Companies of the 70th Infantry were brought up and threw back the French, but were in their turn defeated. At this moment the 10th and 11th Companies of the 40th Infantry arrived; these companies were also able to advance, but their success was a temporary one only.

At 1:30 P. M., the IInd Battalion of the 40th Infantry appeared, threw the French back, but was soon attacked by superior forces and suffered the same fate as its predecessors.

At 2:30 P. M., the Füsilier Battalion of the 70th Infantry and the 9th and 12th Companies of the 40th Infantry were brought forward, but only the former engaged seriously at once--again without success. A little while later, the 9th and 12th Companies, 40th Infantry, advanced energetically. At about 3:30 P. M., the French made a very strong counter-attack; all that had been gained seemed about to be lost again, when the decision was finally brought about by the vigorous action of the 41st Infantry and a charge made by Reserve Dragoons.

The capture of Grugies, of the sugar mill, and, a little later, of Gauchy, now followed.

The resistance of the French was broken. General von Barnekow had thus, apparently, gained his object; but at what a price? In this engagement, the launching of troops in driblets may be very accurately followed:

1. At 11 A. M., five companies were launched in two separate groups (5th, 6th, and 7th Companies, 69th Infantry--8th Company, 29th Infantry and 8th Company, 69th Infantry);

2. Toward noon, four fresh companies (1st Battalion, 29th Infantry) were also launched in separate groups;

3. A little later, two fresh companies were put in (9th and 10th Companies, 29th Infantry);

4. At 12:30 P. M., two fresh companies were launched (3rd and 4th Companies, 70th Infantry);

5. A little later, the 10th and 11th Companies, 40th Infantry, were pushed in;

6. About 1:30 P. M., the IInd Battalion, 40th Infantry, was brought up;

7. About 2:30 P. M., the Füsilier Battalion, 70th Infantry, and the 9th and 12th Companies, 40th Infantry, advanced.

Thus, between 11 A. M. and 2:30 P. M., General von Barnekow gradually drew into the fight twenty-five companies, in seven different detachments, from the reserve formed by the 16th Infantry Division at Essigny le Grand. Besides, the troops generally did not appear on the battlefield until the energy of the troops already engaged was exhausted.[438]

[438] KUNZ, _Nordarmee_, II, pp. 135 and 212.

Moreover, the retreat of the several detachments was not a voluntary one, for the French, thanks to their great superiority, generally forced them to retire. This engagement thus presents a series of partial successes, which became reverses, however, in a very short time.

_Launching reinforcements in driblets increased the numbers required beyond all reasonable bounds, produced heavy losses, and involved the weak reinforcements, which arrived successively, in disaster, without turning the tide of the battle. Decisive victories can only be brought about by simultaneously launching masses._

“The system of close order battalion tactics was no longer practicable under Chassepot fire, and everyone promptly went to the opposite extreme of extended order, company column tactics, with which all were sufficiently familiar, since it had been carefully practiced in minor field exercises in time of peace.” (The attack made by the 26th Infantry Brigade against =Schlosz Aubigny=, August 14th, 1870[439])

[439] _Gen. St. W._, I, p. 466; VON SCHERFF, _Kriegslehren_, I, p. 16; VON MALACHOWSKI, _Scharfe Taktik und Revue-Taktik_, p. 18. This example is the more instructive, as both advocates of these opposing views show how, in their opinion, the attack should have been made. The same attack is, moreover, treated in _Militär-Wochenblatt_, 1901, Numbers 41 and 42, under the title _Selbständigkeit und Auftragsverfahren_.

There is always danger that unity of action will be sacrificed by the continued assignment of individual tasks; that the leader will not be able to count with confidence on the initiative of subordinate leaders restoring this unity, and “that, in the end, no higher commander will any longer have the assurance that his wishes will be carried out.” The battles around Metz during August, 1870, show a tendency on the part of the infantry to leave behind, in reserve and in rallying positions, parts of the troops launched to perform a certain combat task, “to detach parts to maintain communication (very often not at all endangered) with neighboring detachments”, and to despatch others to a distance to cover a flank, or to make a wide turning movement for the purpose of enveloping the enemy’s flank.

To prevent a battle from degenerating into a number of disconnected, local combats, and to ensure that the enemy will be actually subjected to the fire of as many rifles as the supreme commander intended, General von Scherff proposes that the battle formation, consisting of several echelons separated by fixed distances, be taken up outside of the zone of hostile fire, and that these echelons then advance simultaneously and as uninterruptedly as possible upon the enemy. In this movement the terrain is to be taken advantage of only so far as the orders permit. In view of the flat trajectory of the modern rifle, he concedes that fire while in motion, formerly considered permissible by him at long and medium ranges, may be replaced by an advance by rushes of the firing line, alternating with firing in a prone position, the ammunition to be expended at each halt being fixed by the officer charged with fire direction. He moreover considers it necessary to have a main firing position, located approximately at the outer limit of short ranges, for the purpose of gaining the superiority of fire. Base units must be designated in order to prevent weak detachments from encountering the enemy single-handed. Moreover, he intends to keep the advance going by increasing the fire, and by detailed and definite orders providing for the constant reinforcement of the firing line by men of the steadily following supports and reserves. Further, since according to his proposal, a halt by the rear echelons of an attack that has once been launched, is excluded on principle, it follows of necessity, that, for the fire effect of the firing line at the really decisive ranges, there can remain only a very brief period of time, measurable in minutes, which is amply sufficient, in his opinion, for the object to be accomplished.

It is charged that General von Scherff’s proposal[440] (see p. 205 supra) favors a set scheme for conducting every fight. This is not true; there is quite a difference between “more definitely regulating the conduct of an attack”, aimed at by the author of _Kriegslehren_, and the formulation of a normal procedure.

[440] The 10th Supplement of the _Internationale Revue_ 1900, gives General von Scherff’s ideas on the infantry attack. See also his _Reglementarische Studien_, p. 58, and _Ein Schlachtenangriff_, p. 102. _Vergleichender Rückblick auf die neueste Tagesliteratur über den Infanterieangriff_, 1906.

“Where a number of individuals are to coöperate for the purpose of performing a certain task, the nature of the case requires that each one be able to picture to himself beforehand the nature of the task, so that his share in it will appear clear and definite. Each one must know what he is to do, when and where he should engage, what his role is to be, etc. etc., or the result will be hopeless confusion.”--“The drill regulations must supply this picture and the drill-ground is the place where its general forms should be impressed upon every individual participating in the performance of a task.” Experience has taught us that this image of the drill-ground becomes distorted in war through influences which have almost never permitted it to appear on the battlefield in its true form. The initiative of subordinate leaders should overcome the obstacles which stand in the way of a realization of this ideal image.

=The system of tactical missions= reckons with the sum-total of local successes, assigns tasks to the different units of command, and leaves to the latter the choice of the means, without restricting their independence. The course of the combat can be influenced only by the action of retained forces, and it is sought to produce united action by acquainting all leaders with the object of the combat, they in turn endeavoring to attain this object even though they do so in different ways.

=The system of united action= seeks to ensure victory by simultaneously placing in readiness all the forces intended for the general combat, by an orderly concentration for action, and by launching the troops at one and the same time, without, however, requiring all parts of the force to employ the same formations. This system dictates to the leader the number of troops he should launch. Since in action everything is ordered as necessity therefor arises, the result is that the leader loses sight of the general action in view of the great number of separate orders that must be issued.

In the system of tactical missions, there is danger of arbitrary action on the part of subordinates, and of dispersion; moreover, it is not always easy to deploy strong firing lines, and there is an increased tendency to overestimate the value of cover and, in consequence, to overstep the assigned frontage.

The system of united action is open to the objection that initiative of the individual disappears and that the rules laid down in drill regulations degenerate into a pattern devoid of all spirit.

In =Austria= (1906), Captain Wachtel[441] suggests that, when a decision is not sought, an attack in groups be made, and that, when a decision is sought, a united attack be made. In =Switzerland=, Major Sonderegger[442] advocates a procedure based on that of General von Scherff.

[441] _Gruppen- und Einheitsangriff_.

[442] _Der ungebremste Infanterieangriff_, 1906.

The initiative of the individual should carry the troops over difficulties occasioned by the terrain or the enemy. Such checks occur most frequently from the time a force enters the zone of effective hostile fire until the assault has been decided upon. In the author’s opinion, the individualized attack is a concession made, at the expense of united action, for the purpose of making the attack succeed at all.

XI. THE DEFENSE.[443]

[443] _Taktik_, V, p. 308. HOPPENSTEDT, _Taktisches Handbuch für den Infanterieoffizier_, p. 30.

The invariable guiding principle in defense is to make the most profitable use of fire. This principle governs in the selection of a position and in strengthening it artificially.

The defender’s object may be--

1. =Temporary occupation= of a piece of ground;

2. =Purely passive defense=, outpost, rear guard, and delaying actions;

3. =Offensive-defensive action=, _i.e._, to bring about a decision by combining the offensive with the defensive.

In fortress warfare, situations may arise which may make it necessary to hold a piece of ground obstinately, without it being possible to assume the offensive. In the French, Russian, and Italian regulations, only the offensive-defensive is considered. The Italians see in the defensive nothing but a preparation for the offensive; the Russians seek to shake the enemy with fire in defense, so that they can subsequently assume the offensive.

The defensive is dependent upon the terrain, and is subject to the condition that the locality where the tactical situation requires a stand to be made offers a position favorable for employing fire to good advantage, and that the opponent actually attacks where the defender expects him. The employment of the defensive is restricted by its dependence on the ground and on the measures of the enemy. Its employment may frequently be explained by the fact that one of the contending parties allows itself to be checked to such an extent by the initiative of the other that it can only offer a passive resistance. Such passive resistance may here and there score a success by chance (Plevna, St. Privat), but, as a rule, only the assailant reaps a benefit from such situations.

1. THE PASSIVE DEFENSE

seeks to avoid a decision, and must therefore endeavor, by opening fire at an early moment, to prevent the enemy from reaching short ranges. (See p. 147 supra). It is not absolutely necessary to have a clear field of fire or strong reserves, but the latter, kept a considerable distance in rear, must be strong enough to enable the force to disengage itself from the enemy.

Since only a temporary resistance is to be made, it is permissible for the force to cover a greater front. The defender should endeavor to compensate for his numerical inferiority by expending a large amount of ammunition and by employing machine guns. It is an advantage to have obstacles in front of the position and cover in rear of it, because the former retard the enemy’s advance and the latter shelters the troops from his fire in case of a retreat.

2. THE DEFENSE SEEKING A DECISION.[444]

[444] During the attack on the large work at Gorni Dubniac, the Finnland Regiment was unable to advance from its last position, only 70-100 paces distant from the enemy, over the foreground swept by grazing fire. Several attempted assaults were repulsed.

Decisive results can only be obtained at short and medium ranges. Long range fire may, indeed, inflict losses on the enemy and delay his advance, but it cannot repulse him. (See p. 148 supra).

It is not sufficient merely to ward off the attack with fire; the offensive must be assumed. When this is not done, the assailant can repair his losses and try another attack. When the defender has repulsed the enemy, he should follow up this success with an attack. However, as he will rarely be able to do this with the force at his disposal, fresh troops will be required. (Beaune la Rolande, Lisaine). The change from the tactical defensive to the offensive offers the same difficulties as the corresponding strategical move; but, in the former case, there is present, in addition, the element of danger and the difficulty of perceiving the right moment.[445]

[445] _Taktik_, V, p. 320. Compare this with Benedeck’s hesitation at Königgrätz.

A position is of value only when it compels the enemy to attack, directs his movements into definite channels, and induces him to make wide turning movements, which cause him to lose time and produce favorable conditions for the assumption of the offensive on the part of the defender. Every position that enables the defender to use all his weapons, and does not deter the enemy from making an attack, is suitable for this purpose.

“By placing our troops in an unassailable position, we actually refuse battle and force the enemy to seek the decision in another manner. * * * A defensive position approaches its ideal to the extent that its strength is hidden and opportunity is offered of surprising the enemy by our tactical combinations. One should endeavor to conceal the advantages which one intends to derive from the formation of the ground, just as one hides from the enemy the bulk of one’s troops and their actual position. This is, indeed, only practicable to a certain extent, and requires perhaps a peculiar and little used method of treatment.”[446]

[446] CLAUSEWITZ, _On War_, VI, 12 (_Militär-Klassiker_, p. 364). The Boers were masters of the art of concealing defensive positions. At Colenso, on the Modder River, and at Magersfontain, their positions were located in places where neither the British artillerists nor the reconnoitering detachments suspected them to be.

Modern firearms make the defense so strong in front that it suffices to hold this part of the position with a weak force supplied with plenty of ammunition, and provided with weak supports, at a few points, to replace losses. As these supports have a definite task to perform, they are posted as near the first line as the available cover permits, in order to cut down the distance to be traversed by them under fire. When practicable, they are intrenched within the firing line itself. As it is advisable to supply these troops with a great deal of ammunition, some of the ammunition wagons belonging to the battalions held in reserve may be turned over to them. The general reserve intended for offensive action should be kept far in rear of the line. When kept too close to the first line, the defender will be unable to move it to any point desired, after the direction of the attack becomes apparent. The defender should examine his position from the point of view of the attacker, and ask himself, “_With how weak a force may I occupy the position and still obtain the frontal strength described in the regulations, and how strong can I make the general reserve so as to bring about a decision?_”

At some parts of the position, an attack will have good prospects of succeeding, at others it would encounter difficulties, and, finally, at others it could not possibly succeed. While many troops are needed in the first-mentioned portions (sections), comparatively few troops will suffice to hold those sections which are less favorable for the attacker (on account of their free field of fire, obstacles, and the absence of artillery positions in which the attacker can place his guns). This leads to a division of the defensive position into sections, each forming a separate unit of command (battalion or company) and, when necessary, detailing its own reserve (section reserve). When the frontage of the sections, as determined by the above-mentioned examination of the position, is considerable, or when obstacles lie within the position, a further subdivision may become necessary. This does not imply that the position must be held in equal strength all along the line; portions of the line that are very difficult to attack need only be kept under observation. Gaps in the defensive line are, as a rule, of very little value to the assailant, as the defender will frequently be able to sweep the space in front of them from a flank. “In order to keep all parts of the foreground under observation, and to prevent portions of the hostile force from escaping the defender’s fire, a division of the foreground corresponding to the division into sections must be made when necessary.” (Par. 403 German I. D. R.).

Weak points, _i.e._, points against which the assailant can suddenly mass superior forces at short range, or in the defense of which a coöperation of infantry and artillery is impossible, must be specially strengthened: by obstacles; provision for flanking the hostile advance; and preparation of supporting points in rear of the position. In addition, such weak points must be occupied with a strong garrison, by employing two firing lines, one above the other; reserves; and machine guns.

Enclosed farm yards (Point du Jour, on August 18th, 1870), and small patches of timber, are best not occupied at all; they are far more valuable as sham defenses in that they draw the fire of the assailant. At any rate, it is a question whether, at the last moment, when the hostile assault must be warded off, it will be possible to occupy such points.

As a general rule, only a single defensive position, consisting of an infantry and an artillery line, is selected.

The Russians invariably posted strong advanced detachments in front of their main defensive positions. As a result, the most serious fights usually occurred in the positions taken up by these advanced troops.[447] At =Haicheng=, for example, a strong main position had been prepared, in which a stand was to be made. In spite of this, the IInd Siberian Corps was left in a strongly fortified advanced position west of =Simutcheng=. This corps, in its turn, fortified two lines of advanced positions far in its front.

[447] LÖFFLER, _Russisch-japanischer Krieg_, I, p. 109. See _Taktik_, V, p. 305, in regard to the numerous positions in the valley of the Shaho.

“Thus, on July 31, 1904, only seven battalions of this corps finally fought at =Daputsi= and =Liadapu=. When they were thrown back by superior forces, the mistake was made of bringing up fresh troops to regain the position captured by the enemy. These troops arrived too late and had to make a difficult attack on the Japanese, who had already occupied the captured position. Naturally their frontal attack accomplished nothing.

“The force thus suffered a defeat needlessly, and, although the defensive had been decided upon, a lot of men were sacrificed in an attempt to retake an advanced position that had been captured by the enemy. The corps evacuated its strong position without a fight when its line of retreat was endangered by Mistshenko’s being forced back. The Russians likewise evacuated their main position at Haicheng when news was received that strong hostile forces were advancing against the left flank of the position.”[448]

[448] See _Kriegsgeschichtliche Einzelschriften_, 41/42, p. 49.

As a rule, it is not advisable to occupy =advanced positions=,[449] _i.e._, positions lying within effective range of the main position. Supporting points immediately in front of the main position, projecting from it like caponiers, and flanking the ground over which the assailant will have to make his attack, must not be confounded with these advanced positions. St. Hubert and St. Marie aux Chênes, on the battlefield of Gravelotte are good examples of both classes of positions. In order to gain time, a commander may sometimes find it advantageous to occupy and temporarily defend advanced positions lying still farther to the front. (Lisaine, and Shaho). In doing this, favorable terrain (Chavannes on the Lisaine) and skillful leadership are essential.

[449] _Taktik_, V, p. 270, et seq. No objection can be made to the contemplated construction of advanced positions in front of the Shaho position, as the Russians desired to gain time for the offensive movement to be made by their left wing. The uncertainty and hesitation produced by the constant changes in orders, and the excessive reinforcement of the advanced detachments, which allowed themselves to be led into making a stubborn defense, was fatal.

In =France= and =Russia= much is expected of advanced positions. In =England= particular importance is attached to them when they draw the enemy in a direction facilitating the conduct of a counter-attack. The British consider that supporting points lying in front of the position had best be left unoccupied, unless they can be supported by artillery fire from the main position.

“Smokeless powder and the great range of modern firearms will frequently make reconnaissance so difficult that it will be possible to gain an approximate idea of the enemy’s strength only by a fight. For this reason, in situations similar to that existing west of Belfort, in January 1871, advanced detachments, whose mission it is to deceive the enemy as to the defender’s strength, and to compel him to deploy, will have a greater justification now than at that time. Nowadays, such detachments may cover a considerable front without danger, especially when they are plentifully supplied with ammunition. This will make it still more easy to deceive the enemy, and a skillful defender will know how to make the most of it.”[450]

[450] _Studien zur Kriegsgeschichte und Taktik_, II, p. 237.

Advanced positions[451] are apt to mask the fire from the main position, and fights for their possession may easily lead to the defeat of the troops holding them. The danger of the fight taking place and being decided in the advanced position must be reckoned with. (Battles of Ligny and on the Hallue). On the other hand, it may be advantageous to employ scouting detachments, cyclists, and machine guns, and to construct dummy intrenchments in front of the main position. (Par. 407 German I. D. R.). The French, more than anyone else, are convinced of the advantages to be derived from an employment of advanced positions (for example in deceiving the enemy as to the location of the main position). In a deliberately planned concentration and advance into action, such positions are, however, so effectively enveloped that they do not come into play at all and fall an easy prey to the enemy. However, we do not wish to deny their occasional usefulness in cases where it is necessary to gain time for concentration and for strengthening the main position. In fights for their possession, an idea may frequently be gained of the intentions and dispositions of the assailant. Moreover, they offer opportunities for surprising the enemy with fire, and induce him to make premature attacks and to mass his troops in the ones he has captured.

[451] Par. 21 German _Manual of Field Engineering_: “Their use is principally restricted to special cases in fortress warfare.”

Next to a free field of fire (clearing the foreground, and ascertaining ranges), the determining factors in selecting a position are elbow room in and in rear of the position, supporting points for the flanks, and cover. The natural cover available on the ground is made use of as best suits the purpose of the action.

The line in which the artillery intends to fight the decisive action constitutes the “framework” of the position. Although artillery will rarely be able to perform all its tasks in a single position, its first position is selected with due regard to the position of the hostile artillery. The most important position is that from which the hostile infantry attack is to be repulsed. This should be selected far enough in front of the artillery to enable the latter to fire over it, and to deprive the assailant’s artillery of the opportunity of hitting the defender’s infantry and artillery at one and the same time. (Par. 401 German I. D. R.). A distance of 600 m. between infantry and artillery is considered sufficient for this purpose. In view of the protection afforded by gun shields against infantry fire, it is scarcely necessary to post skirmish lines in advance of the artillery. But, where the infantry line is not continuous in front of the artillery, troops should be posted, so as to protect the artillery personnel from being annoyed by hostile patrols. It will seldom be possible for a commander to do justice to the requirements of both arms; in every compromise, one or the other arm is only too apt to be placed at a disadvantage. The needs of the infantry, whose choice of a position is more restricted, take precedence. While infantry can govern its action by that of the artillery during the preparatory stage of an attack, this is impossible in defense, as the infantry is obliged to carry the fight through to its logical conclusion in the position in which it is begun.[452]

[452] As the artillery is less restricted in the choice of positions, and as the final outcome of the fight depends, after all, on the outcome of the infantry action, the demands of the infantry, contrary to par. 292 German I. D. R., must be considered in the first place.

3. FORTIFYING THE POSITION.[453]

[453] Germany: _Manual of Field Engineering_, 1905. France: _Instruction pratique sur les travaux de campagne_ (December 24th, 1906). England: _Manual of Military Engineering_, 1905. Russia: _Mitteilungen vom Ingenieur Comité_, No. 41 (1906). The Austrian and Italian regulations are undergoing revision.

The apprehensions formerly entertained in regard to prematurely fortifying a position, and which are still shared by the French regulations, are no longer to be found in the new regulations. The construction of field fortifications requires time, if they are to be of value, and if they are to give leaders and troops the assurance that they can be defended by the minimum number of men.[454] Even intrenchments that have been constructed in vain will frequently prove useful in deceiving the enemy. In many cases, it will be necessary to be prepared to meet a hostile attack made from several directions. This contingency should be taken into account by at least preparing for the work beforehand.

[454] At 10 A. M., on August 18th, 1870. General Canrobert received orders to place St. Privat in a state of defense. At 11 A. M., the first reports of the approach of the Prussian Guard were received, and at 4 P. M., Ste. Marie aux Chênes was in German hands. Hence, only five hours were available for these preparations for defense.

“If the situation turns out to be different than was expected, the intrenchments already constructed should not influence the decisions of the commander. On the other hand, the consideration that the works might be built unnecessarily must not cause their construction to be omitted altogether.” (Par. 311 German I. D. R.).

In the preface to the French regulations, it is emphasized that intrenching a position ought neither to impair the spirit of the offensive nor hamper the movement to the front. “Intrenchments are a means to an end, but not the end itself. They should only be used when no violence is done thereby to the tactical situation, and one should never hesitate, for a single moment, to abandon them, if the situation requires, or to construct others, at another place, if it becomes necessary.” The men should therefore be trained in handling the portable intrenching tools, until they can use them skillfully in any position of the body.

“The use of intrenchments may also be abused. To remain inertly in a place is just as fatal as to advance without making use of cover. When temporary halts are made, the commander for the time being, often placed in that position by chance (_chef du moment, chef d’unité ou chef de groupe éventuel_), indicates whether or not intrenchments are to be constructed.”

Battle intrenchments are to protect the soldier against hostile fire, without hampering him in using his rifle. “They are one of the factors which ensure economy in men, in that they save a body of troops from suffering unnecessary losses. But their importance always recedes before the general requirements of an action, and they should never in any way interfere with the advance of troops; on the contrary, intrenchments are to make it possible to bring troops within effective range of the enemy, without impairing their physical condition or their morale.”

Intrenchments enable a commander to save troops, which he can use offensively at the decisive point. They do not fulfill the object for which they were intended, when they make it easier for the enemy to pick out the position. “Works which cannot be perceived from the foreground even through powerful field glasses, afford the most effective protection against artillery fire.” Trenches should therefore be deep, have a low parapet, and be properly masked.

The commander indicates when work is to begin. Every unit must intrench the portion of the defensive line which it is to defend; working parties, specially detailed from troops not intended for the immediate defense of the position, can be counted on only when extensive works are to be constructed.

Continuous lines of trenches are seldom built; it suffices to construct a line of works with intervals, _i.e._, battalion groups, the intervals being simply held by a weak force.

These battalion groups (par. 24 German Manual of Field Engineering) are constructed without regard to any fixed form, as the tactical employment of the companies requires. They consist of firing trenches (flanks refused and echelons in rear of the wings), provided with splinter proofs, and adequate cover trenches, so that all the men, if possible, will be sheltered from artillery fire.

The aim is, first of all, to construct inconspicuous standing firing trenches. These should have low parapets and be provided with numerous traverses to restrict the effect of high explosive shell. In order that these traverses may not betray the location of the position, they should not rise above the parapet.[455]

[455] These traverses afford very little shelter against enfilading fire; it is advisable to keep sand bags in readiness as a protection in case such fire is received.

Deep, narrow trenches afford the best protection against artillery fire (the trench should be about 0.60 m. wide at the bottom). Narrow trenches are especially difficult to pick out from a balloon. In constructing trenches having no parapet at all, special precautions must be taken in order that their location may not be betrayed by the scattered earth or by their rear wall, which will be visible when they are located on the slope facing the enemy. When the trenches are to be held for some time, provision must be made for the construction of splinter proofs,[456] other overhead cover, and loopholes of observation.

[456] These lie about 0.50 m. below the natural surface of the ground and accommodate 5-6 men: they are separated from each other by an earth wall 1 m. thick.

Numerous light splinter proofs are generally to be preferred to a few larger and stronger ones, as they afford sufficient protection against shrapnel bullets and fragments. They may be protected against direct hits from field guns, or other guns having a flat trajectory, by sloping their roofs to the rear at an angle as nearly as possible coincident with the angle of fall of those projectiles.

Since field intrenchments are incapable of furnishing protection against direct hits from guns having a curved trajectory, this object must be attained by skillfully distributing splinter proofs along the front. These should be inconspicuous and should not take up too much room. The comfort of the troops in the trenches should also be provided for by constructing kitchens, latrines, drainage ditches, and dressing stations.

In addition, field magazines for storing ammunition should be built, and alarm arrangements made. Moreover, covered communication should be provided along the line and to the rear. The front and gaps in the line may be very effectively flanked by fire from skillfully constructed refused wings.

In constructing a battalion group of intrenchments, provision will have to be made, in addition, for the following:

1. =Observation of the foreground=, “for the purpose of reconnaissance and security, as well as for noting the effect of one’s own fire.” In order that observers may not betray the location of the position, it is recommended that they be posted at inconspicuous points affording a sufficiently extended view, and screened from the observation of the enemy. When they have to be posted in the defensive line, the terreplein is either lowered in places, so that they can just look over the parapet, or special observation stations are constructed. Provision must be made for communication between the several parts of the line and with the next higher headquarters.

2. =Clearing the foreground.= As a rule, it will be practicable to employ for this work troops not needed in digging trenches. As time is lacking in field warfare for extensive work, such as cutting down embankments and removing dead angles, one will have to be content with trampling down or burning standing grain, removing objects which the enemy might use as aiming points, and cutting clearings through woods. It is not advisable to demolish stone walls and houses, as the debris is difficult to remove and affords cover to the enemy.

3. =Dummy intrenchments and masks.=[457] These are to deceive the assailant as to the position and extent of the defensive works. They should not be located in the same fire swept zone as the defensive works themselves, and at a distance should look like real fortifications. Masks are to screen defensive works or troops, without restricting the fire of the latter. Natural features are best suited for this purpose, but may be replaced or supplemented by artificial masks.

[457] _Taktik_, V, p. 291. At Magersfontain, the Boers constructed dummy trenches on the crest, while the trenches actually held by them were located at the foot of the slope. The result is well known.

In many cases, it will suffice to place a few skirmishers behind a parapet that has been hastily thrown up with a plow.

4. =Cover trenches and communicating trenches.= These constitute a considerable portion of the defensive works. Communicating trenches may be either covered ways or zigzags, and connect the cover trenches with the firing trenches. Sortie steps should be provided in order to facilitate a prompt advance from the trenches. In many cases, it is impossible to avoid placing firing and cover trenches so close to each other that the enemy’s shells can strike both simultaneously.

5. =Obstacles.= These need only be constructed when two forces confront each other for a protracted period. The purpose of obstacles is to hold the enemy where he will be exposed to the most deadly fire; retard his advance; compel him to confine his movements to certain avenues of approach (this is especially valuable in night combats); and eliminate dead angles in front of the position. The presence of extensive obstacles forces the enemy to advance systematically. As a rule, they can only be removed by pioneers. They should not be located too near the position, as they are apt to be damaged by artillery fire directed at the position, and interfere with the defender’s fire. When they are too far in front of the position, the defender will not be able to guard them and prevent their destruction. In general, they should not be more than 200 m. from the position. It is better to construct several lines of small obstacles than a single line of large ones. The requirement that obstacles must not interfere with the defender’s fire, must not afford the enemy an opportunity to approach under cover, and must remain intact under hostile artillery fire, is best met by marshy ground and by wire entanglements. Obstacles should be provided with a slight glacis in order to prevent artillery fire from destroying them prematurely. When wire entanglements are too high, they are easily seen at a distance, and, although they are little damaged by artillery fire, the attacker can make preparations to remove them.

Russian Views.

A defensive position consists of an advanced position, a fighting line with firing trenches and batteries, supporting points in rear, and, finally, a fourth line, which serves as a rallying position. The key to a position, which lay formerly in the line of supporting points, lies at present in the firing trenches in which supporting points must be provided. (Colonel Golenkin advocates the use of semi-circular works as supporting points, and Lieutenant-Colonel Mordovin large closed works). “These semi-circular works are in a sense the anchors by means of which the firing line clings to the position which it has occupied.” It does not matter if the enemy penetrates the first line and captures one or two of these supporting points, for others remain on either side; the latter and the second line of supporting points then form a new though somewhat indented defensive line. As the attacking force which has penetrated into the position, is hemmed in on both sides, it will hardly be able to sustain the counter-attack made by the defender’s reserves, and its temporary success will turn into defeat. But, in order that this may be accomplished, a second line of supporting points is absolutely essential. Large closed works of high command, but a smaller number than is employed in the first line, are recommended for this purpose. According to Russian opinions, several lines of fortifications are essential in order to check an enemy who has penetrated the first line, and to facilitate the defender’s final retreat in case of necessity.

Particular importance is attached to advanced positions, to positions for the reserves, echeloned to the right and left rear of the flanks, and, finally, to rallying positions. Advanced positions are either to serve “reconnaissance purposes,” by forcing the enemy to an early deployment, or to do duty as “caponiers” from which a flanking fire may be brought to bear on the foreground.

Advanced positions, doing duty as “caponiers,” are invariably to consist of closed works, those serving “reconnaissance purposes” of open works. The latter are to be defended “to the last ditch,” and are not to be evacuated until the enemy approaches to about 400 m. or less, but the garrison is not to allow itself to become involved in a bayonet fight.

In contrast with this distribution in depth--2 km., in the model given--Lieutenant-Colonel Jabel, whose views are based on the same experiences, advocates the use of only one line of fortifications. He states: “The length of the battles, which sometimes lasted two weeks, as well as the terrible intensity of fire in general and artillery fire in particular, produced such an absolute nervous exhaustion that the decisive action could be fought only in a single line. With its capture, further fighting had only small prospects of success * * *” “When firing trenches have been constructed at the points where the best effect can be obtained from long and short range fire, they should not be evacuated prematurely, but held, in order to make the most of this fire effect, until the enemy arrives close enough to use his bayonets. If the troops holding the trenches retire immediately before the bayonet fight, their retreat invariably becomes a rout, and, in any case, entails tremendous losses, for, after leaving their trenches, they will be helpless and exposed in the open to the hostile fire.”

4. THE CONDUCT OF THE DEFENSE.

In his _Tactical Handbook_, Major Hoppenstedt suggests a method, well meriting attention, for decreasing the effect of artillery fire on a defensive position. He believes that dummy intrenchments, not too conspicuously located, partially, but not skillfully masked and occupied, will deceive the attacker’s artillery for some time, at any rate, until the advanced troops of the attacker induce the defenders to man their parapet and expose themselves to shrapnel fire. The “defense should be conducted in such a manner that the garrison of the main position will not need to expose itself to the enemy’s artillery fire as soon as his advanced troops appear.” Major Hoppenstedt believes that this can be attained, in hill positions, by conducting the fire fight, at long and medium ranges, from positions in rear, the defender moving up into the main position, specially prepared for this purpose, when the attacker disappears in the defiladed spaces in front of it. The objection to this method is that it necessitates too large a force to hold the position.

“In a protracted, obstinate fight, the defender’s trenches, exposed to the combined hostile infantry and artillery fire, will finally become filled with dead and wounded, and it will rarely be practicable to remove them. The arrival of reinforcements will increase the confusion and the losses, and the fighting energy of the troops will decrease with tremendous rapidity. This is one of the greatest disadvantages of the defense as compared with the attack and its constantly moving lines.

“In such cases, which will be typical at points where the attacker intends to penetrate the line, it may be a real act of salvation for the defender’s firing line to rush to the front.

“In fighting at short ranges, especially just before the assailant makes his assault, such a rush to the front on the part of the defender’s line, may be a good move for another reason. As is well known, the attacker’s artillery must change targets when its infantry arrives within a certain distance of the defender’s position. The Germans (par. 446 I. D. R.) fix this point at 300 m. from the enemy, and the French, whose guns have a flatter trajectory, fix it at 500