m. It is true, the peculiar situation existing on the German side,

operated against a simultaneous employment of the several bodies and a mixing of units was unavoidable, but it would undoubtedly have been possible to prevent such a complete dissolution of all units, by François’ Brigade taking up a more suitable formation before the action commenced. The mistake made here was repeated over and over again in the other preliminary combats of the campaign, and invariably led to the same result.[238]

[238] Consult _Erste Gefechtsentwicklung des XI. Armeekorps bei Wörth_, KUNZ, _Kriegsgeschichtliche Beispiele_, 13, p. 10, et seq.

The failure of the attacks made by the British brigades at =Magersfontain= and =Paardeberg= may be traced to the lack of sufficient reinforcements. At Magersfontain, the four battalions of the Highland Brigade were deployed on a front of 3000 m. and at Paardeberg on a front of 4000 m.

In deciding how many men are required to occupy or attack a position, the principal point to be considered is the effect of fire. The modern long range magazine rifle will, no doubt, enable us to defend a position with a smaller force than was possible in the past with the older less improved weapons. However, combats last longer nowadays, and the shock action of Frederick the Great’s tactics is no longer practicable. The fight is carried on at longer ranges, and the tremendously costly decisive moments of the past are of rarer occurrence. As a consequence, the casualties of the whole force engaged are smaller, although, owing to unfavorable conditions, certain organizations may suffer losses quite as great as those incurred in the battles of Frederick the Great and Napoleon.[239] Instead of the sanguinary hand-to-hand fight with cold steel, we now have a prolonged fire fight carried on by a firing line which requires to be constantly fed by troops held in rear, who have to be sheltered as much as possible from hostile fire until the moment of their employment. This fire fight is frequently decided by psychological factors and without the troops suffering material losses.

[239] At Wörth, the 1st Turco Regiment lost the enormous total of 93.1%, and twelve other French regiments suffered a loss of over 50%. To be sure, the losses sustained during the retreat are included in this total. At Albuera (16th May, 1811), the 57th Regiment (British) and the Füsilier Brigade lost 70%; in four hours the army of Beresford lost 25%, and of the British infantry, which originally numbered 7000 men, only 1800 remained.

“The duration of the combat under modern conditions,” writes General Négrier,[240] “leads to a considerable mental exhaustion of the troops which is apparent in nervous lassitude. This explains the impotency of leader and troops the day after a defeat and even after a victory. This lassitude is still greater on the day of the battle. While it is true that this has always been the case, the nervous exhaustion has grown in an inconceivable manner, its intensity increasing at the same rate as the invisibility of the opponent. _The invisibility of the enemy directly affects the morale of the soldier, the sources of his energy and courage. The soldier who cannot see his enemy is inclined to see him everywhere. It is but a step from this impression to hesitancy and then to fear._ The inertia of the troops for whole days at Magersfontain, Colenso, and Paardeberg, frequently more than 800 m. from the enemy, was not caused by their losses, but by the moral depression produced within the effective zone of rifle fire. Another factor, which governs the modern combat at short ranges, the _impossibility of the commander making his influence felt in lines which are seriously engaged_, is of still greater importance. _The influence of the officers who lead these lines is also limited. They are scarcely able to direct the three or four men nearest them._ The combat depends upon the individual fighters, and there never has been a time when the personal efficiency of the individual soldier has had a greater significance.” We should not forget that this change occurred during a period in which we no longer fight our battles with professional soldiers of long service, but, on the contrary, with peace cadres of our conscript armies raised to war strength by Reservists.

[240] _Revue des deux mondes_, June number, 1902.

Another factor to be considered is the fighting quality of the opponent. In an action against an enemy who is a match for us, the necessity for distribution in depth is, of course, greater than when fighting against poor troops.

General v. Werder could with impunity oppose the newly raised levies of the French Republic on the =Lisaine= with 1.12 men per meter of front. The victory was won by this very extraordinary extension of front, which, if employed in the face of the Imperial army, would have led to defeat.[241]

[241] KUNZ, _Entscheidungskämpfe des Korps Werder_, II, p. 11.

_Considerations of importance in deciding upon the extent of front to be covered by a force, similar conditions on both sides being presumed, are_--

1. _Whether it is compelled to fight an independent action alone_;

2. _Whether it is fighting, from the preparatory to the decisive stage of the combat, as part of a larger body, with at least one, or perhaps both flanks secured_;

3. _Whether it has been selected to make the decisive attack against an enemy already shaken by other troops_.

In the last mentioned case a sudden effect, a short, powerful blow, is required, and the maximum frontage of all the units employed on the same line is admissible. But even a force advancing to the final assault can by no means dispense with distribution in depth; supports and reserves are needed to carry forward the firing line when it has been checked, to cover its flanks, and to carry on the pursuit (second line).

The frontage of an organization whose flanks are secure and which is acting as a part of a larger force, depends upon other troops; considerable extension of front is admissible provided the firing line is constantly maintained at a strength which will enable it to gain a superiority of fire over the enemy. “While an organization which has only one flank protected, is less restricted as regards frontage, it will have to provide for distribution in depth on the exposed flank. In this case, it is a good plan to move the units held in rear toward the particular flank (echeloning). Interval and distance increase with the size of this echelon.” (Par. 290 German I. D. R.). The German Infantry Drill Regulations (par. 397) further emphasize the fact that, when well-trained infantry employs its rifles to good advantage in defense, it is very strong in front; that it can hold a position with a comparatively small force; and that, in this case, it has only one weak spot, the flank, which it must seek to protect by distribution in depth. This view is fully borne out by the recent events in South Africa and in Manchuria. Under favorable conditions (deliberate defense), a battalion fighting as part of a larger force may put all of its companies into the first line, a front of 200 m. being assigned to each. The battalion can thus defend a front of 800 m. The only restriction is the requirement that the battalion commander must be able, at all times, to direct the course of the combat.

An organization acting alone which has to fight an action independently from beginning to end under varying conditions, cannot employ all of its available strength in the first line at one time. A distribution into three parts, viz., firing line, supports, and reserve, is therefore required. During the preparatory stage, the firing line should be as weak as possible, while, for sustaining and deciding the action, the reserve should be as strong as possible. As a rule, this distribution will not come into existence until the combat has begun; it must disappear again, during the subsequent course of the fight, through reinforcement of the troops that initiated the action, thus resulting in an increase of the combat front.

While the frontage is thus increased, an equal density along the entire attacking line is not produced. This is due to the fact that one will endeavor to increase the distribution in depth only at the point where the decision is sought (offensive wings), while one will seek to obtain results by a generous expenditure of ammunition at points where the enemy is only to be contained. When a broad front has to be held with a weak force, it is a good plan to post the troops in groups. Of the attack as well as of the defense it may be said, that the skillful combination of the offensive and defensive advantages of a piece of ground is a sign of good leadership. (Austerlitz). Frequently, however, after an action is over, the assault that penetrated a line is called the main attack, and the one that failed, a demonstration. An organization fighting alone will generally begin an action by deploying on a narrow front; it will protect its flanks by distribution in depth; and, finally, mass troops at the decisive point in readiness to make the assault. The force making an assault in attack or a counter-attack in defense cannot be strong enough.

Another factor that must be considered in deciding upon the frontage is the task which a force is to perform, _i.e._, whether it is to make an attack or to stand on the defensive; whether it is to fight a delaying action or is to withdraw. The object of distribution in depth is to keep the firing line constantly at the same strength; this requires stronger reinforcements in attack (owing to the greater losses), than in defense, and leads, consequently, to a contraction of the front.

The number of troops which will be required to hold a given piece of ground must be determined separately in each case. The strength of the fighting line depends upon the effect of the hostile fire. Military history tells us how many troops the leader sent into action in order to gain the victory, but it seldom gives us a clue as to the number of troops that might have sufficed in the particular case.

In deploying from route column in a rencontre, the leading battalion may be fully engaged by the time the next one arrives on the battlefield. In such cases, the tactical situation may require the employment of longer firing lines than would be deemed proper for the size of the command when making a more serious attack. (Par. 357 German I. D. R.). The assailant should then endeavor to throw the enemy, who is likewise advancing, on the defensive. The situation is similar to that in which an advance guard has to cover the main body’s debouchment from a defile.

At =Nachod=, five Prussian battalions, which had only two companies in reserve, fought on a front of 2500 m. from 8 A. M. until noon.

The conduct of the advance guard of the 8th Infantry Division at =Beaumont= is worthy of imitation. In this case, the support battalion was deployed and the artillery went into position; strong detachments were retained in rear of the left wing until the main body had arrived. Likewise, a proper relation existed between frontage (4 battalions on a front of 1400 m.) and distribution in depth. According to the General Staff Account of the Franco-German war (II, p. 1045), the distribution was as follows:

_First line_: 4th Jäger-Battalion, which was subsequently reinforced by the IInd Battalion, 96th Infantry and the Ist and IInd Battalions, 86th Infantry.

_Support for the Artillery_: Füsilier Battalion, 96th Infantry.

_Reserve_: IIIrd Battalion, 86th Infantry.

We have already mentioned the deployment of the advance guard at =Spicheren= (p. 226 supra). In that instance the whole force was thrown in at once, whereas at =Beaumont= the deployment of the different units was coördinated and proceeded systematically. An advance guard should be able to repulse an attack and then assume the offensive without outside assistance. An example which is not worthy of imitation is the engagement of the 29th Infantry Brigade at the =Hallue=. The brigade began the fight, without being compelled to do so, and deployed its 4530 men on a front of 5000 m. The 30th Infantry Brigade (4070 men) then entered the fight and deployed on a front of 3000 m. in prolongation of the line of the 29th Brigade. If the French had made a decisive attack at this point, the 15th Infantry Division would not have been able to repulse it.

Distribution in depth, for the purpose of warding off an enveloping movement and for making a counter-attack, is more necessary in defense than in attack; besides, a greater front may be covered in the former case on account of the smaller losses. The following factors in part determine the extent of front to be occupied and the number of troops required to defend it: (1) the strength, natural or artificial, of the position; (2) obstacles in its front; (3) salient angles which can be easily enveloped; (4) the intentions of the commander (_i.e._, whether he contemplates fighting a purely defensive combat or one including offensive action).

=Delaying actions= are usually fought at long and medium ranges as purely passive defensive combats and no provision is made for replacing casualties, the object of the fight being to avoid a decision. Few men should, therefore, be placed in the firing line, but these should be supplied with abundant ammunition. However, as the force desires to avoid a decisive engagement by withdrawing, distribution in depth should be provided to protect the flanks and to facilitate breaking off the action. (Par. 419 German I. D. R.). This requires that distances be great.

=Night attacks=, on account of the element of surprise involved, do not require great distribution in depth; as a rule, the fight is decided in a very short time by the collision of the opposing forces. However, measures must be taken to protect the flanks, to ensure victory, and to give the first line the impetus necessary to carry it forward in case it is checked.

The British attack on the Egyptian position at =Tel el Kebir= (1882) was made by only 11,000 men on a front of about 6 km. After a short fight the works were taken.

An attempt will now be made to give some approximate figures for the extent of front that may be occupied in various situations.

Assuming one rifle for every three meters of front occupied, the following might suffice for temporarily defending a line 1000 m. long:

Firing line 300 rifles Supports (one platoon in rear of each wing) 120 „ Reserve (two companies) 400 „ ---------- Total 820 rifles

Thus 0.8 men per meter would be sufficient. This is borne out by the Boer War. With a good field of fire, even a thin firing line, provided with plenty of ammunition, is capable of bringing any attack to a standstill, at least for the time being.

=A defense seeking a decision= requires fighting at short ranges; the firing line must be kept constantly at the same strength; losses of about one-fifth (killed, wounded, and missing) must be reckoned with; and, finally, a reserve, consisting of about a third of the effective strength of the force, is required for making the counter-attack. The firing line is, from the outset, made as dense as possible, and echelons posted on the flanks must oppose any advance against the flanks.

The following would thus suffice for defending a front of 1000 m.:

Firing line 1000 men Replacement of casualties 200 „ Flank protection (2 companies) 400 „ Reserve 800 „ -------- Total 2400 men

Hence, 2.4 rifles per meter of front would be available for defense.

The defense is decided by a successful counter-attack made by the reserve, whereas the attack requires an additional force to cover and assure the assembling and re-forming of the troops. The greater force is naturally required by the attacker, who must be stronger than the defender at the moment when the assault is made. The following would be required for making an attack on a front of 1000 m.:

Firing line 1200 rifles Replacement of casualties (¹⁄₂) 600 „ Flank protection 400 „ Reserve 2000 „ ----------- Total 4200 rifles

This would be equivalent to 4.2 rifles per meter of front.

These figures can only serve as a very general guide, of course, and should be considered minima.

The number of troops required for attack or defense must be determined separately for each individual case. At =Lovtcha=, 25 battalions, 92 guns, and 15 sotnias were not considered too large a force for attacking 8000 Turks with only 6 guns. At =Gorni Dubniac=, 3 infantry divisions of the Guard, with 90 guns, attacked 6 weak Turkish battalions having only 4 guns. After the first two unsuccessful assaults on =Plevna=, the Russians overestimated the strength of the enemy. Osman Pasha’s force was estimated at 80,000 men, and, consequently, during the September assaults, 90,000 men and 400 guns were deemed necessary to attack barely 40,000 Turks and 60 guns.

From a consideration of the foregoing, it appears that the =maximum frontage= is justifiable, when a force whose flanks are secure, occupies a position prepared for defense, or acts as a reserve and is to bring about a decision which has been prepared by other troops. On the other hand, the =maximum distribution in depth= is necessary for a force acting alone in attack with both flanks exposed. Between these two extremes lie many intermediate degrees, and it is therefore impossible to lay down hard and fast rules for the frontage of an attacking force. The German Infantry Drill Regulations (par. 373) accordingly fix the frontage of a company in attack at 150 m. and that of a brigade of six battalions at 1500 m. It is impossible to give a definite ratio of effective strength to combat frontage. Thus, while in attack a company puts into the line about 1.3 rifles per meter of its front, the brigade employs 4 rifles per meter, and the larger units a proportionally greater number. The necessity for distribution in depth increases with the size of the force and with the number of units composing it.

In a company, for example, a platoon is sufficient to fulfill, within certain limits, all the functions of a reserve, while in a larger force the duties of a reserve are so complex that each task (protecting the flanks, reinforcing the firing line, giving the impetus for the assault, and covering the assembling and re-forming of the attacking force) must be assigned to a separate unit. Moreover, the duration of a combat, and, in conjunction therewith, the necessity of reinforcing the firing line and covering the flanks, increases with the size of the force. During protracted periods of peace, one is too much inclined to underestimate the wastefulness of a battle and the necessity for reinforcing the fighting line; one cannot understand why 5 to 6 men will not suffice, during the course of a combat, for a front wherein only one man can use his rifle. From the foregoing it follows that the frontage does not increase in proportion to the number of men. Thus, an army corps would not occupy a front four times that of a brigade, or twice that of a division. This is best illustrated by doubling or trebling a plane area when both length and breadth have to be equally increased.[242]

[242] See _Taktik_, V, p. 46, et seq.

The maximum frontage to be covered in attack by the firing line of a =company= is fixed at 150 m., in order that the density and fire power of that line may be constantly maintained during a prolonged and costly action. During shorter (_i.e._, rear guard actions), or less costly actions (defense), it is, however, permissible to exceed this limit. The regulations by no means insist upon a literal interpretation of this paragraph, since they mention the deployment of the entire company, when it would certainly occupy a front of about 200 m. There is no disguising the fact, however, that, when extended on a front of 200 m., it is out of the question for the company commander to lead his men.

The regulations do not fix the combat frontage of a =battalion=, as it depends upon the tactical situation, and the battalion commander is at liberty to place one, two, three, or four companies into the first line. The frontage of a battalion would thus be 300 meters when making an independent attack, and not exceeding 600 meters when fighting a purely defensive action as part of a larger force, in other words, a mean frontage of 400 meters.

This is also true of the =regiment=. The combat frontage of a regiment acting alone, will, at the start, seldom exceed that of two battalions deployed abreast. From this we obtain a frontage of 600-800 m. for the regiment when it is acting independently, and a frontage of about 1200 m. when it is fighting a purely defensive action as part of a larger force.

Military history tells us that an army corps consisting of 25 battalions, acting as a part of a larger force in a deliberately planned attack, occupies an average front of 2.5 to 5 km. According to this, the frontage of a brigade would amount to about 800-1000 m., _i.e._, to 6-7.5 rifles per meter of front.

This limit was frequently exceeded during the =Franco-German war= according to the circumstances under which the brigade went into action and the commander’s estimate of the situation. If the brigades had to cover the concentration of the columns in rear, and if the battalions came into action successively, both brigade and battalion frontages were frequently very great. The endeavor to close with the enemy as soon as possible and the desire to bring a large number of rifles into action, led to enormously increased frontages at the expense of depth. The brigades which arrived later, entered the line where other brigades were already engaged, and the result was a dissolution and admixture of all tactical organizations.

At =Colombey=, the 25th Brigade covered a front of nearly 3 km. with 28 companies, only four or five companies remaining in close order. Connecting with this brigade on the north, 22 companies, belonging to two different divisions of the 1st Army Corps, covered a front of 4 km., supported by three or four companies in close order. With such an overextension of front the offensive or defensive power of a force is, of course, crippled.

During the battle of =Amiens=, the 3rd Prussian Brigade advanced in three columns against the heights north of the Luce. On the left, six companies of the 4th Infantry advanced from Domart, in the center, four companies from Hangard, and on the right, two companies from Demnin. A battery and a troop (_Eskadron_) were attached to each column, and the right column was followed by the 44th Infantry.

The French advanced troops were pushed back without special difficulty, but at the northern edge of the timber, the brigade now found itself opposite the French main position Cachy--Villers-Bretonneux. The attack on this position began at once, and in a short time the 4th Infantry and two batteries were in action on the line East corner of the Bois de Hangard--Gentelles (5 km. long). At the same time, the 44th Infantry with one battery deployed on a front of about 2000 m. to the right of this line. The right wing of the 44th Infantry subsequently advanced to attack the trenches southeast of Villers-Bretonneux and captured them. The enveloped French left wing withdrew to the village named, and rallied on strong reserves.

This was the situation when the fight came to a standstill toward 1 o’clock P. M. The brigade fought in a thin line over a mile (four English miles) long. The reserve only consisted of three companies of the 4th Infantry, at Gentelles, and four companies of the 44th Infantry, in rear of the right flank.

A defeat was averted only by the timely interference of other troops, especially of strong artillery (76 Prussian guns against 24 French).[243]

[243] KUNZ, _Nordarmee_, I, p. 47, et seq.

The frontage of a company is definitely fixed, so as to make it easier for battalion and regimental commanders to designate combat sections; the higher leaders reckon with regimental and brigade fronts. In war, however, the numerical strength varies constantly, and it is therefore advisable not to reckon with companies, but with a corresponding number of rifles (200 on an average). The combat frontages mentioned in drill regulations only give an approximate idea of the extent of front to be covered by organizations which act as part of a larger force in an attack seeking a decision. The extent of front to be covered in other situations, under favorable or unfavorable attack conditions, requires in each case a separate estimate.

In the Boer war, we notice for the first time overextensions of front, which were undoubtedly caused by a desire to avoid the costly frontal attack.

At Magersfontain, on December 11th, 1899, the British division under Lord Methuen (7300 men) covered a front of 12 km.; and during the attack on Pieters Hill, on February 27th, 1900, the troops under General Buller (30,000 men) extended over a front of 11 km.

At Poplar Grove, 7000 Boers with 7 guns fought on a front of 17 km. (0.4 men per meter), while the British deployed 25,000 rifles, 5000 troopers, and 116 guns on a front of 32 km. (0.8 men per meter). In the engagement at Diamond Hill, on June 11th, 1900, the army under Lord Roberts (40,000 men) advanced on a front of 37 km. Such liberties could be taken only in the face of a shaken enemy who had given up all thoughts of the offensive. At Paardeberg, February 18th, 1900, the 6th Division and the Brigade of Highlanders succeeded in getting close to the enemy, but there the attack failed on account of the lack of an impetus from the rear. Even in the Russo-Japanese war the frontages were greater than those to which we are accustomed. The reason for this overextension lies in the fact that a numerically inferior assailant was desirous of vanquishing the defender, and in order to accomplish this purpose, he was obliged to make an extensive use of the spade and to put all rifles into the first line.

===================+=======+=======+======+==========+========== | | | |Per 10,000| | Jap. | Russ. |Front-|men.[244] | Per m. | | | age. |Jap.|Russ.|Jap.|Russ. -------------------+-------+-------+------+----+-----+----+----- | | | km. | m. | men. Liao Yang (West and| | | | | | | South front) |106,700|150,000| 26 |2600| 1750|3.9 | 5.9 | | | | | | | Shaho |148,000|257,000| 48 |3330| 1980|3. | 5. | | | | | | | Mukden (exclusive | | | | | | | of Yalu Army) |247,000|336,000| 96 |3960| 2970|2.6 | 3.4 -------------------+-------+-------+------+----+-----+----+-----

[244] According to data given by Lieut. Col. Yoda in the _Journal of the Officers’ Association_, Tokio.

The realization that troops in fortified positions only require small reinforcements or none at all, very naturally caused frontages to be increased and depth of combat formations to be decreased. Gaps in the attacking line, provided they were kept under observation, proved by no means a disadvantage.[245]

[245] At Mukden, on March 3rd, 1905, there was a gap of 7 km. between the Japanese IVth and Ist Armies, which was covered by only one infantry regiment of Reservists, two dismounted cavalry regiments, and one battalion of artillery. However, the Russians were fighting on the passive defensive in this case. The insignificant danger to be apprehended from such gaps is especially emphasised by the French regulations.

During attacks it frequently appeared that the Japanese lacked the necessary reinforcements.

~INFLUENCE OF VARIOUS RIFLES ON THE DENSITY OF BATTLE FORMATIONS.~[246]

[246] General MINARELLI-FITZGERALD, _Infanteristische Reflexionen_.

========+======+=======+=============+==================+================ Rifle. |Year |Battle.|Belligerents.|Per km. of the |Remarks. | | | |combat frontage. | | | | +-----+------+-----+ |of | | |Bat- |Esca- |Field| |the | | |tal- |drons |guns.| |Cam- | | |ions |@ 150 | | |paign.| | |@ 900|troop-| | | | | |ri- |ers. | | | | | |fles.| | | --------+------+-------+-------------+-----+------+-----+---------------- Muzzle | 1815 |Water- |French | 12 | 19 |46 |After Napoleon’s loaders.| |loo +-------------+-----+------+-----+concentration | | |British | 10 | 15 |25 |for battle | | | | | | |toward noon. +------+-------+-------------+-----+------+-----+---------------- | 1859 |Sol- |French and | 7 | 5 |19 |After the victo- | |ferino |Sardinians | | | |rious advance of | | +-------------+-----+------+-----+the Austrian | | |Austrians | 7 | 2.5 |21 |VIIIth Corps to | | | | | | |S. Martino. +------+-------+-------------+-----+------+-----+---------------- | 1866 |Cus- |Austrians | 8 | 2. |17 | | |tozza | | | | | --------+ +-------+-------------+-----+------+-----+---------------- Breech | |König- |Prussians | 9.5| 10 |39 |Situation at loaders | |grätz +-------------+-----+------+-----+noon. large | | |Austrians | 10 | 8.5 |43 | caliber.| | |& Saxons | | | | +------+-------+-------------+-----+------+-----+---------------- | 1870 |Wörth |Germans | 9 | 5 |37 | | +-------+-------------+-----+------+-----+ | |Grave- |Germans | 11.5| 9 |46 | | |lotte +-------------+-----+------+-----+ | |St. |French | 8 | 6.5 |32 | | |Privat | | | | | --------+------+-------+-------------+-----+------+-----+---------------- Mag. | 1899 |Colen- |British | 1.5| | 4 |Including 1¹⁄₂ rifles | |so 1st | | | | |heavy guns. of | |battle,| | | | | small | |Dec. | | | | | caliber.| |15th | | | | | +------+-------+ +-----+------+-----+---------------- | 1900 |Colen- | | 2.5| 1.5 | 7.5 |Including 1¹⁄₂ | |so, 2d | | | | |heavy guns. | |battle,| | | | | | |Febru- | | | | | | |ary | | | | | | |27th | | | | | --------+---+--+-------+-------------+-----+------+-----+---------------- 7.6 mm. | M | 1|Febru- |Russians | 1 | 0.4 | *5 |Total extension against | u | 9|ary | | | | |from the Liao to 6.5 mm. | k | 0|20th | | | | |Tung-wha-sien. Mag. | d | 5| | | | | |*Incl. 1 heavy rifles. | e | .| | | | | |gun. | n | | | +-----+------+-----+---------------- | | | | | 3 | 0.7 | *5.5|Excl. East and | | | | | | | |West Det. *Incl. | | | | | | | |3 heavy guns. | | | +-------------+-----+------+-----+---------------- | | | |Japanese | 3.5| 0.8 |*15.5|Exclusive of the | | | | | | | |approaching Vth | | | | | | | |army. *Incl. 2 | | | | | | | |heavy guns. | | +-------+------+------+-----+------+-----+-----+---------- | | |March |West |Rus- | 5 | 0.8 |†18 |†Ex- |Excl. of | | |3d |front.|sians | | | |clu- |Trans- | | | | | | | | |sive |Baikal | | | | | | | | |of |Cossack | | | | | | | | |heavy|Div. | | | | +------+-----+------+-----+guns.| | | | | |Japan-| 3.5| 1 |†11.6| |Excl. of | | | | |ese | | | | |2d Cav. | | | | | | | | | |Brigade. | | | +------+------+-----+------+-----+ | | | | |South |Rus- | 1.7| .5 | †6 | | | | | |front.|sians | | | | | | | | | +------+-----+------+-----+ | | | | | |Japan-| 2.2| .3 | †5.6| | | | | | |ese | | | | | | | +-------+------+------+-----+------+-----+ | | | |March |West |Rus- | 4.6| 0.7 |†15.6| |Excl. of | | |7th |front.|sians | | | | |Trans- | | | | | | | | | |Baikal | | | | | | | | | |Cossack | | | | | | | | | |Div. | | | | +------+--- -+------+-----+ | | | | | |Japan-| 4 | 0.6 |†10.5| |Excl. of | | | | |ese | | | | |Cav. Div. --------+---+--+-------+------+------+-----+------+-----+-----+----------

Let us now recapitulate the most important points which have a bearing on combat frontage:

1. The frontage of individual units cannot be definitely fixed, as it depends upon the situation and the purpose of an action.

2. Favorable terrain, cover, and intrenchments permit an extended front to be obstinately defended with a weak force.

3. The frontage does not increase in proportion to the size of the force.

4. An organization (company, battalion, or regiment) fighting as part of a larger force is justified in deploying on a wider front than when acting alone.

The necessity for distribution in depth increases with the size of the force and with the number of units composing it Only the result can decide whether a narrow or a wide frontage was justified in a given case. A commander will endeavor to hold certain parts of the line with a weak force, posted in groups, while, at the decisive point, he will throw in every available man in order to gain the victory.

Provisions of Various Regulations.

=Austria-Hungary.= Frontage depends upon the tactical situation and the terrain. The frontage of a company acting as part of a larger force in attack is fixed at about 130-150 paces (97-112 m.). “In other situations, a greater frontage is, as a rule, permissible.” The battalion acting as part of a larger force in attack, “is, as a rule, not to cover a frontage exceeding its own front when in line”--in peace exercises, 300-400 paces (225-300 m.). With companies of 200 men, 2 rifles, and in the battalion 2.6 rifles are reckoned per meter of front. “The increased fighting power of infantry, due to better fire effect, in general permits a greater frontage to be covered. This will often be taken advantage of, in order to make as many troops as possible available for the decisive stage of the combat. But this frontage should not be so great, that the requisite power of resistance is weakened, or that tactical coöperation or the attainment of the object of the combat are impaired.” Further than this nothing is prescribed.

=France.= Nothing definite is prescribed. The combat is carried on by groups separated by intervals.

“When _an organisation is acting as part of a larger force_ and has to advance directly to the front against a well-defined objective, its commander may from the outset push a strong force into action, retaining a reserve only in exceptional cases. If one of the flanks of this force is in the air, it will be advisable to echelon units in rear of the flank which may be threatened. When _an organisation is acting alone_, and when both flanks are in the air, a weaker line is pushed forward and a reserve is retained....”

The enhanced power of firearms permits an extended front to be held, especially at the commencement of an action. The only restrictions are those dictated by necessity--always to assure effective control by the leader and mutual coöperation between the various tactical units.

This mode of fighting does away with continuous firing lines which no longer fulfill the requirements of modern battle.

=Belgium.= The frontage of a battalion acting as part of a larger force in attack is fixed at 300 m.; in defense this is increased.

=Japan.= The provisions of the Japanese regulations are identical with those of the German regulations of 1889. The frontage of a company is not given. A battalion may cover a frontage not exceeding that of three companies. The frontage of a brigade, as a rule, does not exceed 1500 m. at the initial deployment.

=Russia.= The frontage of a company, unless otherwise specified, is governed by the object of the action, the terrain, and the effective strength, and, as a rule, does not exceed 250 paces (180 m.). No figures are given for the larger units.

=England.= While great stress was laid upon narrow fronts and thin firing lines prior to the Boer war, opinions swung to the opposite extreme after that war. During a decisive attack, a battalion in the first line may employ 125 rifles per 100 yards of front (_i.e._, 90 m.), distributed as firing line, supports, and battalion reserve; the latter may consist either of one company or of parts of several. Entire companies are deployed only in exceptional cases, for instance in terrain devoid of cover where it is difficult to bring up reinforcements. The size of the reserve depends upon the losses likely to be suffered by the fighting line. When these losses will be small in all probability, the reserve may be as strong as the firing line and the supports combined. In accordance with these general principles, a battalion may deploy for attack on a front not exceeding 800 yds. = 720 m. (Formerly 540 m. was prescribed). A brigade consisting of four battalions will thus be able to cover either a front of 1400 or one of 2100 m., depending upon the number of battalions put into the line.

=Italy.= Only general principles are prescribed. “Skill in judging the proper frontage to be covered by a force is attained in time of peace by exercises on varied ground and under different situations, especially when organizations approximately at war strength are used.”

5. COMBAT ORDERS.[247]

[247] V. KIESLING, _Gefechtsbefehle_, Berlin, 1907.

Modern fire effect does not permit a commander to direct the course of an action by despatching adjutants from time to time. This must be borne in mind when issuing a combat order. Such an order can only regulate the launching of the troops into action and prescribe a task as a guide for their subsequent conduct. Since leaders change during the course of the combat, the order must ensure coöperation of the component parts of the force by thoroughly explaining the purpose of the fight. The troops have a right to know what the commander expects of them; it is not sufficient to order them to occupy a certain point--they must be told whether or not they are to defend it. An order which directs troops “to oppose” the enemy, conveys an extremely vague meaning; it should specify instead whether they are “to attack” the enemy, or whether they are “to defend” a position. The subordinate leader’s pertinent question, as to the purpose of the combat, forces the commander to indicate clearly whether he intends to attack, or to stand on the defensive; whether he will fight a delaying action, or avoid a decision by withdrawing. Even the lowest grades must be informed of this decision of the commander. The troops will perform anything that is demanded of them in definite terms. On the other hand, the commander must demand that no subordinate “hide” behind an order and that, on the contrary, he act on his own initiative when an order is not received or the situation changes.

Clearly defined sections of the battlefield (par. 475 German I. D. R.) and definite combat tasks, each complete in itself (par. 293 German I. D. R.), are assigned to the tactical units to be employed in the first line (battalions in case of a regiment; regiments, as a rule, in case of a division). In attack, the order indicates the front upon which each one of the larger units is to deploy and what portion of the hostile position it is to attack. This demarcation defines the extent of the combat sections (par. 371 German I. D. R.), within the limits of which the particular unit must make the most of the accidents of the ground. In carrying out these combat tasks, unity of action is ensured by the mutual coöperation of the tactical units fighting abreast of each other (par. 475 German I. D. R.), and by the designation of a unit upon which the others regulate their movements, without, however, thereby being hampered in their endeavor to advance. (Base unit of combat). Moreover, by employing his reserves, the commander “can shift the decisive point of the action to any place desired, reinforce where he deems it advisable, equalize fluctuations of the combat, and, finally, bring about the decision.”

The first orders--those for putting the troops in motion in the desired direction--are usually verbal; more detailed orders, which are the rule from the brigade on up, are issued subsequently. (Par. 274 German I. D. R.). In most cases, the commander knows quite well what he wants, but only the effort required in expressing in writing what he desires to say, enables him to reproduce his thoughts with the necessary clearness. Even in peace maneuvers, the officer who issued an order and its recipients quite frequently disagree as to its interpretation; the superior remembers only what he desired to say at the particular moment, but not the language in which the order was couched. Written orders minimize the possibility of a misunderstanding. They have the further advantage that the recipient has in his possession a document to which he can always refer in case of doubt.

Orders should not provide for maintaining communication, for protecting flanks, and for keeping up local reconnaissance, since these matters are attended to as a matter of course, every leader being held responsible for making proper dispositions, within the limits of his command, for the performance of these duties. The higher the rank of the commander, the farther he should stay away from the scene of battle. As the commander can exercise an influence on the course of the action only by employing his reserves, he should remain near them, or, at any rate, retain their leader on his staff. If the commander selects a position too close to the point where the first line is engaged, he loses sight of the action in its entirety, and allows himself to be influenced too much by events within his immediate range of vision.[248] The subordinate commander, in selecting his position, has to consider only good observation of the enemy, communication with neighboring units, with the next higher commander, and with his subordinates.

[248] This was true of Sir Redvers Buller at Colenso, and likewise of Kuropatkin. The latter led in person too much and was completely lost in the details of minor troop-leading.

At headquarters, the work to be performed must be carefully apportioned among the different members of the staff.

The commander, assisted by an officer of his staff, observes the enemy and his own force, while another officer maintains communication with the neighboring force and with the next higher headquarters (signal flag squads, telephone), and receives and prepares reports. (The scheme described would be appropriate for a brigade staff, for example). It is furthermore desirable to despatch information officers to neighboring troops, and to detail officers from subordinate units to receive orders.

The detailing of adjutants from subordinate units for the purpose of facilitating the issue and despatch of orders of higher headquarters is very properly prohibited by par. 83 German F. S. R.; on the march, this is permissible temporarily only. The battalion supply officers will, however, frequently be utilized as information officers, for, on the day of battle, they would thus be most profitably employed.

In =France= this is regulated by _Agents de liaison_. These are to keep the commander informed in regard to the special situation, the action of subordinate units, and the intentions of their commanders. “The importance of permanent communication between leader and subordinate increases with the distances separating troops in action; the leader’s influence on the course of the combat can be ensured only by these _agents_.

As a general rule, one mounted officer from every infantry unit, from the battalion up, reports to the next higher commander for the purpose of maintaining communication. This officer may detail a cyclist or trooper to accompany him. He is to be prepared to give all necessary information in regard to his unit, and to keep in touch with the general situation in order to inform his immediate superior in regard to it. He communicates with his own unit either by sending orderlies with messages, or by carrying the orders of the commander in person.”

6. COMMUNICATION ON THE BATTLEFIELD.

Cyclists and mounted messengers can be employed on the battlefield only when the conditions are exceptionally favorable; even intrenched connecting posts communicating with one another by means of shouts or signals do not absolutely ensure communication in a protracted engagement. Heliographs or signal lamps are valuable only during the approach to the battlefield and in large battles.[249] The same is true of the field telegraph, by means of which, for example, division headquarters may be connected with the headquarters of the corps. In an infantry combat, only the field telephone, wig-wag flags,[250] and signal flags can be used. The employment of telephone and telegraph has the advantage of ensuring greater quiet at headquarters, since the coming and going of messengers is eliminated; on the other hand, the commander is at once informed of every reverse (which may perhaps be only temporary) and will not always be able to resist the temptation of leading subordinate commanders by apron strings. The Japanese made a very extensive use of the various means of communication, but neglected to guard against an interruption of their lines of information by installing signal flag stations. This cannot be dispensed with. In the Japanese army visual signals[251] were not used, and in the Russian army they were not adopted until October 4th, 1904. Thus means of communication did not develop beyond the rudimentary stage in both armies. According to all previous experience, telephone lines, as now operated, are practicable in attack only for the purpose of establishing communication down to brigade headquarters.[252]

[249] See _Taktik_, III, p. 116, et seq.

VON LÖBELL’S _Jahresberichte_ 1906, p. 390: _Employment of Heliographs and Signal Lamps in Southwest Africa_.

[250] Wig-wag signals have been abolished and Morse signals prescribed in their stead by Cabinet Orders dated January 16th, 1908.

[251] Sir IAN HAMILTON, _A Staff Officer’s Scrap Book_, I, pp. 173-174, 196, 241 and 323.

[252] The station apparatus furnished by the firm of “Zwietusch” of Charlottenburg, weighs 5.5 kg. with its battery.

In defensive positions, which are held for a prolonged period, it is, of course, practicable to establish telephonic connection with the most advanced line. This was, for example, the case in the Japanese 10th Division on the morning of March 3rd, 1905 (Mukden). On this occasion the division commander in rear was informed by telephone of the presence of wire entanglements in front of the Russian position, and permission was asked and granted to postpone the attack.

Until recently, both signal and wig-wag flags were used in Germany.[253] The signal motions are made in an upright position, the Morse code, which is rather difficult to learn, being used. This method of signaling permits communication to be kept up within a radius of 7 km.; moreover, it can be used at night and in combined land and naval operations. The wig-wag signals are easily learned and entirely sufficient for communicating over distances within 3 km.; they also permit information to be despatched rapidly, as abbreviations are employed for certain frequently recurring movements. These signals possess the additional advantage that they can be made by a man while in a prone position.[254] Wig-wag signals are a very effective means of communication and will rarely fail.[255]

[253] _Jahrbücher für Armee und Marine_, June number, 1906, and March number, 1907.

[254] Signals with wig-wag flags can be made by a man lying flat on his belly or on his back; this is, however, frequently impossible with outstretched arms and the sender must be content to make the signals by grasping the staves of the two flags in the middle, then placing them in appropriate position relative to each other (for example in making the letters, d, e, k, l, p, u).

[255] The signals prescribed in par. 11 German I. D. R. are very effective if made with wig-wag flags; if made with signal flags they require constant observation, without, however, precluding mistakes. For example, when given with signal flags, the signal “halt” - “h, h, h,” (.... .... ....) is frequently confused with the signal “the assault is about to begin” (... ... ...). This mistake is not so apt to occur when wig-wag flags are used.

When General Stakelberg, after his right flank had been turned at Wafangu, sent orders to withdraw to General Gerngross, the commander on the left flank, it took the officer who carried the order through this mountainous country, nearly an hour to cover the 5 km. which separated the two commanders. An order sent by means of wig-wag flags could have reached the leader in question within a few minutes.

A commander should not exercise a constant influence on his subordinates just because modern means of communication permit him to do so, as this would destroy all initiative and independence. The permanent communication to which we are accustomed in time of peace, and the method of leading produced thereby, do not allow real qualities of leadership and initiative to develop. It is unquestionably not easy for a commander to refrain from interfering when a deployment does not progress with sufficient rapidity or not in accordance with his wishes.[256]

[256] Interference of the Commander-In-Chief of the IIIrd Army with the deployment of the 1st Bavarian Army Corps at Wörth. KUNZ, _Kriegsgeschichtliche Beispiele_, 15, p. 44, et seq. The impatience of the commander-in-chief was natural perhaps, but, due to his interference, the enveloping movement skillfully initiated by General v. d. Tann, could not be executed.

=Austria-Hungary.= “Infantry telegraph detachments” are assigned to every infantry division and brigade of mountain troops.[257] These detachments are charged with the duty of keeping up the visual signal and telegraph service in field and mountain warfare. The Morse alphabet is used in visual signaling and in telegraphic communication. In this the Austrian regulations differ from the German. The infantry telegraph detachment attached to an infantry division is divided into three sections, and is equipped with telephones, wire, heliographs, and signal flags. Each section consists of 15 men (6 of whom are telegraphers), and is equipped with 24 km. of wire.

[257] _Streffleur_, 1905, April-May number.

=France.= Provisional signal detachments have been formed in some of the infantry organizations. These detachments are to take care of visual signal and telephone communication. The telephone sections are expected to maintain two stations (12 km. wire).

=England.= Each brigade (4 battalions) has one telephone detachment. Wire (9.6 km.) is carried along on two pack animals.

7. LOCAL RECONNAISSANCE OF THE INFANTRY.

(Pars. 305, 319, 355, 363 and 376 German I. D. R.).

It is a strange fact that, while splendid work was done in strategic reconnaissance in the large maneuvers of recent years, not only in Germany but also in France, the local, tactical reconnaissance was less good and often deficient, so that in consequence thereof surprises were not rare. Frequently a gap occurred in the reconnoitering line when the cavalry in front of the various parts of the army was brushed aside and the stronger cavalry force deprived the weaker of the freedom of choosing its line of retreat. Occasionally, when this happened, cavalry patrols were sent out with orders to report directly to the infantry, or, at any rate, to find the hostile route columns, but this expedient was only partially successful. It must be remembered that troopers cannot ride close enough to the enemy to see anything of importance, and that they frequently are in ignorance of the very things which are of value for the infantry. In addition, the divisional cavalry is entirely too weak to perform all the tasks assigned to it. Therefore infantry and artillery should not rely upon cavalry reconnaissance. The mere fact that infantry has sent out cavalry patrols in a certain direction does not relieve it from the duty of providing for its own reconnaissance.

The greatest obstacle to infantry reconnaissance lies in the fact that its cyclists are confined to good roads; that its mounted officers cannot be withdrawn from their appropriate duties except for short periods; that, as a rule, orderlies are not available for carrying messages; and that, if officers carry messages in person, the reconnaissance is interrupted. Infantry patrols, on account of the slowness of their movements, cannot transmit messages quickly, and, as a result, such messages frequently arrive too late to be of any value. On the other hand, infantry patrols possess an advantage in that, by utilizing cover, they can get close to the enemy without being observed. The need of local reconnaissance is greater now than it was in the past, because troops can no longer change front when deployed, and because those which come under hostile fire while in close order formations may, in a short time, suffer well-nigh annihilating losses.

In the South African war the British infantry was frequently placed in difficult situations by the suddenly delivered fire of the Boers (=Magersfontain=, =Colenso=), which induced it to deploy all of its lines on a wide front at an early moment.

The Japanese attached much importance to local reconnaissance, whereas the Russian leaders considered it as something unusual, so that Kuropatkin was finally obliged to prescribe it in army orders. “Local reconnaissance was performed by 20 to 30 infantrymen. These carefully approached our positions in small groups. One man of each group laid his rifle aside and crawled close up to our trenches, raised his head and observed, while three or four of his companions, whom he had left farther in rear, opened fire on the trenches. Occasionally all of these men threw themselves flat on the ground for protection. This mode of procedure continued for seven hours.”

The thoroughness of the reconnaissance generally made a timely deployment possible, even when the enemy was well concealed, but that neglects occurred nevertheless is borne out by the advance of the Japanese 2nd Division at =Fuchau= and =Kapukai= on March 10th, 1905. This division advanced without reconnoitering, struck the fortified Russian position, was unable to move forward or to the rear, and had to fight under unfavorable conditions, and while suffering heavy losses, from early morning until 4 P. M., when the general situation compelled the enemy to evacuate the position. The advance of the Russian 54th Division (Orlof) during the battle of =Liao Yang= (2nd Sept.) is a similar example of disproportionately greater importance and with a tragic ending. The noise of the battle at =Sykwantun= caused the commander of the 54th Division to leave the position assigned him on the heights of the =Yentai= mines and to march toward the sound of the cannonading. The division, advancing over covered terrain without adequate reconnaissance, was taken in flank and rear by the Japanese 12th Brigade (Sasaki),[258] and thrown back in utter rout upon its former position, carrying with it the troops which had been left there. Thus the Yentai heights fell into the possession of the Japanese.

[258] For details of the attack made by Sasaki’s Brigade, see GERTSCH, _Vom russisch-japanischen Kriege_, I, sketch 14.

The primary object of local reconnaissance is to protect a force from surprise. This may be accomplished by sending out combat patrols, and by company commanders riding ahead in time. (Par. 457 German I. D. R.). The latter are likewise charged with picking out avenues of approach to selected fire positions, and the sooner they begin the reconnaissance the better, for the accidents of the ground can then be utilized to the best advantage.

The difficulties of the reconnaissance are increased when we have to reckon with the measures taken by the enemy to screen his force.[259]

[259] The attacker’s reconnaissance must be prevented as long as possible. Frequently patrols in the foreground will suffice for this purpose. (Par. 406 German I. D. R.)

Weak infantry patrols can neither break down this resistance nor create the necessary opening through which the leaders can reconnoiter in person. Stronger forces are requisite, and “reconnaissance companies” may have to be sent out toward the enemy to serve as a support for the patrols, to reinforce them when necessary, and to constitute natural collecting stations for messages. “Reconnaissances in force” are the result of these endeavors to obtain information,[260] for the defender will not reveal his dispositions unless the attacker threatens an attack. Reconnaissances in force are especially appropriate in this case, since the information obtained in regard to the position and strength of the enemy can be utilized at once. (Par. 134 German F. S. R.).

[260] See _Taktik_, IV. p. 214, et seq. The results of the reconnaissance in force made at Neuville aux Bois were very unsatisfactory.

In France great importance is attached to forcibly gaining information by means of detachments of all arms which also prevent hostile reconnaissance. In minor operations the French send out infantry detachments, which, from secure hiding places, pick off observers, screen the position of their own force, and prevent the enemy from using covered avenues of approach. However, these very patrol combats may cause the commander to come to a false conclusion in regard to the hostile position. If the cavalry reconnaissance has determined that the enemy intends to accept battle within a particular area, the details of his intentions must be obtained by local reconnaissance. Then the commander will wish to know whether or not an immediate attack is feasible, or whether it is advisable to wait until nightfall for bringing up the infantry. The local reconnaissance determines where the flanks of the enemy are located; whether the position in front is the hostile main position or only an advanced post; whether the enemy has made preparations for defense; and where the hostile artillery is posted. As a rule, it will be impossible, until after the engagement has begun, to recognize a skillfully located fortified position,[261] to distinguish between the real and dummy trenches, determine the position of obstacles and estimate whether they can be surmounted with or without adequate apparatus. Then it likewise becomes necessary to find and mark covered avenues of approach.[262] In moving to new firing positions, it is important that advanced positions, masks, and dummy trenches be recognized in time. The commander of a unit on a flank should make dispositions for observation on his flank, and for permanent communication with neighboring units, even though no specific orders have been received by him to that effect. Strange as it may seem, the troops deployed on the road Gorze--Rezonville (battle of Vionville), by their failure to get into early communication with the troops which had been on the ground for some time, neglected to take advantage of the information gained by those troops.[263]

[261] See _Taktik_, V, p. 243, et seq.

[262] HOPPENSTEDT (_Schlacht der Zukunft_, pp. 134 and 140) draws a graphic picture which is a faithful reproduction of reality.

The procedure outlined by that author (_Ibid._, p. 122) for indicating, by means of flag signals, points sheltered from hostile fire, seems practicable. He states: “Holding his flag upright, the member of the patrol proceeds steadily on his way to Weyer. Now he has arrived at the point where the road bends slightly toward the south; his flag descends,” etc.

[263] KUNZ, _Kriegsgeschichtliche Beispiele_, 8-9, p. 128, et seq., p. 243.

The necessity for thorough reconnaissance is illustrated by the successful “fire surprises” carried out by the Boers at Modder River on November 28th, 1899, and at Colenso, against Hart’s Brigade advancing in dense masses, on December 15th, 1899.

The enumeration of these tasks shows that local reconnaissance should not be restricted to the preparatory stage of the combat alone, but that it must be kept up during the whole course of the action. To the duties enumerated, we may add, occasional tasks, such as picking off staffs and signal men; sneaking up on artillery that has been incautiously pushed forward; and annoying the enemy by flanking fire. For such tasks, so-called “scouting detachments,”[264] after the Russian pattern, have frequently been recommended. Their usefulness in difficult country and in operations against the enemy’s flank and rear cannot be denied. In minor operations, if provided with ample ammunition and advancing on side roads, they can hamper the reconnaissance of the enemy, secure the flanks of their own force, ascertain the probable extent of the prospective battlefield, and finally, having made a skillful lodgment, they can become very annoying to the hostile artillery. In a large battle the necessary elbow room for such employment is lacking. To form picked men into special organizations, as is done in Russia, is always of doubtful value. The constant transfer of their best men to the mounted infantry during the second part of the South African war was fatal to the British infantry battalions. An organization cannot dispense with its good men; it needs them to replace wounded non-commissioned officers. While everything goes without a hitch, the withdrawal of good men from an organization is of little importance; the drawbacks to this procedure become apparent, however, when the line begins to waver, when, in the absence of officers, only the example of the courageous men prevents the weak-kneed from running away. Our regulations properly appreciate the importance of psychological impressions during critical combat situations; they state: “The man who feels his courage and coolness going, in the excitement of battle, should look toward his officers. Should they have fallen, he will find plenty of non-commissioned officers and brave privates, whose example will revive his courage.” (Par. 268 German I. D. R.).

[264] V. TETTAU, _Die Jagdkommandos der russischen Armee_, Berlin, 1901.

HOPPENSTEDT, _Patrouillen- und Radfahr-Kommandos_, 1907.

If it becomes necessary to despatch a stronger infantry force on a mission of minor importance, it will usually be better to detail an entire company than to improvise a detachment whose leader would know his men only imperfectly.

Before the 95th Infantry (French) made its attack on the brewery of =l’Amitié= (south of =Noisseville=), on August 31st, 1870, a reconnoitering detachment had ascertained the strength of the position and the manner in which it was held by the defender.[265]

[265] _Wald- und Ortsgefecht_, p. 192.

=Examples of the successful employment of flanking fire by small forces:=

The flanking fire, delivered from the =Bois des Ognons= by about 30 men of the 12th Company, 72nd Infantry, compelled the French to withdraw their left flank. (Combat on the Gorze--Rezonville road, 16th August, 1870).[266]

[266] KUNZ, _Kriegsgeschichtliche Beispiele_, 8-9, p. 146.

At =Gravelotte-St. Privat=, flanking fire is said to have caused the withdrawal of nine French battalions which had until then delivered an effective fire upon the Prussian Guard Artillery.[267]

[267] _Ibid._, 10, p. 24, and 12, p. 24, et seq.

8. THE IMPORTANCE OF THE TERRAIN.

The defense requires extensive, open terrain, permitting unobstructed view, while the attack requires stretches of ground hidden from the observation of the enemy and sheltered from his fire, in order that the troops may be deployed for action at the decisive ranges. A piece of ground will rarely possess all these advantages, but, nevertheless, well-trained infantry will be able to defend successfully a piece of ground that has a poor field of fire, and infantry which is energetically and skillfully led will be able to cross even an open plain.

At the longer ranges, a force will, in the first place, endeavor to keep concealed. While advancing, troops will rarely be able to take advantage of available cover, but at a halt and while firing they will be able to do so. Their taking advantage of the ground should not lead to a diminution of the energy of the advance, and should not cause parts of the force to fall behind.[268] “The terrain exerts considerable influence on the formation of troops. Open country requires that distances be increased so that the losses may be minimized, while close country permits distances to be reduced. The commander should take particular care not to let this advantage escape him, since it is often necessary in this case to reinforce the first line promptly. Close order formations may be retained longest on covered terrain.” (Par. 307 German I. D. R.).

[268] This is equally true of ground that is difficult to march over; the troops must cross it. The evasion of difficult portions of terrain usually leads to disorder and a dispersion of the troops. For the advance of the 18th Infantry Brigade at Wörth, see KUNZ, _Kriegsgeschichtliche Beispiele_, 14, p. 101. (Thick underbrush in the woods on the Fuchshübel.)

An attack over a plain devoid of cover “should be avoided as far as possible, or weak, widely extended detachments only should be ordered to advance over it, while the bulk of the force is launched at a point where an approach under cover is practicable. If suitable terrain is lacking to permit this, then the decisive attack must be led over the open plain.” (Par. 325 German I. D. R.). In contrast with the continuous skirmish lines of the past, which are still favored by the Austrians, the German regulations permit a gap to be left in the line where an open plain devoid of cover exists, without thereby implying that it cannot be crossed. The French regulations (par. 257), contrary to the German, contemplate that “only weak detachments be left in the open, fire swept spaces,” and that the troops intended for the fire fight be pushed forward under available cover, separate groups being thus formed.[269]

[269] This should be an important hint for the opponent. The lines of approach may perhaps be sheltered with reference to a certain point, but there will always be portions of the enemy’s line from which a fire may be directed upon these avenues of approach and the troops marching thereon.

“This mode of fighting in groups does away with the continuous firing lines of the past which no longer fulfill the requirements of modern battle.

“The rearmost fractions of the force endeavor to avoid open spaces, or such as are swept by hostile fire, by moving, sometimes in a close order formation and again widely extended, toward the lines of cover, without regard to the direction in which the enemy may happen to be. The unit that finds the advance easiest takes the lead, and all the others, supported by the fire of their immediate neighbors, endeavor to follow it.

“Depending upon the character of the terrain and available cover, the forces deployed for the fire fight will, therefore, advance in a rather dense formation in the areas favorable for such a procedure, while weak forces only will be found on open and fire swept ground. The advance is regulated by designating the objective of the attack and by stipulating the necessity of mutual coöperation.”

This French group attack owes its existence to the silently accepted fact that an open plain cannot be crossed when swept by unsubdued hostile fire; it reckons with an unfavorable terrain such as an attacker will only find in exceptional cases. We by no means fail to recognize the fact that individual portions of the attacker’s force, when favored by the terrain, will be able to advance more quickly than others, and that other portions may even be compelled to discontinue their advance for a time; but it seems a precarious proceeding to lay down this result of the hostile fire effect as a guide in the training of troops. The group tactics of the Boers stood the test only on the defensive; they could not prevent individual groups from being attacked by far superior forces. In an attack, the units favored by the terrain will constitute the framework upon which the units which are compelled to advance more slowly, will form. There is, however, danger that these leading groups will succumb to the superior fire of a defender who is deployed on a broader front. Although this may not happen, the spirit of the regulations tempts leaders to drive everything forward, to rush ahead with isolated parts of the force. An additional drawback of these systematic group tactics lies in the difficulty of deploying the troops moving in the narrow avenue of approach. If the French infantry really desires to avoid the plain and wants to stick principally to cover, who will guarantee that the great freedom allowed it, will not cause it to crowd together under cover, lose the direction to its objective, and become completely mixed up?[270] This danger is the more imminent since no importance is attached to a more definite limitation of the frontage to be covered, while wide extension is, on the contrary, actually preached. The fear of losses will gain the upper hand and the attack will lose its energy. “It is easy to teach troops to be over-cautious, but it is a precarious undertaking to lead such troops against the enemy.” (Sir IAN HAMILTON).

[270] The plentiful cover along the ravine of the Mance brook was by no means an actual advantage for the Ist Army. The 18th of August presents the strange phenomenon of the success of the attack on St. Privat, made over terrain devoid of cover, and the failure of the attack on the French IInd Corps, made over the most favorable terrain imaginable.

Whither such an endeavor to utilize cover must lead, is shown by the advance of the 35th Füsilier Regiment past =Vionville= on =Flavigny= and the group of trees north of that village. The violent fire directed upon these companies caused them to deviate to right and left, to leave their battalions, and to lose the march direction designated by the regimental commander.[271] One company of the IInd Battalion 35th Füsilier Regiment, which formed the center (march direction, a point north of Flavigny), participated in the assault made on Flavigny by the IIIrd Battalion; the other companies moved to the left against Vionville and were joined by a company of the IIIrd Battalion.--“A peculiar feature of this fight was the fire directed from the group of trees on the attacking force which advanced against the center of the hostile position. Ten of the twelve companies of the attacking force (3rd, 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th and 11th of the 35th Füsilier Regiment, and 9th, 10th and 12th of the 20th Infantry) were scattered to right and left by this fire, and forced to move in a totally different direction than was originally intended. The direction was maintained to a certain extent only by two companies (the 3rd and 11th of the 20th Infantry).”[272]

[271] _Gen. St. W._, I, p. 560.

[272] V. SCHERFF, _Kriegslehren_, II, p. 106. With a sketch (A) showing lines of advance of the companies.

While the new German Infantry Drill Regulations do not underestimate the difficulties of an advance over open ground, they require that the march direction be maintained and that cover be utilized only within the assigned “combat section”; they leave it to subordinate commanders to choose suitable expedients for crossing such unfavorable ground. “Within the limits of the section assigned to an organization for an attack, the plain devoid of cover should be avoided as far as possible, or weak, widely extended detachments only should be ordered to advance over it, while the bulk of the force is launched at a point where an approach under cover is practicable. _If suitable terrain is lacking to permit this, then the decisive attack must be led over the open plain._” (Par. 325 German I. D. R.). For purposes of instruction, it is entirely correct to require “that even on terrain devoid of cover, well-trained infantry should not open fire until the medium ranges are reached.” (Par. 326 German I. D. R.). The necessity, when under hostile fire, of adapting movements to the accidents of the ground, should not impair the energy of the advance and cause portions of the attacking force to lag behind, thereby disintegrating it. On the other hand, we should not be afraid to leave gaps in our attacking line, as the enemy would, in any case, not be able to use them for his own advance.

Thus we have here the German united attack, on the one hand, and the French group attack, on the other. Since group tactics no doubt diminish losses, they should be used in delaying actions, in holding attacks, and in defense; they should unquestionably not be employed when a concerted, rapid movement of skirmishers to the front becomes necessary. How should the Vth Corps at Wörth and the Guard at St. Privat, for instance, have attacked, according to the French regulations?

VI. MACHINE GUNS.[273]

[273] _Exerzierreglement und Schieszvorschrift für die Maschinengewehrabteilungen_, 1904.

Captain BRAUN, _Das Maxim-Maschinengewehr und seine Verwendung_, Berlin, 1905.

1. DEVELOPMENT OF THE ARM.

The effect of canister had decreased considerably with the introduction of rifled guns, and this was the more noticeable, because, simultaneously therewith, the accuracy and rate of fire of the infantry rifle was greatly increased. The attempts to re-invest the artillery with its one-time superiority were directed in two channels: one aimed at perfecting shrapnel, which had been rather neglected up to this time (England, Prussia, Austria), while the other resurrected the mediaeval idea of the “barrel-organ gun,” with a view of assembling a number of rifle barrels and of combining thereby the accuracy of the small arm with the moral effect of canister. Thus, among others, the 4-10 barreled _Gatling_ gun was invented in America in 1861, it being the oldest representative of this type of weapon. In order to obtain a weapon matching the Prussian _needle_ gun, Bavaria adopted the 4 barreled _Feldl_ gun and France the 25 barreled _mitrailleuse_.[274] The name _canon à balles_, which was given the gun, sufficed to indicate the manner in which it was intended to be used. As these guns frequently failed in action, offered the same target and required the same equipment and approximately the same road space as field guns, the states who had first adopted them, finally decided to dispense with them on European theaters of war. The further development of machine guns was not especially accelerated by the fact that the French _mitrailleuses_ had not fulfilled the expectations entertained for them during the Franco-German war, isolated cases excepted,[275] and that they were quickly silenced by the German artillery, which was equipped only with percussion shell, as soon as their position was ascertained. Thus, these guns seemed useful only in colonial wars and on board war ships for warding off torpedo boats. Although they took up very little room when in position, they were not considered useful for flank defense in fortresses, on account of the frequent breakdowns. In addition to their height, other defects developed; for example, they could obtain only a very insignificant rate of fire, betrayed their position by the powder smoke, and lacked the means for ascertaining ranges.

[274] The 25 barreled _mitrailleuse_, cal. 13 mm., fired volleys at the rate of 125 rounds per minute. Its fire was considered equivalent to that of 50 needle guns; its weight was 1,485 kg., each of its four horses pulling 371 kg.; its maximum range was 3,000 m. Its most favorable, practical range 500-1,500 m.--A glaring defect of the gun was that fire pauses occurred whenever cartridges were fed into the slot and that the lateral spread of its cone of dispersion was extremely small.

[275] Battle of Gravelotte. _Gen. St. W._, pp. 705-712, 723 and 781. The employment of three Gatling guns in rear of the park wall of Yoré, during the defense of the plateau of Auvours. (_Revue d’artillerie_, 1900, p. 297; _Gen. St. W._, IV, p. 817).

The situation changed entirely when a practicable, smokeless powder was invented, and Hiram Maxim, an American, succeeded in utilizing the energy of the recoil (a factor neglected up to that time, although annoying to the marksman) for opening the breech, inserting a fresh cartridge into the chamber, closing the breech, and automatically firing the piece.[276] Through this invention it became possible to fire a maximum of 900 and an average of 500 rounds per minute, from a single barrel moving laterally back and forth. The desire to obtain a still greater rate of fire was checked effectively, because of the fact that with such an increase the danger of jamming increased and the use of infantry ammunition was precluded. The water in the jacket continues to be a decided drawback to this type of gun, for it is not always easily procured, impairs the mechanism by freezing, makes it difficult to change barrels, and constitutes a considerable weight. If cooling the barrel by means of water were to be dispensed with, the accuracy of the piece would rapidly diminish, and, after 1000 rounds of continuous fire, bullets would tumble even at short ranges. At the present time water is still the most effective means of cooling the barrel.[277]

[276] Of the other types the following may here be mentioned: _Hotchkiss_ (France), insufficient cooling of the barrel by air; _Schwarzlose_ (Austria), machine gun model 7, a very simple weapon which has only a single spring.

[277] In the _Colt_ Machine Gun, which is not water-cooled, after 500 rounds had been fired, a cartridge inserted into the piece exploded in seven seconds, and cartridges placed in the chamber a quarter of an hour later exploded in 20 seconds.

Machine guns fire ordinary small arms ammunition carried in loops on a canvass belt (weighing 1 kg. when empty), which is generally capable of holding 250 rounds of 8 mm. cartridges weighing 8.315 kg. These belts are very carefully manufactured, the material being shrunk, so as to prevent their shrinking when in use. Two men can refill an empty belt with 8 mm. cartridges in seven minutes, according to Swedish experiments, while a belt filling machine can refill one in a still shorter time. The rate of fire of machine guns is approximately 500 rounds per minute. They are variously mounted,[278] according to circumstances, on sleds (in which the gun rests on a frame similar to that of a wheelbarrow), on tripods, or, for mountain warfare, on basket frames. Although the greatest readiness for firing was obtained with guns mounted on cavalry carriages (two-wheeled carts, similar to limbers, and equipped with shafts), which also permitted the greatest amount of ammunition to be carried along, these guns offered such a high target that their use, in an infantry action, was entirely out of the question, leading only to their being quickly silenced. Another defect was that the guns were unable to follow immediately upon the heels of the organization to which they were attached. Guns mounted on light tripods possess the least readiness for firing, as the gun must be dismounted during each change of position; but tripods are indispensable in mountain warfare. In India a tripod frame on wheels is employed. The basket frame, which is very light and is carried on the back of a soldier, affords nothing but a rest for the gun. This type of mount has the disadvantage of necessitating, in reality, freehand firing when the barrel is supported near the muzzle; that the operator, when firing continuously, becomes greatly fatigued, and that the accuracy suffers in consequence thereof. The advantages of the tripod and the wheeled carriage have been skillfully combined in the carriage adopted in Germany. In this the gun rests on a sled; this is in turn supported by the carriage proper, which is wheeled. In exceptional cases the gun may be fired from the carriage, but ordinarily it is fired from the sled, which is detached from the carriage for that purpose. This sled permits the gun to be laid at any desired height and enables it to follow the infantry anywhere during an action.[279]

[278]

British cavalry machine gun with mount 152.3 kg. Machine gun with tripod } 16.5 + 18 = 34.5 „ Machine gun with basket frame } latest model 35.0 „ Machine gun with sled } 16.5 + 24 = 40.5 „

[279] The following complement per gun is considered necessary:

Germany 14¹⁄₂ men 9 horses. Switzerland 8¹⁄₂ men 12 horses.

In the Russo-Japanese war the machine gun detachments of the Russian cavalry were equipped with _Rexer_ guns which can scarcely be considered machine guns owing to their slow rate of fire and extreme heating of the barrel.

Machine guns can be transported upon larger vehicles capable of being unlimbered; they can also be carried on pack horses or other pack animals, and for short distances by men. Although pack animal transportation enables the guns to follow the troops anywhere, the amount of ammunition that can be carried along is limited, and the opening of fire is retarded, since gun and tripod must first be assembled; the opening of fire may even be delayed when a pack animal falls; ammunition cannot be carried on the gun; and the animals get sore backs even if pack saddles are carefully adjusted.

2. THE POWER OF MACHINE GUNS.

The machine gun is noted for its adaptability to any terrain, and the constancy of its high rate of fire as compared with that of a body of infantry, which decreases with the range, the diminishing visibility of the target, and prolonged fire. On the other hand, a single jamming can make a machine gun valueless, at least for the time being. For this reason, the Germans employ machine guns only in platoons, as a rule, and the Swiss let both guns of a platoon fire simultaneously only in exceptional cases. Theoretically, the maximum rate of fire of 600 rounds per minute will rarely be attained; and 200-300 rounds per minute will usually suffice against prone targets. In Germany volley and continuous fire are employed; fire by a single piece is used only to ward off patrols when the machine guns do not want to betray their position.[280]

[280] The following kinds of fire are used in the countries named below:

Austria: Single shots; volleys (20-25 rounds); fire by a single piece.

Switzerland: Fire by a single piece; volleys (20-30 rounds); rapid fire (volleys of 100 rounds); and fire at will (both pieces of a platoon simultaneously employing rapid fire). The last-named is only employed in exceptional cases, for example, when the danger is imminent and when favorable opportunities offer.

A volley consists of about 25 rounds and is followed by a pause for observing the effect of the fire. It is employed in adjusting the fire upon difficult targets in rolling country. Fire for effect consists, as a general rule, of “continuous fire,” and is interrupted only when the tactical situation requires it. The water in the jacket should be renewed and oiling attended to during the pauses in the fire, whether these grow out of the tactical situation, or are made necessary by technical considerations.

The fire is either directed upon a point (concentrated fire), the elevation and direction of the piece being fixed, or it is distributed over the entire target or over a designated part of the same (sweeping, and progressive fire).[281]

[281] For example, when sweeping the crest of the parapet of a line of trenches, or the edge of a wood, both hands move the gun slowly and evenly from side to side. When searching an area in the direction of depth and obliquely (progressive fire with sweeping), the left hand gives the gun the proper horizontal direction, while the right manipulates the slow motion elevating gear. When firing on rapidly moving targets--for example skirmish lines advancing by rushes--or targets advancing over rolling country, both the traversing and elevating movements may be unclamped. The rapidity with which the gun is moved, when sweeping or searching, depends upon the range and the kind of target on which the fire is directed. As a rule, the piece is moved slowly and steadily. The accuracy of the fire is impaired when the gun is moved too rapidly. When the fire is well observed, it might be advantageous, in exceptional cases, when firing against either stationary or moving targets, to direct the gun, without aiming, after the bullets have been seen to hit their mark, by properly manipulating the elevating and traversing apparatus while the firing is in progress.

The ballistic properties of the gun are the same as those of the infantry rifle.[282]

[282] The destructive power of the projectiles fired from a machine gun, as they strike within a small space, is, of course, much greater than that of the scattered projectiles of a body of infantry. Trees having a circumference of 30 cm. are felled by machine gun fire in about 15 seconds at a range of 450 m.

In the machine gun an important factor in the dispersion of infantry fire--flinching and errors in aiming--is eliminated, while the heating of its barrel and the vibrations of its carriage in continuous fire do not produce a corresponding increase in dispersion. On this account the cone of dispersion of the machine gun is more compact than that of the infantry rifle and its accuracy at long ranges is therefore considerably greater than that of the latter.[283] Firing tests indicate that the accuracy of machine gun fire diminishes only very slightly with increasing range, provided the appropriate elevation is used.[284]

[283] According to Austrian experiments the depth of the beaten zone of a machine gun is only ¹⁄₃ to ¹⁄₂ that produced by the fire of a platoon of infantry.

[284] The following average results were obtained in experiments made at the Musketry School, while firing on infantry targets advancing alternately at quick and double time:

At ranges from 2000-1600 m. 1.72% hits „ „ „ 1500-1200 m. 2.53% „

Firing against disappearing head targets placed at intervals of 0.60-0.70 m.:

At 600-800 m. 1.89% hits „ 800-1100 m. 1.69% „

In firing first with an elevation of 1800, then with one of 1750 m. (the range being 2000-1600 m. and 254 rounds being expended per gun), on 50 advancing, kneeling targets, placed at intervals of 1 m. 3.10% hits were obtained and 52% figures were placed out of action in 1¹⁄₂ minutes.

In firing at the same targets for 2¹⁄₃ minutes, with an elevation of 1900 m. (304 rounds expended), the result dropped to 0.3% hits and 8.3% figures placed out of action.

In war the influence of the compact cone of dispersion will be still more potent, for we will then have to reckon with a single, specially selected machine gun marksman who is well protected, while the excitement of battle will produce a far different impression upon an organization composed of men differing materially from each other. The compactness of the cone of dispersion of the machine gun requires that the appropriate elevation be used if the fire is to be effective against well concealed prone skirmishers. This can be accomplished only in part by employing range finders. Since the probable error of these instruments is ±5% of the range, this determination is so inaccurate for machine gun fire that nothing remains but to increase the dispersion artificially. When it is impossible to observe the strike of the bullets, the dispersion may be artificially increased by employing combined sights, two in a single platoon and three in a machine gun battery (company), and above all by sweeping. The employment of combined sights would appear to be too rigid a method; sweeping fire is at any rate better.[285]

[285] Lieutenant-General ROHNE, _Schieszlehre_, 2nd Ed. p. 185, et seq.

From general ballistic data, Lieutenant-General ROHNE[286] computes that the following results would be obtained by a machine gun and a detachment of skirmishers when firing with the appropriate elevation at a broad target 1 m. high:--

Machine Detachment gun of skirmishers At 500 m. 32.4 16.8% hits „ 1000 „ 15.3 8.1% „ „ 1500 „ 10.2 5.1% „ „ 2000 „ 6.4 3.2% „

[286] _Jahrbücher für Armee und Marine_, 1901, IV, p. 268.

This nearly double superiority is reversed, however, when the appropriate elevation is not used:

======+======================================================== |Firing on a target 1 m. high, the following percentages | of hits may be expected when the error in estimating | the range is-- Range.| 50 m. | 100 m. | 150 m. | 200 m. +-------+-----+-------+-----+-------+-----+-------+------ |Machine|Skir-|Machine|Skir-|Machine|Skir-|Machine|Skir- | guns. |mish-| guns. |mish-| guns. |mish-| guns. |mish- m. | | ers.| | ers.| | ers.| | ers. ------+-------+-----+-------+-----+-------+-----+-------+------ 500 | 27.5 | 16.0| 19.0 | 13.8| 7.0 | 11.7| 1.3 | 7.3 1000 | 9.2 | 6.8| 2.0 | 4.8| 0.2 | 2.7| -- | 1.0 1500 | 3.6 | 3.9| 0.2 | 1.8| -- | 0.5| -- | 0.1 2000 | 1.7 | 2.2| -- | 0.8| -- | 0.2| -- | -- ------+-------+-----+-------+-----+-------+-----+-------+------

From this it follows that the good qualities of the machine gun can be utilized to the fullest advantage only when the appropriate elevation is used. When this is not accurately known, the fire effect of the machine gun drops down to zero more quickly than that of a skirmish line. Where local conditions are at all favorable, the determination of the appropriate elevation is facilitated by observing the strike of the projectiles in “volley fire.”

According to British firing tests, at ranges from 500-1000 yards an error of estimation of 100 yards, reduces the effect of the fire 50 per cent. According to firing tests 75% of all shots fired by a machine gun and body of infantry are distributed as follows:

=====+==================+==================+==================== | Machine gun. | Detachment of |Errors of estimation | | infantry. | permissible for the At |Depth of 75% strip|Depth of 75% strip| machine gun. m. | m. | m. | m. -----+------------------+------------------+-------------------- 450 | 112 | 192 | 54 = 12 % 900 | 63 | 108 | 31 = 3.5% 1350 | 54 | 90 | 27 = 2 % 1800 | 67 | 140 | 31 = 1.8% -----+------------------+------------------+--------------------

It is clearly apparent that the permissible error of the range finder is smaller than the depth of the vertical dispersion strip covered by 75% of the bullets.

The difficulty of hitting a target lodged in some feature of the terrain requires that the machine gun be used first of all against large targets that are visible for a short time only. When the appropriate elevation is used, a decisive effect may be confidently counted on within a short space of time; when an inappropriate elevation is used and the fire is not properly observed, only accidental hits can, as a rule, be expected, even when the fire is directed on tall, dense targets. When the fire is directed on skirmishers lying down, the effect produced is not commensurate with the amount of ammunition expended, and a slight error in the elevation used may nullify the effect entirely. A straight line of trenches, which is plainly visible, is, on the other hand, an eminently favorable target. The heating of the barrel, and the difficulty of replenishing ammunition and renewing the water in the jacket, tend to work against a participation of machine guns in a protracted fire fight. The machine gun is not at all suited for carrying on a prolonged fire action.

It is very difficult to determine the relative combat value of a body of infantry as compared with that of a machine gun. One will not be far wrong in placing this value between 50 and 60 men.

In experimental field firing at the Swiss Infantry Musketry School, it was demonstrated that 30-40 skirmishers almost in every case rapidly gained the upper hand over a machine gun in the open, at 900 m., but that the infantrymen had small chances of success when the position of the machine gun could not be accurately determined. In Switzerland a machine gun is considered equivalent to 50 infantrymen. Skirmishers are the most difficult target for machine guns to fight, and, at the same time, they are the most dangerous. When the fire is well observed, a good effect can, indeed, still be counted on, when the fire is directed at prone skirmishers at ranges up to 1000 m., but this is not true when the fire cannot be observed; in the last mentioned case, no effect worth mentioning is produced.

=Austria.= In a field firing test (which was repeated four times) between a machine gun (gun pointer covered by a shield) and 30 infantrymen, the following results were obtained at 600 m. in 1¹⁄₂ minutes:

Infantrymen 120 rounds 10 hits (9%) Machine gun 215 „ 14 „ (7%)[287]

[287] Firing tests of the Army Musketry School at Bruck, a.d. Leitha, 1905. _Streffleur_, Apl. 1906, p. 524.

=England.= At the Infantry School at Hythe, in a firing test at 300 yards, lasting 5 minutes--perhaps the longest period during which continuous fire is possible--the power of a Maxim gun was found to be equivalent to 60 rifles. In field firing this comparative power dropped down to 25-35 rifles. In this connection, it should be borne in mind that moral influences do not make themselves felt in firing under peace conditions, and that, on the other hand, a single favorable hit can place the machine gun out of action for a long period, while the skirmishers can keep up the fire.

3. INFANTRY VERSUS MACHINE GUNS.

It will rarely be possible to concentrate upon a machine gun battery of six guns a fire equivalent to its own. Because of the small target offered by machine guns, it is necessary for a firing line to concentrate its fire upon one machine gun at a time, thus gradually silencing the battery in detail. This procedure is feasible because it is very difficult for the machine guns to reach with their fire all parts of a well concealed skirmish line. The normal relation, unfavorable for the infantry, changes in its favor, however, as machine guns cannot keep up a high rate of fire for a prolonged period, even when nothing is considered but ammunition supply; as serious breaks are especially apt to occur when the gun is worked to its maximum capacity; and as the ammunition expended in one minute (3600 rounds) cannot produce an effect unless not only the correct range but also the proper elevation is accurately known.

The fight against machine guns may be advantageously conducted according to the following principles:[288]

1. Infantry skirmishers should conceal themselves so well that it will be difficult for the hostile machine gun battery to find them. Color of immediate vicinity (shade) and background should be considered; platoon and other leaders must not stand upright; objects that are clearly visible should be avoided.

2. It should be made difficult for the hostile machine guns to observe their fire (ricochets) and to measure the range. (No prominent features that would facilitate such measurements should be located near the infantry position).

3. The firing line, as far as this is possible, should not be continuous; the several parts of the line should be posted in echelon.

4. Kinds of fire: Lively fire at will should be used.

5. Expenditure of ammunition: At least 600 rounds should be expended against each machine gun.

6. At the outset a single company should concentrate its fire upon a single machine gun, picking out the one that is most clearly visible. Machine guns on the flanks are not good targets, as a strong wind may deflect the fire directed upon them.

[288] Switzerland: Machine guns, “on account of their small gun squads, are more sensitive to losses than artillery. They cannot adjust their fire so easily as artillery, but, when once on the target, the effect of their fire is great.

“The principles governing the combat against artillery are applicable, in general, to the fight against machine guns. It may be assumed that at medium ranges, one platoon of infantry will suffice for silencing one machine gun, provided the platoon of infantry fights the action under favorable conditions. At short ranges, a few good marksmen suffice for silencing a machine gun. For this reason selected men are sent forward, when the situation permits, to sneak up to the machine guns and to pick off the men serving them.”

The following rules, governing the conduct of infantry when exposed to machine gun fire, may be deduced from the above:

Even skirmish lines cannot continue their advance over terrain devoid of cover, when exposed within a range of 1500 m. to the unsubdued fire of machine guns; nothing remains but for them to lie down, and to gain ground to the front in groups, or one by one.

The same is true of route columns. They can only deploy to the right and left front at double time, and take cover.

The most unsuitable formation under machine gun fire is the column of platoons, whether lying down or in motion.[289]

[289] Within ³⁄₄ to 1 minute a column of platoons (lying down) sustained an average of 4.22% hits at 1400 m. and 4.31% hits at 900-1100 m. with 42 and 32%, respectively, figures placed out of action.

If the column of platoons is reached by effective machine gun fire, when lying down, line must be formed. The men must not rise, however, to execute this movement, but the platoons should crawl forward into line. For the men to rise would mean annihilation.

The low target offered by machine guns makes them a difficult target for field artillery to hit, in spite of the accuracy with which the latter can adjust its fire.

4. MACHINE GUNS IN GERMANY.

The German machine gun (drawn by 4 horses driven from the saddle) is mounted upon a sled which forms the firing frame. On the march, this sled is placed on a wheeled carriage, from which it must first be detached (10-15 seconds) before the gun is used; in exceptional cases, the gun can be fired from the wheeled carriage.

The gun commander is mounted. Two of the gunners are seated on the axle chest of the carriage, their carbines buckled to the gun carriage; two are seated on the limber chest, their carbines slung over their backs. When surprised by a direct attack, all the men that can be spared form as skirmishers in the intervals between the guns of the machine gun battery. The machine gun can be served by a single man. The water in the jacket need not necessarily be renewed when the gun is fired for a short time only.

The machine guns can be used on any terrain passable for infantry. When detached from the wheeled carriage they can even surmount considerable obstacles. In action, they present no larger target than skirmishers fighting under similar conditions, and are capable of offering more resistance than infantry.

The sled can be carried or drawn by the men for short distances. The ammunition, placed in belts holding 250 rounds each, and packed in six boxes, is similarly drawn on an ammunition sled. If the conditions permit, the guns may be drawn by horses.

The “fighting battery” consists of six guns, formed into three platoons, and an ammunition platoon (three ammunition wagons and one store wagon); the combat train consists of officers’ and other led horses. The field train consists of one baggage wagon, one ration (commissary) wagon, one forage wagon, and a second store wagon.

The movements and gaits of a machine gun battery are the same as those of a field battery: the order in line, at close or extended intervals, in which the guns are abreast, the intervals between them, measured from center to center, being 5 and 17 paces, respectively. The order in line, at extended intervals, is used in moving to the front or rear; the order in line, at close intervals, for assembly, for movements in that formation, for parking, and for parade. The section column[290] is the principal maneuver formation on the battlefield; it is employed as an assembly formation on a road, and as route column. (Par. 320 German F. S. R.). In section column the guns follow each other at a distance of four paces. In addition to this column, a column of platoons is used, in which the platoons follow each other at a distance of 22 paces. (This may be reduced to 6 paces).

[290] The guns are placed in rear of each other, the ammunition wagons and other vehicles bring up the rear. _Translator_.

A machine gun battery has available 87,300 rounds of ammunition (10,500 rounds with each gun and 8100 rounds in each ammunition wagon, or a total of 14,550 rounds per gun), which may be drawn forward to the firing position upon sleds, in boxes holding 250 rounds each. The ammunition wagons are refilled from the ammunition wagons of the light ammunition columns of the cavalry division and from the wagons of the infantry ammunition columns marked with a red stripe, which carry ammunition for machine gun units. A reserve machine gun is carried with the ammunition column.

The machine gun battery combines high infantry fire power (approximately equivalent to that of the skirmishers of a German cavalry regiment, armed with carbines, or to that of 4-6 platoons of infantry)[291] with instant readiness for firing, and a mobility which enables it to follow the mounted arms anywhere. The chance of producing a sudden fire effect within a short space of time must be especially utilized, and, therefore, an endeavor should be made to put entire machine gun batteries into the first line. The employment of single guns is precluded owing to the danger of breakdowns, and the employment of platoons is especially proper on the defensive as well as in action at short range.

[291] A German cavalry regiment at peace strength numbers from 552 to 576 sabers: a platoon of infantry (on a peace footing) numbers from 48 to 53 men.

In making a comparison between a cavalry regiment and a machine gun battery, it must be borne in mind that horse holders are deducted from the strength given for a cavalry regiment. _Translator_.

The duties of machine guns naturally grow out of their tactical advantages. Their fire power should be saved for decisive moments, when the development of strong fire power at short ranges is requisite, and when the available time and the situation do not permit of pushing infantry into action. The machine gun batteries, which constitute an independent arm, and which are assigned to cavalry and infantry divisions, are best adapted for these duties.

The heavy matériel and the teams designed for rapid movements make the machine gun battery less suited for employment in infantry combat, where such a high degree of mobility is not so necessary. In the battle on the Shaho an employment of machine guns by platoons in the first line, came about quite naturally. The guns prepared the assault, reinforced weak points, and supported the advance. In Germany, provisional machine gun companies consisting of six two-horse machine guns, driven from the carriage (these guns cannot be fired from their carriages), have been adopted for this purpose. These machine gun companies are principally an auxiliary weapon of the infantry, and, distributed by platoons to the battalions, or sent into action as a single unit by the regimental commander, they serve the purpose of augmenting the fire of the infantry.

Movements at increased gaits are possible in exceptional cases only; as a rule, the guns follow the infantry at a walk, and in combats terminating in a defeat, it may frequently be impossible to keep them from falling into the hands of the enemy. The permanent assignment of machine guns to battalions does not seem to be advisable.

5. GOING INTO POSITION.

The principles which govern the reconnaissance and occupation of a position by field artillery are applicable also to machine guns. The tactical situation determines whether the guns should move into position under cover or in the open. As a rule, the interval between two adjacent machine guns in line is 17 paces; but the proper utilization of favorable cover does not preclude posting the guns close together. It may likewise be advantageous to post the guns in echelon on the flanks.

In action the carriages remain, as a rule, in the nearest cover in rear of the line. The advance from this point is effected by the men carrying or dragging the detached guns and ammunition sleds; under certain circumstances, it may also be advisable to have the guns or ammunition sleds drawn forward by single horses (mounts of gun commanders). On level ground the ammunition platoon and the wheeled carriages of the machine guns take post in rear of and as close as possible to the guns. Whether the two groups are combined, or whether the machine gun carriages should occupy the nearest, and the ammunition wagons the more distant cover, depends upon the available cover. The commander of the machine gun carriages sends full ammunition sleds to the firing line at an early moment and has empty boxes and belts brought back.

6. THE FIRE FIGHT.

The machine gun. squad consists of one gun commander and four gunners, numbers 1-4; number 2 is the gun pointer. The gun commander sees that the gun is set up for the prone, sitting, or kneeling fire position, according to the terrain, supervises the service of the gun, which can be served in any position of the body, and removes all obstructions that interfere with its effective use. The gun pointer handles the gun, _i.e._, he loads it, sets the sight, aims and fires it. No. 3, who lies to the right of the gun pointer, assists the latter in these duties, places a box of ammunition on the right of the gun, and feeds the ammunition belt into the slot. When necessary, he takes the place of the gun pointer. No. 1 lies in rear of the gun pointer, keeps his eye on the battery and platoon commanders, and transmits their orders to the gun commander and gun pointer. No. 4 has charge of the replenishment of ammunition; he takes cover or lies down 20 paces in rear of, or on a flank of the gun.

The range finders, without special orders to that effect, measure the range to targets as they appear, or to fixed points, and call it out to the battery commander. The battery commander designates the target, the range, and the kind of fire to be used. The platoon commanders assign a section of the target to each of their guns, designate the elevation that is to be used, and supervise the service of the guns; they are especially held responsible that the fire is directed upon the proper target. Platoon commanders constantly observe through their field glasses the strike of the bullets and the enemy. The commander of the gun carriages is charged with their supervision; he constantly sends forward ammunition, and, when necessary, men and matériel, into the firing position. When the detached guns change position, he follows the movement under cover with the gun carriages, bringing them as close to the firing position as possible.

After machine gun batteries had been employed at maneuvers as an auxiliary arm of the cavalry, they did especially good work in the fights in Southwest Africa,[292] where they were not opposed by artillery.

[292] _Militär-Wochenblatt_, 1904, Nos. 136, 139 and 140.

Through their ability to follow a skirmish line into the densest thickets, they were a valuable support to the infantry in the close country in which the African fights took place, where artillery of necessity had to fail owing to absence of a clear field of view. It was demonstrated, however, that the machine gun squads became so engrossed in the work of serving their guns that supporting troops had to guard them against surprise.

In the engagement at the =Waterberg=, the machine guns did splendid work in meeting, with an effective volley fire, the sudden, energetic attacks made by the Hereros against the flank and rear of the Germans. In two critical moments, during the attack against the left flank of the advance guard, and during the attack made with a yell against the right and rear of headquarters, it was principally due to the machine guns that the enemy, who had come within short range, was repulsed. Participants of this fight believed that the Hereros did not dare to make a real attack when machine guns went into action against them. It had been impossible to avoid using single machine guns. Just as the enemy was making an attack upon the 11th Company, machine gun No. 3 (2nd Machine Gun Battery), which had done splendid work, broke down. This was the only case of jamming that occurred. Although exposed to a galling hostile fire, the gun commander managed to change barrels in 30 seconds, and then to resume the firing. The 2nd Machine Gun Battery expended 20,775 rounds of ammunition; the expenditure of the different guns varied between 7350 and 120 rounds, according to the part taken by them in the action. The ammunition supply was certain and steady; no shortage of ammunition, not even a temporary one, occurred anywhere.

7. MACHINE GUNS IN OTHER COUNTRIES.

=Switzerland.= In 1892 Switzerland began to organize four mounted Maxim machine gun companies, which were assigned to the weak cavalry brigades (consisting of six troops[293]) on account of the defensive role of the Swiss cavalry and the lack of batteries of horse artillery. Three machine gun companies were assigned to the fortifications on the St. Gotthard and one to St. Moritz for the purpose of augmenting the fire of the advanced positions belonging to those fortifications, and to cover the approaches thereto.

[293] Eskadrons.

A Maxim machine gun company consists of 6 officers, 105 non-commissioned officers and privates, 99 horses (24 pack horses and 24 draft horses), 8 guns mounted on tripods, and 7 vehicles (two of these are two-horse supply and baggage wagons, one four-horse field forge with field kitchen, 4 two-horse ammunition wagons, each carrying 15,520 rounds of ammunition). The guns and the ammunition are carried on pack animals. A packed gun horse carries a load of 108 kg. inclusive of 5 kg. of oats. An ammunition horse carries a load of 123 kg. inclusive of 5 kg. of oats and 8 ammunition boxes (each holding 250 rounds, or a total of 2000 rounds weighing 90.5 kg.). A machine gun company of eight guns is divided into four platoons, each consisting of two guns and four ammunition horses, and the combat train, consisting of four ammunition wagons and the field kitchen. Every gun is commanded by a “gun chief,” and two of the five men belonging to the gun squad are horse holders. After the command “halt” has been given, 1-1¹⁄₂ minutes are required to get the gun ready for firing. The company carries 5940 rounds of ammunition for each gun.

Route column from line is formed by the guns moving successively in the proper direction, the two ammunition pack animals following directly in rear of the gun to which they belong. The company takes up a road space of 150 m. For movements off the road the company may move in “mass,” or with the platoons in “combat formation.” When in “mass” the platoons, each in route column, are abreast, with intervals of 10-20 paces between them. When the platoons are in “combat formation,” the two guns of each are placed abreast at equal intervals.

The three machine gun companies assigned to the line of fortifications consist of two to three platoons, each of four guns. A platoon consists of 2 officers and 60 non-commissioned officers and privates. The men are armed with rifles and equipped with alpine sticks. “Gun carriers” (_Waffenwarte_) carry the gun basket, which weighs 33 kg. The weight of the water in the jacket is only 1 kg. “Ammunition carriers” (_Munitionswarte_) carry the ammunition in specially constructed frames, each man carrying 500 rounds.

Kinds of fire: “_Fire by a single gun_” is employed at the opening of an action to drive away patrols and reconnoitering officers, when it is not desired to betray the presence of machine guns to the enemy.

“_Volley fire_” is the usual fire employed by machine guns and corresponds to the volley fire of infantry. After the target and the elevation have been designated, the platoon commander directs that fire he opened by calling the name of the gun pointer who is to fire. A pause is made after every series of 20-30 shots, which is used to make necessary corrections.

As soon as the proper elevation has been determined, “_rapid fire_” is opened. In this the _guns of a platoon fire alternately_. The fire is delivered in series of 100 rounds, and the time during which one of the guns is not firing is utilized by the non-commissioned officer with it to examine and oil the mechanism.

The “_fire at will_” (continuous fire) of the machine guns corresponds to the magazine fire of the infantry. _All the guns fire simultaneously_ series of 50 to 100 rounds, interrupting the fire for a moment at the end of each series for the purpose of examining and oiling the mechanism; then they resume the fire with a new series of 50 to 100 rounds. On account of the great expenditure of ammunition entailed, and also in order to prevent the premature deterioration of the matériel, fire at will is used in exceptional cases only, for example, when danger is imminent, or when favorable opportunities offer.

“_Progressive fire_” may be employed against narrow, deep targets, when the range could not be accurately determined. It may also be employed for searching an area 100-200 m. deep.

=Austria= has begun to organize _cavalry and mountain machine gun batteries_ consisting of four guns each. The machine gun Model 7 (_Schwarzlose_), with pack animal equipment, has been adopted. The gun horse carries 500, and each of the two ammunition horses, 1500 rounds of ammunition. During mobilization two ammunition horses are to be added for each gun. Mountain machine gun batteries are similarly organized; each ammunition horse carries 2000 rounds of ammunition. On the gun itself, and on the gun frame, 44 belts, each holding 250 rounds, or a total of 11,000 rounds, are carried.[294]

[294] The Schwarzlose machine gun weighs 18 kg. exclusive of frame and the water in the jacket. (The Maxim weighs 28 kg.).

The formations employed by the cavalry machine gun batteries are the order in line (at close intervals), the combat order, and the route column.

The mountain machine gun batteries, carrying guns and ammunition upon pack horses, are equipped with tripod and basket mounts. These machine gun batteries combine the system of mounting and carrying employed by the Swiss cavalry and mountain machine gun companies. Three pack animals are employed to transport each gun with its ammunition. The gun squad consists of three men. Officers and non-commissioned officers are mounted; the other men of the battery are not. Unpacking the guns, posting them, and getting them in readiness for firing, is managed in a similar manner as in the Swiss machine gun companies.

The gun adopted for _infantry machine gun batteries_ is the light and simple Schwarzlose machine gun, Model 7.

Springs Parts of breech Screws & Pins Weights Maxim 14 35 52 27.5 kg. Schwarzlose 1 11 13 17.5 „

Tripod mounts and pack animal transportation are necessary in view of Austrian theaters of war. The batteries consist of four machine guns.

“The great length of modern battle fronts, and the gaps and local combats along the latter, would seem to make a distribution of machine guns along the entire front desirable. Attention is thereby directed to organizing the machine guns to be employed with the infantry as ‘Regimental Machine Guns.’ Such an organization would best ensure the training of this new arm for the infantry combat and the prompt attainment of an understanding of its employment.

“In the cavalry, the difficulties of organizing, training, and employing machine guns are considerably greater than in the infantry. These difficulties are best overcome by organizing the machine guns assigned to cavalry into independent batteries, and placing them at the disposal of the higher cavalry commanders.

“In determining upon the size of the machine gun batteries attached to infantry, an attempt should be made to combine minimum size with adequate fire effect and maximum mobility. Two machine guns would seem to be almost the maximum number that should be posted at one point in an infantry action. From a tactical point of view, it is, moreover, undesirable to post a greater number at one point, because gun shields, steam, etc. would frequently form too prominent a target, for the hostile artillery to forego firing on it promptly and with telling effect.

“In connection with the desire for more than two machine guns in each infantry and Jäger organization--about two guns per battalion--the tremendous increase in ammunition trains should be considered. It would also be well to bear in mind that we have, as a matter of fact, not even become accustomed to the numerous ammunition columns of our rapid fire artillery.

“In the cavalry, the necessity of dividing a machine gun battery for the purpose of assigning the parts thereof to brigades, and of assigning machine guns to reconnaissance and other independent detachments, must be reckoned with. When we bear in mind that single machine guns are to be used only in exceptional cases, the machine gun battery intended for the cavalry cannot well be made smaller than four guns.”[295]

[295] _Streffleur_, January, 1908, p. 114, et seq.

=England.= During the =Boer war= 1-2 machine guns mounted on a high carriage were assigned to each of the British battalions. These guns were unsuited to employment in an infantry combat and were quickly silenced. The campaign demonstrated that these guns could frequently not be used, and that they stood idle in rear of the line. They were not combined into detachments for the purpose of supporting the attack, as should have been done, until the engagement at =Pieters Hill= (27th Febr., 1900). On account of the long range at which these guns came into action, the effect of their fire was indeed very small, but, nevertheless, its moral effect impaired the steadiness of the Boer aim. Since the great fire power of these guns can be brought into play only when several of them are employed together, it is not a good plan to assign single guns to cavalry regiments for the purpose of supporting the dismounted line in action. Only the commander of the entire force, and not each battalion commander, is able to judge where the employment of machine guns would be advantageous. The proposal to assign machine guns to the artillery was not followed, as it was justly feared that the machine guns would then be assigned tasks to which they were not adapted.

At the present time, each battalion has a machine gun platoon consisting of two guns. Both guns with their tripods, and a portion of the ammunition, are transported on one wagon drawn by two horses. They are in addition equipped with a two-horse ammunition cart. The complement consists of 1 non-commissioned officer, 15 privates, 1 saddle horse, and 4 draft horses.

Each battalion of mounted infantry has a machine gun platoon which is similarly organized. Each of the four vehicles of this platoon is, however, drawn by four horses. In addition, this platoon is equipped with six machine gun pack saddles for transporting the guns on pack animals. The complement consists of 1 officer, 1 first sergeant, 23 privates, 16 saddle horses, and 16 draft animals.

The machine gun platoon of a cavalry regiment consists of only one gun, which is carried on a four-horse wagon, and a four-horse ammunition wagon. The platoon is equipped with three pack saddles. The complement consists of 1 officer, 1 non-commissioned officer, 13 privates, 11 saddle horses, and 8 draft horses.

The following ammunition is carried by the British machine gun platoons:

======================+========+==========+==========+======== | | In the | In the | |With the|ammunition| Division | Total | organ- | column |ammunition| No. |ization.| of the | column. |rounds. | |F. A. Bns.| | ----------------------+--------+----------+----------+-------- Infantry M. G. P. | 11,500 | 10,000 | 10,000 | 31,500 Mtd. Infantry M. G. P.| 19,500 | 10,000 | 10,000 | 39,500 Cavalry M. G. P | 19,500 | 10,000 | 10,000 | 39,500 ----------------------+--------+----------+----------+--------

=Japan= and =France= seem to have decided to follow the British in assigning machine gun platoons to regiments. In =Japan=, soon after the outbreak of the =Russo-Japanese war=, the Guard, the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th and 6th Divisions, and the two independent cavalry brigades, had machine gun batteries consisting of 6 guns each. During the winter 1904-5, 320 machine guns were gradually placed in position, singly and by platoons, in the fortifications on the Shaho.

=Russia.= At the outbreak of the =Russo-Japanese war=, a machine gun company was assigned to the 1st, 3rd and 5th East Siberian Rifle Brigades. This company consisted of 5 officers, 85 combatants, 13 non-combatants, 10 saddle horses, 29 draft horses, and eight guns. The latter were mounted on high carriages, and were protected by steel shields. Of the ammunition, 1350 rounds, in belts holding 450 rounds each, were carried on each gun carriage, and 4500 rounds on each of the six two-wheeled ammunition carts. The field train consisted of nine one-horse carts. The loss of the machine gun company at the =Yalu= was probably due to the fact that the guns, mounted on high carriages, were quickly deprived of their mobility in their second position, after they had, from their first position, effectively flanked the advance of the Japanese infantry. Immediately after this first lesson, the high wheeled carriage was apparently abolished, and the tripod adopted. On September 26th, 1904, the machine gun companies were reorganized. There were (old) wheeled, and (newly-organized) so-called “mountain machine gun companies,” the latter having pack animal transportation. These companies were assigned to infantry and Rifle divisions and were designated by the numbers of their divisions.

On December 12th, 1906, the machine gun organization was again changed, because it was asserted that the assignment of machine gun companies to divisions hampered the division commander; that the employment of 8 guns at one point was injudicious; and that so large a machine gun battery actually induced a scattering of the guns. Infantry, Reserve, and Rifle regiments are each assigned a machine gun organization consisting of 4 guns, mounted on tripods, equipped with 6 mm. steel shields, with pack animal transportation.

Complement: 3 officers, 7 non-commissioned officers, 46 privates, 7 non-combatants, 10 saddle horses, 21 pack and draft horses (8 of these for carrying ammunition), 4 ammunition carts, and 5 train wagons. The personnel is drawn from a regiment in which the men to be detailed for machine gun duty are trained.

According to an officer who commanded a machine gun company in the battle of =Liao Yang=[296], his company went into position on August 30th, on the right flank of its division behind an earth embankment at the south edge of the village of Gutsealing, and 300 m. from the railroad running in a southwesterly direction. This position was taken up with the object of preventing the envelopment of the right flank of the division. Sufficient time was available for cutting down the kaoliang crop for 650 m. Beyond this range the kaoliang fields continued for several hundred meters. Directly in front of the position of the company there was a hill, upon which several mounted men showed themselves toward 10 A. M. As soon as fire was opened on them, they threw themselves down in a field covered with tall kaoliang. When these mounted men had reached a fairly open space, about 900 m. from the machine gun company, they could be clearly seen. In rear of them was observed a mountain battery of artillery, which endeavored to go into position on the hill mentioned, apparently with a view of directing a flanking fire on the Russian skirmishers farther to the front than the machine guns. Fire was opened at once, without first bracketing the target, the first gun firing at 1200 paces (about 850 m.), and each succeeding gun increasing the range by 25 paces, thus covering with fire a space 150 m. deep. Immediately after fire was opened on it, the mountain battery attempted to escape to the right, but succumbed to the fire of the machine guns. The latter had fired about 1¹⁄₂ minutes, and had expended 6000 rounds of ammunition. About noon, hostile (Japanese) skirmishers attempted to cross the railroad embankment, one by one, apparently with a view of flanking the machine guns. The latter opened fire on the Japanese, combined sights, and, for a short period, rapid fire with sweeping being resorted to. The movement made by the Japanese was discontinued; an advance made by groups against the front of the machine guns got only as far as the edge of the cleared kaoliang field. In the open, the skirmishers were unable to advance a single step; every attempt, on their part, to rise, was prevented. Whether it would have been possible to advance by crawling, while keeping up a constant fire, can, of course, not be determined now.

[296] _Russian Invalid_, October 1904.

At nightfall the Japanese again advanced in the kaoliang field and annoyed the machine gun company throughout the night with rifle fire. At daybreak they were again driven back by a continued fire from the machine guns. The Japanese skirmishers remained in readiness, however, in the kaoliang field, and fired on any target that offered. When their fire became more and more galling, the machine gun commander decided to send forward a non-commissioned officer and 15 men (Reservists and horse holders, armed with rifle and bayonet) to drive them out. The undertaking was successful. It was found that this continuous annoying fire had been kept up by only 1 officer and 24 men.

At 3 P. M., several Japanese assembled at the railway bridge; a signal detachment also appeared. The fire at will of the infantry, directed on this body of men, had no effect whatever; but after two machine guns, one using an elevation of 1025, the other one of 1075 m., had fired on that point for a short time, the Japanese disappeared. At 5 P. M., the machine guns succeeded in repulsing an enveloping movement made against their right flank. This movement was betrayed only by the motion of the kaoliang stalks. Toward 7 P. M., the Japanese directed artillery fire upon the machine guns, which suffered considerable losses, although the personnel was protected by an earth parapet and had ceased to work the guns. This fire did not cease until nightfall, and, at 9 P. M., the position was evacuated by order. An attack made by the Japanese during the night found the machine guns gone. During the two days of the fight the company had lost 30% of its personnel, and had fired 26,000 rounds of ammunition, or only about 3200 rounds per gun during two days. The superiority of the fire of these machine guns over that of the Japanese skirmish line can perhaps only be explained by the small numbers of the latter.

In the defensive position on the =Shaho= and at =Mukden=, machine guns were employed in favorable positions, behind sandbag parapets and under splinter proof roofs. According to Lieutenant-Colonel ANISINOW, good results were obtained against skirmishers up to 1050 m., against closed bodies of infantry and against troops of cavalry (_Eskadrons_) up to 1400 m.; against batteries of artillery, halted in the open, staffs, and columns, the fire was sufficiently effective up to 1960 m.

8. THE EMPLOYMENT OF MACHINE GUN BATTERIES.

Machine guns will never be able to replace artillery at long ranges; on the other hand, they will often find an opportunity to support other arms with their fire at medium and short ranges.

It has been asserted that machine guns do not always follow the movements of the firing lines in action, that the commander of a force is not always able to find a good position for them; and the question raised whether the space taken up by the machine guns and their ammunition wagons in a column could not be more profitably filled by companies of infantry or by a portion of an ammunition column of corresponding length. To be sure, machine guns are a special arm; the justification of their existence lies in the combination of constant readiness for firing with highly developed mobility, so that, held back under direct control of the commander of a force, they give him the means wherewith to produce within a short time a sudden effect, in the nature of a surprise. This is the very purpose for which machine guns were created. They are not intended for prolonged fire action, not for accompanying an infantry skirmish line in an advance by rushes, and, least of all, for fighting well covered firing lines. In addition, the fact that machine guns make it possible to concentrate fire quickly on any space, whereby the moral effect is considerably increased, ought not to be underestimated. It would seem to be advisable to employ machine guns in conjunction with infantry when it is impossible to develop a powerful fire on account of the conformation of the ground, but when such fire is desirable for commanding approaches or defiles; further, when fire alone suffices for delaying the enemy (for example, in rear guard actions). In this case the guns may either be pushed far to the front, or may be used in defensive positions, which can then be held by a few men during the pauses in the fight.[297] Although machine gun fire may perhaps be relatively less accurate than that of a body of infantry, the value of pouring a large mass of projectiles on the enemy within a brief space of time should not be underestimated.[298]

[297] At the Austrian Musketry School it was found that it was not easy for a body of troops to fire on targets illuminated by the shaft of a search light; few men possessed the requisite eyesight to make this possible. It would no doubt be practicable, however, to attach such men to the machine guns posted in a defensive position. A considerable increase in fire effect could thus be obtained.

[298] Platoon volleys, directed for one minute on figures advancing from 1200-1100 paces, resulted in 5, fire at will, in 1¹⁄₂, and machine gun fire, in 3% hits. The three kinds of fire, when directed against 30 prone skirmishers, resulted, in one minute, in 13, 18, and 10% hits, respectively.

Whether machine guns are distributed by platoons, or are employed as a unit under control of superior leaders, will depend upon whether it is contemplated to employ them in a purely defensive way for the purpose of reinforcing the several weak points, or offensively in fire surprises or in covering the flanks. The distribution by platoons has the undeniable disadvantage that single guns will frequently not find an opportunity to fire; that the difficulty of ammunition supply is increased; and that the combined employment of the several platoons will produce friction that cannot be easily avoided. On the other hand, in machine gun batteries of three platoons each, an employment by platoons is easy. Although a distribution by platoons is permissible in a passive defense, the employment of the guns by battery (company) against the flanks of the attacker permits the mobility and fire power of the arm to be utilized to better advantage. While a distribution of machine guns by platoons--if we except colonial and mountain warfare--is, indeed, cheaper, it generally leads to a useless frittering away of fighting units.[299]

[299] Lieutenant ULRICH (retired), who participated in the fighting in Manchuria, voices the same opinion in _Jahrbücher_, March number, p. 285:

“The opinion has been quite prevalent that the organization of strong machine gun units is one of the most important requirements of modern battle.”

Machine guns will be able to bring all their powers into play to the best advantage at the beginning of a rencontre, when, from their position as far forward as possible in the column, they are pushed to the front to occupy important points and to compel the enemy to deploy his infantry. The commander should, however, endeavor to withdraw the machine guns from the fight as soon as his own infantry has deployed, in order to avoid involving the guns in a protracted fire fight necessitating an expenditure of a great amount of ammunition and in which the accuracy of their fire would gradually suffer.[300] The proper sphere of machine guns lies in their employment as a separate arm, whether they are posted so as to flank an enemy, or are kept at the disposal of the commander as an ever ready reserve, which is pushed forward to keep the point to be attacked under fire, to meet a counter-attack, or--and to this use they are best adapted--to participate in the pursuit. Their employment is also proper in rear guard actions, since they are able to remain in position longer, for example, than rear guard infantry, whose energies are paralyzed by the thought of getting away from the enemy in time. Machine guns are much more independent than infantry on account of their ability to withdraw at an increased gait. On account of their greater staying power and the greater intensity of their fire, they increase the delay which the enemy suffers, as well as the start gained by their own force; they moreover enable their own force to get away from the enemy and to escape pursuit.

[300] This applies particularly to machine guns which have air cooled barrels. After four minutes of continuous fire, part of the projectiles, and after seven minutes all of the projectiles fired from a Hotchkiss machine gun go over the target (platoon). _Kriegstechnische Zeitschrift_, January number, 1907.

In employing machine guns in defense, it must be borne in mind that the guns are not adapted to carry on protracted fire actions; and that the advantage of the mobility of machine gun batteries cannot be properly utilized if they have been assigned, from the outset, a definite section to defend. As a rule, it will be advisable, in defense, to keep the machine guns at first with the reserve, and to employ them later, as necessity requires, even by platoons, to reinforce the defensive line at threatened points, or, by battery (company), to prevent an envelopment, or to participate in offensive movements. This does not preclude the employment of machine guns during the preparatory stage of the engagement, for example, to command important approaches. When a covered withdrawal of the guns is assured, it will also be possible to post machine gun batteries in such a manner in front of, or to a flank of the main defensive position, that they can suddenly sweep with their fire the ground on which the opponent will probably place his artillery. Flanking machine gun fire can sometimes be employed for sweeping dead angles.

The provisions of the Austrian machine gun regulations correspond in the main to those of the German Army. In Austria special stress is laid upon the use of machine guns with cavalry, while in Germany they are in addition a mobile reserve. Machine gun batteries accomplish the principal objects which cavalry expects to attain by the assignment of infantry,[301] viz., relief from fighting on foot, great fire power, and mobility. Even in reconnaissance duty, machine guns will be employed to break down the resistance of the enemy in occupied localities and to augment the resistance of their own force in such places. During an advance, machine guns should go into position at an early moment in order to cover as effectively as possible the approach and the deployment for attack. It is advisable to post the guns of a machine gun battery together, so as not to have numerous lines of fire interfere with the movements of the cavalry; this is especially emphasized by the Austrian regulations. Machine gun batteries, like horse batteries (artillery), remain with the cavalry divisions during a battle.

[301] In regard to the employment of machine guns in the maneuvers of 1905, see _Streffleur_, 1906, May number.

German machine guns are especially adapted for resisting cavalry, while guns transported upon pack animals are entirely helpless on the march and when going into position, and require the support of the other arms. German machine guns, whether on their wheeled carriages or on their sleds, are capable of warding off cavalry. The fire of the guns should be distributed over the entire front of the mounted attacking line. Special attention should be paid to lines following the first attacking line, to the flanks of the guns themselves, and to covering the carriages when they are not with the guns. Machine guns are able to advance on open ground without regard to cavalry, so long as the latter is not supported by artillery or infantry, or is not so superior in force that it can attack simultaneously from several directions, or in several lines.

In action against artillery it should be borne in mind that artillery possesses an unquestioned superiority of fire at the longer ranges; at ranges at which machine guns are able to fire at all, they must seek to find protection under cover, or by distributing the guns. Artillery is very susceptible to flanking fire. When that arm is to be engaged, the machine gun sleds should be brought as close as possible to the hostile batteries. In this case it is, moreover, advisable to have large intervals between the machine gun platoons. The great mobility of the machine gun battery, when limbered, will sometimes enable it to take up a position from which it can flank the enemy. In distributing machine gun fire it would be well always to assign the same task to two guns. It is not a good plan to have all the machine guns sweep the entire front of a firing battery (artillery).

The opinions in regard to machine gun employment in field warfare--mountain and fortress warfare are not considered here--differ considerably. In =England= machine guns are attached to battalions, and Japan of late leans toward this mode of employment. In =Switzerland= machine guns serve in addition as a substitute for horse batteries, which their army lacks.

The =English= view is obviously affected by their experience in colonial wars.

The following are given as the duties of machine guns _in attack_:

1. The machine gun is above all to be employed at long ranges. In open country it will seldom be possible for the gun to reach a position in the first line, where, moreover, the gun would offer too good a target. Covered terrain should be taken advantage of to get the gun close to the enemy. The advance of infantry may be supported at long ranges by machine gun fire (fire of position).

2. The delivery of volley fire against any point of the hostile position.

3. The warding off of counter-attacks or attacks made by cavalry.

4. The utilization of flanking positions.

5. The support of cavalry during delaying actions (ammunition being in this case a substitute for men) although the fire effect against low targets is very small.

6. The holding of captured positions.

_In defense_ the isolated employment of machine guns at a distance from the organization is prohibited and their use against extended skirmish lines cautioned against. Machine guns are well adapted for protecting flanks and can be kept back as a reserve to prevent the advance of hostile reinforcements, to support counter-attacks, to direct fire against deep and dense targets, and, finally, to support the firing line in action at short range.

_In defense_ the principal duties of machine guns will consist of--

1. Sweeping obstacles and commanding terrain which is specially favorable for the attack; flanking of salients.

2. Reinforcing weak points.

3. Firing on advancing hostile reinforcements.

The cavalry regulations, contrary to those of the infantry, also permit a massed employment of machine guns when ordered by brigade or division commanders.

“As a rule, it will not be advisable to open fire on isolated mounted men or small groups of approximately platoon strength, as this would betray the position prematurely. In action, machine guns may be employed in conjunction with dismounted skirmishers for the purpose of forming a supporting point for movements, a rallying position, or for protecting a flank. Finally, during an attack, machine guns may support the fire of the horse battery, on the outer flank of which they go into position, to serve as support, or to facilitate by their fire a withdrawal.”

These official regulations are not entirely in accord with the views entertained in the army. The combined use of the machine guns of a brigade, such as quite naturally resulted in the engagement at =Pieters Hill=, is advocated by many. At the longer ranges, machine gun companies are to fire on favorable targets, discontinuing their fire when their object has been accomplished. In addition they are to cover the advance or withdrawal of the infantry; to fire on certain points of the hostile position; to act against the enemy’s flanks in pursuit; and, in defense, posted in pairs, they are to flank salient angles and make it difficult for the enemy to approach the obstacles.

In =Switzerland= machine guns are considered an auxiliary arm. “Our field army should be capable of accepting and sustaining battle in the mountains and on highland plateaus without necessitating the creation of numerous special detachments for that purpose. Machine gun companies should be a tool which can be used in the mountains and on highland plateaus, and which can be turned over for use to any organization.”

The platoon is the firing unit; the company commander posts his platoons at large intervals and regulates their mutual coöperation. Fire, suddenly delivered from various points, frequently rather far distant from each other, is considered to have a particularly demoralizing effect; the scattered posting of the platoons makes it difficult for the enemy to combat effectively the individual platoons which are skillfully concealed on the terrain. “The indefinable, uncanny and confusing aspect of their appearance enhances the effect of the fire surprise.” The defensive character is here especially clearly marked, for cavalry which counts in the first place on the offensive will prefer a combined employment of machine guns, so as not to be hampered in its movements by the various lines of fire. On the march, machine guns are posted as far forward as possible in the column; single platoons may also be attached to troops (_Eskadrons_) of advance guard cavalry, and, in exceptional cases only, to troops (_Eskadrons_) of reconnoitering cavalry. Machine guns, supported by weak cavalry detachments, may be pushed forward to occupy defiles; moreover, the machine gun company assigned to a cavalry brigade may be sent into action either as a whole unit, or it may be divided from the start or during the course of the fight. This machine gun company may also be attached to regiments, troops (_Eskadrons_) or platoons of cavalry charged with special missions, in which case it is, as a rule, broken up into platoons. The premature detaching of machine gun units is especially cautioned against. “The mobility of the machine gun unit is such that it is not at all dangerous to hold them back until the last moment before sending them to the actually threatened point.”

The regulations deem a special support necessary for the machine gun batteries when they are sent on independent missions. Single guns are not to be so used. Machine guns, distributed by platoons, invest cavalry dismounted for fire action with a special power of resistance. It will frequently be advantageous to occupy the enemy in front with weakly supported machine gun batteries, while maneuvering with the main body of the mounted force so as to gain the enemy’s weak point, and attacking him there with fire or a charge. In a cavalry fight Maxim machine gun marksmen, by timely, hold, and energetic action, will very often be able to create favorable conditions for their own troops, facilitate the selection of a point of attack, and retard and interfere with the hostile deployment.

The following statements taken from the regulations for the _Service and Training of_ =Swiss= _cavalry_ (1904) are of interest:

“Machine guns invest pursuing cavalry with tremendous power.--Their violent fire, suddenly breaking forth, especially when quickly delivered at the flanks of the retreating mass, must have an annihilating effect and convert the retreat into a rout.

“In a retreat, Maxim gun marksmen with their guns can quickly occupy rallying positions (when possible, flanking), which, thanks to their mobility, they are capable of holding longer than other arms. Thereby they facilitate for the other troops the critical breaking off of the engagement.

“The retreat will proceed with greater steadiness and time will be gained for organizing resistance and for making that resistance more obstinate.

“When, during the crisis of battle, every available man joins in the fight, machine guns may take a hand in it, even when the terrain is unfavorable for the employment of cavalry, by gaining the flanks at a rapid gait, turning and firing upon the hostile flank or the hostile masses launched for the counter-attack.

“It would be incorrect, however, at such a moment, simply to throw the machine guns into the fighting line or to a flank. By doing this the mobility of the guns would not be utilized, and they would lose their character of a mounted arm.

“The assignment of machine guns to cavalry augments the fighting power and independence of the latter and increases to the utmost its desire to go ahead, its enterprise and bold initiative. With the aid of machine guns, our militia cavalry, even when opposed by better drilled cavalry, can go into battle calmly on our terrain, with the firm conviction of defeating it.

“But a cavalry leader should never shrink from sacrificing his machine guns when the object to be attained requires it, and when no other means remain to save the force. _These weapons should never be more to him than a welcome and powerful aid toward the fulfillment of his mission. Cavalry which degenerates into a mere support for its machine guns has ceased to be cavalry._”

VII. INFANTRY VERSUS CAVALRY.[302]

(Par. 451 German I. D. R.).

[302] _Taktik_, II, p. 137: _Die Attacke der Kavallerie auf Infanterie_. For examples from military history consult the splendid works of Major KUNZ, especially _Die deutsche Reiterei_, and _Kriegsgeschichtliche Beispiele_, 5.

The individual infantryman whose rifle is loaded and who knows how to use his bayonet is more than a match for the individual mounted man even on open ground; and, if he remains cool, retains his presence of mind, and uses his rifle properly while keeping the opponent constantly in view, he is even superior to several mounted men. Infantry which retains its steadiness has nothing to fear even when outnumbered by cavalry. Its main strength lies in steadily delivered fire, while cavalry relies on the possibility of making an unexpected rapid charge, on quickly covering great distances, and on the moral effect which its irresistible onslaught undoubtedly produces upon infantry. So long as there is a possibility of surprise and misunderstanding, of infantry allowing itself to become discouraged, and of the individual soldier being exposed to hunger and hardships, so long will cavalry that is energetically led be able to gain brilliant victories. Tactics would look differently upon the possibility of making a mounted charge during a battle if one or two German cavalry divisions had been on the Japanese side during the pursuit after Mukden. “If we demand of infantry that it close with the enemy after it has suffered tremendous losses, why should we not demand the same of cavalry whose mobility is disproportionately greater.” (_Skobeleff’s Order for the Day, June 15th, 1882_). The less the world believes in a victory of cavalry, the greater the certainty of such success. The troops should be accustomed in time of peace to the sight of charging cavalry. The recommendation made by the late General Dragomirov of the Russian army is, at any rate, worthy of consideration.[303] He proposed that cavalry ride at full speed through infantry lines deployed with three paces between files. Some infantrymen are, indeed, bound to be injured in such charges, but the wounds produced are not likely to be serious. Infantry accustomed to such charges will not lose its steadiness so easily in action as when it comes in contact with cavalry for the first time on the battlefield.

[303] _Vorbereitung der Truppen für den Kampf_, I, p. 55.

The success of the charge made by Captain Bechtoltsheim of the Austrian army at =Custozza= with three platoons of Sicilian Uhlans, may be ascribed principally to the fact that the Italian infantry was not accustomed to field service and lacked training. This small force of cavalry broke entirely through Pisa’s deployed Brigade (Italian) and struck the route column of Forli’s Brigade, throwing it into complete panic, so that of five battalions only one remained intact. The three platoons of cavalry, which numbered about 100 sabers, lost 2 officers, 84 men, and 73 horses killed and wounded. The charge made by three troops (_Eskadrons_) of the Dragoons of the Guard at =Mars-la-Tour=, to facilitate the retreat of the defeated 38th Brigade, and that made by two platoons of the 7th Hussars at =Sapignies= were likewise successful.

Any formation that permits effective firing is suitable for warding off cavalry. Skirmish lines through which a cavalry charge passes suffer losses that scarcely deserve mention. The fight is not hopeless even when the hostile troopers halt within the ranks of the infantry. When cavalry has charged through a skirmish line, the latter should be careful not to face about to fire at the troopers,[304] as that would give a second cavalry line an opportunity to approach and strike it unawares.

[304] “The French firing lines through which the cavalry had charged (evening attack made by Rauch’s Brigade in the direction of Rezonville on August 16th, 1870) fired after the Hussars, while the French Infantry units in rear fired in the opposite direction. The result was a frightful cross-fire, which, while undoubtedly disastrous for the Hussars, certainly must have worked havoc among the French.” KUNZ, _Reiterei_, p. 153.

The supports in rear of the first line form the objective of the cavalry after it has charged through the firing line. These supports must therefore open fire on the cavalry regardless of the skirmishers in front.

The flanks of a firing line can be bent back only when that line is not exposed to hostile infantry fire. The threatened wing should never be bent forward since that interferes with the fire of adjacent units. The task of repulsing an attack directed against a flank had best be left to the supports in rear of the flanks. The German Cavalry Drill Regulations (par. 349) state, that toward the end of a fight the bulk of the supports and reserves will have been absorbed by the firing line; that the fire that such a line could direct toward a flank would be insignificant; and that at any rate a _new_ firing line could not be formed within a short time; and, therefore, that a charge against its flank would be advantageous. This statement should be a warning for us always to retain echelons or machine guns in rear of the flanks. The most critical situation for infantry is that in which it is charged by cavalry while retiring defeated under hostile fire with no supports available to repulse the attack. A halt means annihilation; it must be left to each individual to save himself as best he can.

During the battle of =Scheinovo=, three companies of the 11th Russian Rifle Regiment made an unsuccessful attack and had to retreat under the pursuing fire of the Turks, while Turkish cavalry began to charge their left flank. When only 200-300 m. from the Turks, the 4th Company, which was most seriously threatened, halted and formed square as if on the parade ground. During this maneuver, all the officers and many non-commissioned officers were either killed or wounded. The heavy losses of the battalion (50%) may, in the main, be ascribed to this halt under the most violent fire of the enemy.[305]

[305] KUROPATKIN-KRAHMER, _Kritische Rückblicke auf den Russisch-Türkischen Krieg_, I, p. 166.

When the cavalry charge comes more from the front, however, the hostile infantry and artillery will have to stop firing, and it may then be possible to rally or re-form the defeated force, provided the men will heed their leaders.

Units in close order can deploy quickly toward the front or flank for the purpose of firing. However, they will be able to fire in close order only when not themselves subjected to hostile fire. The front and flanks of a body of infantry in proper formation are equally strong, but, in this connection, it should be borne in mind that a deployment toward a flank, for the purpose of firing, always takes time and is apt to impair the steadiness of the men.[306]

[306] General VON SCHERFF (_Kriegslehren_, II, p. 263) believes that a frontal charge made by cavalry of sufficient strength has better chances of succeeding than a charge in deep formation against a flank. In a frontal charge, the suddenly appearing cavalry is exposed “only to the fire at will of individual skirmishers whose continuous front masks the fire of units in rear.” In the other case (charge against a flank) the cavalry receives not only the fire of the closed bodies first encountered, but also that of the supports firing through the gaps between these groups. The frontal attacks executed with superb gallantry by the French cavalry at Sedan rather prove the opposite.

If time admits, a position may be looked for near obstacles, such as ditches, hedges, swampy ground, etc., which impede the hostile cavalry. It is not necessary, however, for the infantry to occupy the obstacle itself; in fact, it is better to take up a position some distance away. The shortness of our rifles obliges us to form the firing unit at right angles to the line of advance of the approaching cavalry, and to avoid aiming obliquely. The provision contained in a number of drill regulations, including the French, that the bodies in close order (supports, reserves) should be formed in echelon, is objectionable, as this is apt to lead to their firing on one another (as the French infantry did in repulsing the charge made by Bredow’s Brigade and the Dragoons of the Guard at Vionville). The deployment from “broad” and “deep” column to meet a sudden cavalry charge can, as a rule, be ordered directly by company commanders on the caution of the battalion commander, the method of meeting the attack being promptly decided upon. The main thing is to be in instant readiness for firing and to protect the flanks by means of echelons.

In a deployment from “deep column,” the measures taken by the commanders of the rear companies must conform to those of the leading companies. To meet a cavalry charge coming from the right front, for example, the following scheme would be appropriate:

_The 1st Company_ forms left front into line so that its front is at right angles to the line of advance of the cavalry;

_The 2nd Company_ forms as a support in rear of the left flank of the first company;

_The 3rd Company_ forms right front into line, and prolongs the line of the first company;

_The 4th Company_ also forms right front into line, or is held in readiness as a support in rear of the right flank. In this way the approaching cavalry can be met by the fire of from six to eight platoons.

It is a very simple matter to ward off a cavalry charge directed against the flank of a marching column (form line by wheeling by squads). When the cavalry charge is directed against the head or the tail of a column, as recommended by the German Cavalry Drill Regulations (par. 350), there will not be time enough, as a rule, for the entire company or battalion to form line. It will suffice to let the leading elements form line, the rear elements moving out of the column and forming in rear of the flanks as supports.

Successful resistance does not depend upon the formation taken up; in fact the latter is of importance only when it increases the feeling of security. The morale of an organization is of more importance than the formation taken up. A proud confidence in victory and morale are the only factors which decide success, and the training of infantry should be such as to develop these qualities.

Cavalry will in many cases consider that it has gained a success if it causes infantry to discontinue a movement, or to take up formations which interfere with the highest development of its fire, or which offer favorable targets to the hostile infantry and artillery. This is especially the case where infantry is in the act of beginning an assault, when the slightest hesitation may jeopardize success. If cavalry actually begins to charge at this moment, only the bodies immediately threatened halt at the signal “attention,”[307] and face the cavalry; the remainder continue the march.

[307] The German army is the only one that employs an appropriate signal for this purpose. The attack made by the 28th Infantry Brigade against the wood of Bor at Königgrätz is very instructive in this connection. HÖNIG, _Taktik der Zukunft_, p. 56. At the signal, “cavalry,” the threatened portions of the brigade halted and formed square. Fortunately the Saxons had already begun to retire from the edge of the wood. A stray hostile troop (_Eskadron_) had caused all the trouble.

The sudden appearance of a line of charging cavalry produces such a tremendous psychological effect on troops not immediately threatened, that they either watch the attack passively, or else too many of them take a hand in repulsing it. This moment, in which the attention of the troops is so completely riveted on the cavalry, is seldom utilized for the purpose of gaining ground to the front, or for effecting a withdrawal.[308] It needs but little imagination to picture to one’s self the success which the French army could have gained at Waterloo if infantry masses had followed on the heels of Ney’s cavalry squadrons. In the battle of Vionville the German infantry fired at the most incredible angles at the charging French Guard cavalry. While Bredow’s Brigade was making its charge during the same battle, part of the infantry of the 6th Division stopped firing on the French skirmishers, to follow with intense interest the cavalry charge that was taking place on a totally different part of the battlefield. This conduct, as natural as incorrect, suggests the advisability of profiting by such moments of the enemy’s inattention for the purpose of executing a movement or holding him with our own fire. It also seems absolutely necessary to support with rifle fire the charge made by one’s own cavalry, or at any rate to prevent the hostile infantry from firing undisturbed on our troopers.

[308] “Every leader should carefully watch the progress of a cavalry charge, and, as soon as he observes that friendly cavalry has succeeded in penetrating the hostile line or that the enemy is shaken and directs all of his fire against the charging cavalry, he should immediately advance to the attack and be upon the enemy with the bayonet before the latter recovers his senses. Such an attack will not have been made in vain, even if the cavalry has been repulsed.” General GURKO’S comments on the maneuvers of 1893.

Prince FREDERICK CHARLES, in his _Winke für die Offiziere der unter Meinen Befehlen ins Feld rückenden Truppen_ (1870), also demands that the infantry should quickly follow up cavalry attacks.

There are other reasons, however, why a sharp lookout should be kept during a hostile cavalry charge. All cavalry drill regulations recognize that a charge has greater chances of succeeding when it is made in deep formation, in successive lines, or simultaneously from several directions. The fire of the infantry is distributed, and, unless a good lookout is kept, a part of the cavalry, scarcely or not at all molested by fire, may perhaps succeed in driving the attack home. This will be the case when infantry allows itself to be enticed into developing a heavy fire in a direction from which only a feint is made, while the main attack comes from another, or from several other directions. Well led infantry will, therefore, never employ more rifles in repulsing cavalry than are absolutely necessary, while the mere threat of a cavalry charge will induce badly led infantry to develop an excessive volume of fire.

On open terrain, when the approaching cavalry is visible at a considerable distance, and when the infantry itself is exposed to effective fire, the prone aiming position is to be preferred. The men lying flat on the ground are not so easily wounded by the hostile troopers, and the horses will generally avoid stepping on them, besides which, the danger space is greater than when the men fire standing. In rolling or close country, where cavalry cannot be seen by men lying down, the aiming position kneeling or standing should properly be assumed. The losses inflicted by hostile fire must then be endured. Horses and riders are more apt to lose dash when charging an upright human wall that is spouting fire, than when charging a kneeling or prone opponent who scarcely offers an obstacle to the charge. What is of greater importance, however, is that men standing upright can more easily execute a change of front, fire on passing cavalry, and use their bayonets in case the cavalry actually penetrates their line. The British and Italian regulations very properly prescribe that the front rank of a body of infantry in close order should kneel in such cases.

As the success of infantry depends to a great extent upon the steadiness with which it receives the cavalry, it would seem to be advantageous to withhold the fire until the cavalry gets within short range.[309] General Dragomirov says in his forcible manner, “It is not the bullet which has been fired, but the bullet which is still in the rifle-barrel, and reserved for short range, that harms charging cavalry.” If infantry in line was able to repulse a cavalry charge in the past at 40 paces, with smoothbore muskets and at the first volley,[310] the chances of doing this with modern rifles would be still greater, if the “stopping power” of the 8 mm. projectiles were absolutely certain at short ranges. As this is not the case, it is necessary to open fire at an earlier moment.[311] If infantry does not fire until cavalry gets within very short range, it will have to reckon with the fact that even wounded horses will still be able to carry their riders into its ranks. However, for purposes of instruction in time of peace, it is proper to open fire late. If an infantry unit is trained in time of peace always to open fire at the medium ranges on charging cavalry, the unexpected appearance of hostile cavalry at short ranges in actual war, is more likely to bring disorder into the ranks of such a unit, than if it is trained in time of peace to reserve its fire until the cavalry has come within short range.

[309] “The best preparation against rapidly executed mounted charges is for all commanders to keep their eyes open, quickly and coolly to size up the situation, and to act with determination. All precipitation or haste would be disastrous, for it would communicate itself to the troops. Infantry has never yet fired too late upon cavalry.” Feldzeugmeister V. WÄLDSTATTEN.

[310] At Sedan, the 5th Company of the 46th Infantry fired only at 140 and 80 paces, and repulsed the charge. _Geschichte des Regiments Nr. 46_, p. 186. In the same battle the 9th and 12th Companies of the 87th Infantry repulsed a charge at 60 paces. _Gen. St. W._, II, p. 1217.

[311] The _France Militaire_ contains the following statement in regard to the effect produced on horses by bullets from the French Lebel rifle in the engagements near Casablanca in 1907: “Many officers serving in the field observed that the small caliber bullets stopped horses only when a foot had been shattered or when a vital organ had been hit. _At Casablanca, horses that had been hit by several bullets continued to gallop for a long while._ This is a remarkable phenomenon, for the gentlemen of theory count as out of action every horse that has been hit by a projectile. This is entirely incorrect. _Many wounded horses carry their riders into the melée and do not die until the day after the fight._ This was observed on the French as well as on the Moroccan side.

“Troopers charging full tilt, with the firm determination of penetrating the hostile line, are not stopped so easily. In the first place, they would have to be hit, and that, in itself, is not such an easy matter. This is still more difficult for the infantry, if it knows the dash of the hostile troopers. Let us cultivate the dash of our cavalrymen, even if unreal situations are thereby produced in our peace exercises. If, on the other hand, we teach our troopers in time of peace to turn tail in the face of imaginary projectiles, we are training our cavalry for panic in time of war.”

At =Garcia Hernandez= (1812), a French square was broken by a wounded horse falling down within the ranks of the infantry. This is, however, only true of closed bodies of infantry formed in two ranks. Horses will frequently break through a skirmish line--whether or not the horses are wounded is immaterial. Men are wounded in such an event in exceptional cases only, and the wounds produced are generally insignificant.

The following episode shows the effect produced on cavalry when it attacks unshaken infantry which is in good formation and reserves its fire. During the retreat after the battle of =Jena=, on October 28th, 1806, the Grenadier Battalion _Prinz August_, threatened by hostile cavalry, did not feel equal to continue its march to Prenzlau and attempted to cross the Ucker farther down. In the expectation that a cavalry charge would be made, square was formed and the officers were told not to fire until the cavalry had approached to within 20 paces. “Meantime, the French cavalry--the brigade which had crossed at Golmitz as well as the remainder of Beaumont’s Division, under its commander, in all nine regiments--approached. The first charge was made by nine troops (_Eskadrons_) under the division commander. They approached at a gallop. When the expected fire did not come, the dragoons gradually reined in their horses, so that finally they were going no faster than a slow trot. At 30 paces the command “Fire” was given in the infantry and quite a number of troopers fell, the rest galloping by the square on both sides. Eight subsequent charges were repulsed in a similar manner.”[312]

[312] VON LETTOW-VORBECK, _Der Krieg von 1806-7_, II, p. 279. The charge of the 5th Lancers at Beaumont forms a counterpart of the above. KUNZ, _Kriegsgeschichtliche Beispiele_, 5, p. 18.

We have moreover to consider, in this connection, the strength of the infantry, the formation of the cavalry, and whether the latter charges from several directions or in several successive lines. A small force of infantry, especially when it may anticipate attacks from several directions, must open fire sooner than a strong infantry force which has to contend with an attack coming from one direction only. In the first mentioned case, an attempt must be made to meet quickly, one by one, the attacks which follow each other at intervals.

It is quite a different matter when the infantry itself is not directly threatened, but can take a hand in repulsing a cavalry charge made on another unit; then it is advisable to open fire at an early moment in order to break the momentum of the charge at long range. (11th Jäger-Battalion at Wörth; 8th Company of the 46th Infantry at Sedan).

This in part determines the rear sight elevation that should be used. The sights should not be changed on the battlefield, although this has been done on the drill ground by well trained soldiers without impairing the continuity or accuracy of the fire. According to the table of ordinates of the trajectory (par. 23 German I. F. R.), a bullet fired when the sight is set at 700 m. and aim is taken at the feet of the horse, does not rise above the height of a mounted trooper throughout that entire distance. The bullets may pass entirely over the target however, when the men take too full a sight in the excitement of battle, or when, in rolling country or terrain covered with grass or crops, they cannot see the bottom of the target and aim above that line. It is better, therefore, to aim at the breast of the horse, with sights set at 600 m., and to fire as soon as the target gets within 800