Chapter 8

THE CONQUEST OF JUDAEA

Early in this same year[460] Titus Caesar had been entrusted by his 1 father with the task of completing the reduction of Judaea.[461] While he and his father were both still private citizens, Titus had distinguished himself as a soldier, and his reputation for efficiency was steadily increasing, while the provinces and armies vied with one another in their enthusiasm for him. Wishing to seem independent of his good fortune, he always showed dignity and energy in the field. His affability called forth devotion. He constantly helped in the trenches and could mingle with his soldiers on the march without compromising his dignity as general. Three legions awaited him in Judaea, the Fifth, Tenth, and Fifteenth, all veterans from his father's army. These were reinforced by the Twelfth from Syria and by detachments of the Twenty-second and the Third,[462] brought over from Alexandria. This force was accompanied by twenty auxiliary cohorts and eight regiments of auxiliary cavalry besides the Kings Agrippa and Sohaemus, King Antiochus' irregulars,[463] a strong force of Arabs, who had a neighbourly hatred for the Jews, and a crowd of persons who had come from Rome and the rest of Italy, each tempted by the hope of securing the first place in the prince's still unoccupied affections. With this force Titus entered the enemy's country at the head of his column, sending out scouts in all directions, and holding himself ready to fight. He pitched his camp not far from Jerusalem.

Since I am coming now to describe the last days of this famous 2 city, it may not seem out of place to recount here its early history. It is said that the Jews are refugees from Crete,[464] who settled on the confines of Libya at the time when Saturn was forcibly deposed by Jupiter. The evidence for this is sought in the name. Ida is a famous mountain in Crete inhabited by the Idaei,[465] whose name became lengthened into the foreign form Judaei. Others say that in the reign of Isis the superfluous population of Egypt, under the leadership of Hierosolymus and Juda, discharged itself upon the neighbouring districts, while there are many who think the Jews an Ethiopian stock, driven to migrate by their fear and dislike of King Cepheus.[466] Another tradition makes them Assyrian refugees,[467] who, lacking lands of their own, occupied a district of Egypt, and later took to building cities of their own and tilling Hebrew territory and the frontier-land of Syria. Yet another version assigns to the Jews an illustrious origin as the descendants of the Solymi--a tribe famous in Homer[468]--who founded the city and called it Hiero_solyma_ after their own name.[469]

Most authorities agree that a foul and disfiguring disease once 3 broke out in Egypt, and that King Bocchoris,[470] on approaching the oracle of Ammon and inquiring for a remedy, was told to purge his kingdom of the plague and to transport all who suffered from it into some other country, for they had earned the disfavour of Heaven. A motley crowd was thus collected and abandoned in the desert. While all the other outcasts lay idly lamenting, one of them, named Moses, advised them not to look for help to gods or men, since both had deserted them, but to trust rather in themselves and accept as divine the guidance of the first being by whose aid they should get out of their present plight. They agreed, and set out blindly to march wherever chance might lead them. Their worst distress came from lack of water. When they were already at death's door and lying prostrate all over the plain, it so happened that a drove of wild asses moved away from their pasture to a rock densely covered with trees. Guessing the truth from the grassy nature of the ground, Moses followed and disclosed an ample flow of water.[471] This saved them. Continuing their march for six successive days, on the seventh they routed the natives and gained possession of the country. There they consecrated their city and their temple.

To ensure his future hold over the people, Moses introduced a new 4 cult, which was the opposite of all other religions. All that we hold sacred they held profane, and allowed practices which we abominate. They dedicated in a shrine an image of the animal[472] whose guidance had put an end to their wandering and thirst. They killed a ram, apparently as an insult to Ammon, and also sacrificed a bull, because the Egyptians worship the bull Apis.[473] Pigs are subject to leprosy; so they abstain from pork in memory of their misfortune and the foul plague with which they were once infected. Their frequent fasts[474] bear witness to the long famine they once endured, and, in token of the corn they carried off, Jewish bread is to this day made without leaven. They are said to have devoted the seventh day to rest, because that day brought an end to their troubles.[475] Later, finding idleness alluring, they gave up the seventh year as well to sloth.[476] Others maintain that they do this in honour of Saturn;[477] either because their religious principles are derived from the Idaei, who are supposed to have been driven out with Saturn and become the ancestors of the Jewish people; or else because, of the seven constellations which govern the lives of men, the star of Saturn moves in the topmost orbit and exercises peculiar influence, and also because most of the heavenly bodies move round[478] their courses in multiples of seven.

Whatever their origin, these rites are sanctioned by their 5 antiquity. Their other customs are impious and abominable, and owe their prevalence to their depravity. For all the most worthless rascals, renouncing their national cults, were always sending money to swell the sum of offerings and tribute.[479] This is one cause of Jewish prosperity. Another is that they are obstinately loyal to each other, and always ready to show compassion, whereas they feel nothing but hatred and enmity for the rest of the world.[480] They eat and sleep separately. Though immoderate in sexual indulgence, they refrain from all intercourse with foreign women: among themselves anything is allowed.[481] They have introduced circumcision to distinguish themselves from other people. Those who are converted to their customs adopt the same practice, and the first lessons they learn are to despise the gods,[482] to renounce their country, and to think nothing of their parents, children, and brethren. However, they take steps to increase their numbers. They count it a crime to kill any of their later-born children,[483] and they believe that the souls of those who die in battle or under persecution are immortal.[484] Thus they think much of having children and nothing of facing death. They prefer to bury and not burn their dead.[485] In this, as in their burial rites, and in their belief in an underworld, they conform to Egyptian custom. Their ideas of heaven are quite different. The Egyptians worship most of their gods as animals, or in shapes half animal and half human. The Jews acknowledge one god only, of whom they have a purely spiritual conception. They think it impious to make images of gods in human shape out of perishable materials. Their god is almighty and inimitable, without beginning and without end. They therefore set up no statues in their temples, nor even in their cities, refusing this homage both to their own kings and to the Roman emperors. However, the fact that their priests intoned to the flute and cymbals and wore wreaths of ivy, and that a golden vine was found in their temple[486] has led some people to think that they worship Bacchus,[487] who has so enthralled the East. But their cult would be most inappropriate. Bacchus instituted gay and cheerful rites, but the Jewish ritual is preposterous and morbid.

The country of the Jews is bounded by Arabia on the east, by Egypt 6 on the south, and on the west by Phoenicia and the sea. On the Syrian frontier they have a distant view towards the north.[488] Physically they are healthy and hardy. Rain is rare; the soil infertile; its products are of the same kind as ours with the addition of balsam and palms. The palm is a tall and beautiful tree, the balsam a mere shrub. When its branches are swollen with sap they open them with a sharp piece of stone or crockery, for the sap-vessels shrink up at the touch of iron. The sap is used in medicine. Lebanon, their chief mountain, stands always deep in its eternal snow, a strange phenomenon in such a burning climate. Here, too, the river Jordan has its source[489] and comes pouring down, to find a home in the sea. It flows undiminished through first one lake, then another, and loses itself in a third.[490] This last is a lake of immense size, like a sea, though its water has a foul taste and a most unhealthy smell, which poisons the surrounding inhabitants. No wind can stir waves in it: no fish or sea-birds can live there. The sluggish water supports whatever is thrown on to it, as if its surface were solid, while those who cannot swim float on it as easily as those who can. Every year at the same time the lake yields asphalt. As with other arts, it is experience which shows how to collect it. It is a black liquid which, when congealed with a sprinkling of vinegar, floats on the surface of the water. The men who collect it take it in this state into their hands and haul it on deck. Then without further aid it trickles in and loads the boat until you cut off the stream. But this you cannot do with iron or brass: the current is turned by applying blood or a garment stained with a woman's menstrual discharge. That is what the old authorities say, but those who know the district aver that floating blocks of asphalt are driven landwards by the wind and dragged to shore by hand. The steam out of the earth and the heat of the sun dries them, and they are then split up with axes and wedges, like logs or blocks of stone.

Not far from this lake are the Plains, which they say were once 7 fertile and covered with large and populous cities which were destroyed by lightning.[491] Traces of the cities are said to remain, and the ground, which looks scorched, has lost all power of production. The plants, whether wild or artificially cultivated, are blighted and sterile and wither into dust and ashes, either when in leaf or flower, or when they have attained their full growth. Without denying that at some date famous cities were there burnt up by lightning, I am yet inclined to think that it is the exhalation from the lake which infects the soil and poisons the surrounding atmosphere. Soil and climate being equally deleterious, the crops and fruits all rot away.

The river Belus also falls into this Jewish sea. Round its mouth is found a peculiar kind of sand which is mixed with native soda and smelted into glass. Small though the beach is, its product is inexhaustible.

The greater part of the population live in scattered villages, but 8 they also have towns. Jerusalem is the Jewish capital, and contained the temple, which was enormously wealthy. A first line of fortifications guarded the city, another the palace, and an innermost line enclosed the temple.[492] None but a Jew was allowed as far as the doors: none but the priests might cross the threshold.[493] When the East was in the hands of the Assyrians, Medes and Persians, they regarded the Jews as the meanest of their slaves. During the Macedonian ascendancy[494] King Antiochus[495] endeavoured to abolish their superstitions and to introduce Greek manners and customs. But Arsaces at that moment rebelled,[496] and the Parthian war prevented him from effecting any improvement in the character of this grim people. Then, when Macedon waned, as the Parthian power was not yet ripe and Rome was still far away, they took kings of their own.[497] The mob were fickle and drove them out. However, they recovered their throne by force; banished their countrymen, sacked cities, slew their brothers, wives, and parents, and committed all the usual kingly crimes. But this only fostered the hold of the Jewish religion, since the kings had strengthened their authority by assuming the priesthood.

Cnaeus Pompeius was the first Roman to subdue the Jews and set foot 9 in their temple by right of conquest.[498] It was then first realized that the temple contained no image of any god: their sanctuary was empty, their mysteries meaningless. The walls of Jerusalem were destroyed, but the temple was left standing. Later, during the Roman civil wars, when the eastern provinces had come under the control of Mark Antony, the Parthian Prince Pacorus seized Judaea,[499] and was killed by Publius Ventidius. The Parthians were driven back over the Euphrates, and Caius Sosius[500] subdued the Jews. Antony gave the kingdom to Herod,[501] and Augustus, after his victory, enlarged it. After Herod's death, somebody called Simon,[502] without awaiting the emperor's decision, forcibly assumed the title of king. He was executed by Quintilius Varus, who was Governor of Syria; the Jews were repressed and the kingdom divided between three of Herod's sons.[503] Under Tiberius all was quiet. Caligula ordered them to put up his statue in the temple. They preferred war to that. But Caligula's death put an end to the rising.[504] In Claudius' reign the kings had all either died or lost most of their territory. The emperor therefore made Judaea a province to be governed by Roman knights or freedmen. One of these, Antonius Felix,[505] indulged in every kind of cruelty and immorality, wielding a king's authority with all the instincts of a slave. He had married Drusilla, a granddaughter of Antony and Cleopatra, so that he was Antony's grandson-in-law, while Claudius was Antony's grandson.[506]

The Jews endured such oppression patiently until the time of 10 Gessius Florus,[507] under whom war broke out. Cestius Gallus, the Governor of Syria, tried to crush it, but met with more reverses than victories. He died, either in the natural course or perhaps of disgust, and Nero sent out Vespasian, who, in a couple of campaigns,[508] thanks to his reputation, good fortune, and able subordinates, had the whole of the country districts and all the towns except Jerusalem under the heel of his victorious army. The next year[509] was taken up with civil war, and passed quietly enough as far as the Jews were concerned. But peace once restored in Italy, foreign troubles began again with feelings embittered on our side by the thought that the Jews were the only people who had not given in. At the same time it seemed best to leave Titus at the head of the army to meet the eventualities of the new reign, whether good or bad.

Thus, as we have already seen,[510] Titus pitched his camp before 11 the walls of Jerusalem and proceeded to display his legions in battle order. The Jews formed up at the foot of their own walls, ready, if successful, to venture further, but assured of their retreat in case of reverse. A body of cavalry and some light-armed foot were sent forward, and fought an indecisive engagement, from which the enemy eventually retired. During the next few days a series of skirmishes took place in front of the gates, and at last continual losses drove the Jews behind their walls. The Romans then determined to take it by storm. It seemed undignified to sit and wait for the enemy to starve, and the men all clamoured for the risks, some being really brave, while many others were wild and greedy for plunder. Titus himself had the vision of Rome with all her wealth and pleasures before his eyes, and felt that their enjoyment was postponed unless Jerusalem fell at once. The city, however, stands high and is fortified with works strong enough to protect a city standing on the plain. Two enormous hills[511] were surrounded by walls ingeniously built so as to project or slope inwards and thus leave the flanks of an attacking party exposed to fire. The rocks were jagged at the top. The towers, where the rising ground helped, were sixty feet high, and in the hollows as much as a hundred and twenty. They are a wonderful sight and seem from a distance to be all of equal height. Within this runs another line of fortification surrounding the palace, and on a conspicuous height stands the Antonia, a castle named by Herod in honour of Mark Antony.

The temple was built like a citadel with walls of its own, on 12 which more care and labour had been spent than on any of the others. Even the cloisters surrounding the temple formed a splendid rampart. There was a never-failing spring of water,[512] catacombs hollowed out of the hills, and pools or cisterns for holding the rain-water. Its original builders had foreseen that the peculiarities of Jewish life would lead to frequent wars, consequently everything was ready for the longest of sieges. Besides this, when Pompey took the city, bitter experience taught them several lessons, and in the days of Claudius they had taken advantage of his avarice to buy rights of fortification, and built walls in peace-time as though war were imminent. Their numbers were now swelled by floods of human refuse and unfortunate refugees from other towns.[513] All the most desperate characters in the country had taken refuge there, which did not conduce to unity. They had three armies, each with its own general. The outermost and largest line of wall was held by Simon; the central city by John, and the temple by Eleazar.[514] John and Simon were stronger than Eleazar in numbers and equipment, but he had the advantage of a strong position. Their relations mainly consisted of fighting, treachery, and arson: a large quantity of corn was burnt. Eventually, under pretext of offering a sacrifice, John sent a party of men to massacre Eleazar and his troops, and by this means gained possession of the temple.[515] Thus Jerusalem was divided into two hostile parties, but on the approach of the Romans the necessities of foreign warfare reconciled their differences.

Various portents had occurred at this time, but so sunk in 13 superstition are the Jews and so opposed to all religious practices that they think it wicked to avert the threatened evil by sacrifices[516] or vows. Embattled armies were seen to meet in the sky with flashing arms, and the temple shone with sudden fire from heaven. The doors of the shrine suddenly opened, a supernatural voice was heard calling the gods out, and at once there began a mighty movement of departure. Few took alarm at all this. Most people held the belief that, according to the ancient priestly writings, this was the moment at which the East was fated to prevail: they would now start forth from Judaea and conquer the world.[517] This enigmatic prophecy really applied to Vespasian and Titus. But men are blinded by their hopes. The Jews took to themselves the promised destiny, and even defeat could not convince them of the truth. The number of the besieged, men and women of every age, is stated to have reached six hundred thousand. There were arms for all who could carry them, and far more were ready to fight than would be expected from their total numbers. The women were as determined as the men: if they were forced to leave their homes they had more to fear in life than in death.

Such was the city and such the people with which Titus was faced. As the nature of the ground forbade a sudden assault, he determined to employ siege-works and penthouse shelters. The work was accordingly divided among the legions, and there was a truce to fighting until they had got ready every means of storming a town that had ever been devised by experience or inventive ingenuity.

FOOTNOTES:

[460] A.D. 70.

[461] See ii. 4; iv. 51.

[462] XXII Deiotariana and III Cyrenaica.

[463] Cp. ii. 4.

[464] There seems little to recommend Tacitus' theory of the identity of the Idaei and Judaei, though it has been suggested that the Cherethites of 2. Sam. viii. 18 and Ezek. xxv. 16 are Cretans, migrated into the neighbourhood of the Philistines. The Jewish Sabbath (Saturn's day) seems also to have suggested connexion with Saturn and Crete.

[465] Elsewhere the Idaei figure as supernatural genii in attendance on either Jupiter or Saturn.

[466] Ethiopian here means Phoenician. Tradition made Cepheus, the father of Andromeda, king of Joppa.

[467] From Damascus, said Justin, where Abraham was one of their kings, and Trogus Pompeius adds that the name of Abraham was honourably remembered at Damascus. These are variants of the Biblical migration of Abraham.

[468] _Il._ vi. 184; _Od._ v. 282.

[469] Another piece of fanciful philology, based on a misinterpretation of a Greek transliteration of the name Jerusalem. The Solymi are traditionally placed in Lycia. Both Juvenal and Martial use Solymus as equivalent to Judaeus.

[470] The only known King Bocchoris belongs to the eighth century B.C., whereas the Exodus is traditionally placed not later than the sixteenth.

[471] See Exod. xvii.

[472] i.e. an ass. The idea that this animal was sacred to the Jews was so prevalent among 'the Gentiles' that Josephus takes the trouble to refute it.

[473] Cp. Lev. xvi. 3, 'a young bullock for a sin offering, and a ram for a burnt offering.' Tacitus' reasons are of course errors due to the prevalent confusion of Jewish and Egyptian history.

[474] Cp. Luke xviii. 12, 'I fast twice a week.'

[475] Cp. Deut. v. 15.

[476] Cp. Lev. xxv. 4, '... in the seventh year shall be a sabbath of solemn rest for the land, a sabbath unto the Lord: thou shalt neither sow thy field, nor prune thy vineyard.'

[477] The seventh day being named after Cronos or Saturn (cp. chap. 2, note 464).

[478] Reading _commeent_ (Wölfflin).

[479] This refers to proselytes, who, like Jews resident abroad, contributed annually to the Temple treasury. They numbered at this time about four millions. Romans naturally regarded this diversion of funds with disfavour.

[480] Jewish exclusiveness always roused Roman indignation, and 'hatred of the human race' was the usual charge against Christians (see _Ann._ xv. 44).

[481] The strict regulations of Deut. xxii. &c. give a strange irony to this slander. Most of these libels originated in Alexandria.

[482] 'A people,' says the elder Pliny, 'distinguished by their contemptuous atheism.'

[483] _Agnati_, as used here and in _Germ._ 19 means a child born after the father has made his will and therein specified the number of his children. The mere birth of such a child invalidated any earlier will that the father had made, but the fact of its birth might be concealed by making away with the baby. This crime seems to have been not uncommon, but there is no evidence that 'exposure of infants' was permitted.

[484] Josephus also alludes to this belief that the corruption of disease chained the soul to the buried body, while violent death freed it to live for ever in the air and protect posterity.

[485] Under the kings cremation was an honourable form of burial, but in Babylon the Jews came to regard fire as a sacred element which should not be thus defiled.

[486] This was over the door of the Temple. Aristobulus gave it as a present to Pompey.

[487] Plutarch shared this error, which seems somehow to have been based on a misinterpretation of the Feast of Tabernacles, at which they were to 'take ... the fruit of goodly trees, ... and willows of the brook; and ... rejoice before the Lord your God seven days' (Lev. xxiii. 40).

[488] Over Coele-Syria, from the range of Lebanon.

[489] i.e. from Mount Hermon, nearly 9,000 feet high.

[490] Merom; Gennesareth; the Dead Sea.

[491] 'Then the Lord rained upon Sodom and upon Gomorrah brimstone and fire from the Lord out of heaven; and he overthrew those cities, and all the Plain' (Gen. xix. 24).

[492] These were not concentric, but an enemy approaching from the north-west would have to carry all three before reaching the temple, which stood on Mount Moriah at the eastern extremity of the city.

[493] Cp. Luke i. 8-10, where Zacharias entered the temple to burn incense, 'and the whole multitude of the people were praying without.'

[494] The Seleucids.

[495] Antiochus Epiphanes (176-164 B.C.).

[496] This was really in the reign of Antiochus II (260-245 B.C.).

[497] Of the Hasmonean or Maccabean family.

[498] 63 B.C. when he was called in to decide between Aristobulus II and Hyrcanus.

[499] At the invitation of the Maccabean Antigonus, who thus recovered the throne.

[500] Ventidius and Sosius were Antony's officers. The former was famous as having begun life as a mule-driver and risen to be a consul and to hold the first triumph over the Parthians.

[501] Herod the Great, who on the return of Antigonus had fled to Rome and chosen the winning side.

[502] One of Herod's slaves.

[503] Archelaus, Herod Antipas, and Philip.

[504] A.D. 40.

[505] A freedman, Procurator of Judaea, A.D. 52-60 (cp. Acts xxiv).

[506] Claudius' mother, Antonia, was the daughter of Antony's first marriage.

[507] A.D. 64-66.

[508] A.D. 67 and 68.

[509] A.D. 69.

[510] Chap. 1.

[511] Jerusalem stands on a rock which rises into three main hills, Zion (south), Acra (north), and Moriah (east). It is not clear to which two of these Tacitus alludes; probably Zion and Moriah.

[512] Of this no traces remain, and the tradition may have been based on the metaphorical prophecy that a fount of living water would issue from the Sanctuary.

[513] i.e. the Galilean towns captured by Vespasian in A.D. 67 and 68.

[514] Simon was a bandit from the east of Jordan; John of Gischala headed a party of refugees from Galilee; Eleazar was the leader of the Jewish war-party, and related to the high priests.

[515] They submitted to John's authority and were not killed.

[516] 'Ye shall not ... use enchantments, nor practise augury' (Lev. xix. 26).

[517] e.g. 'And in the days of those kings shall the God of heaven set up a kingdom, which shall never be destroyed, nor shall the sovereignty thereof be left to another people; but it shall break in pieces and consume all these kingdoms' (Dan. ii. 44). The Jews were looking for Messiah: the Romans thought of Vespasian.

THE END OF THE GERMAN REVOLT

After the severe reverse at Trier[518] Civilis recruited his army 14 in Germany, and pitched his camp near Vetera. The position was a safe one, and he hoped to inspirit his native troops with the memory of their former victories there.[519] Cerialis followed in his footsteps, with forces now doubled by the arrival of the Second,[520] Thirteenth, and Fourteenth legions, besides auxiliary troops, both horse and foot,[521] who had long received their summons and came hurrying on the news of victory. Neither general was dilatory, but a vast plain lay between them. It was by nature swampy, and Civilis had built a dam projecting into the Rhine, which stemmed the current and flooded the adjacent fields. The treacherous nature of the ground, where the shallows were hard to find, told against our men, who were heavily armed and afraid of swimming. The Germans, on the other hand, were used to rivers, lightly armed, and tall enough to keep their heads above water.

Provoked by the Batavi, the bravest of our troops opened the 15 engagement at once, but soon fell into a panic when their arms and horses began to sink in the deep marshes. The Germans, who knew the fords, came leaping across them, often leaving our front alone and running round to the flanks or the rear. It was not like an infantry engagement at close quarters, but more like a naval battle. The men floundered about in the water or, finding firm foothold, strove with all their might for possession of it. Thus, wounded and whole, those who could swim and those who could not, struggled helplessly with each other and perished all alike. However, considering the confusion, our loss was less than might have been expected, for the Germans, not daring to venture out of the marsh, withdrew to their camp. The result of this engagement gave each of the generals a different motive for hastening on a decisive battle. Civilis wanted to follow up his success, Cerialis to wipe out his disgrace. Success stimulated the pride of the Germans; the Romans thrilled with shame. The natives spent the night singing uproariously, while our men muttered angry threats.

At daybreak Cerialis formed up his cavalry and the auxiliary 16 cohorts on his front, with the legions behind them, while he himself held a picked body in reserve for emergencies. Civilis did not deploy his line, but halted them in columns,[522] with the Batavi and Cugerni[523] on his right, and the forces from across the Rhine[524] near the river on the left. Neither general followed the usual custom of haranguing the whole army. They rode along and addressed their various divisions in turn. Cerialis spoke of the ancient glory of the Roman name and of all their victories old and new. He urged them 'to blot out for ever their treacherous and cowardly enemy whom they had already beaten. They had to punish not to fight them. They had just fought against superior numbers and had yet routed the Germans, and, moreover, the pick of their troops. This remnant had their hearts full of panic and all their wounds behind them.' He then gave special encouragement to each of the legions, calling the Fourteenth the conquerors of Britain,[525] reminding the Sixth that the influence of their example had set Galba on the throne,[526] and telling the Second that in the coming fight they would for the first time dedicate their new colours and their new eagle to Rome's service.[527] Then riding along to the German army,[528] he pointed with his hand and bade them recover their own river-bank and their own camp[529] at the enemy's expense. They all cheered with hearts the lighter for his words. Some longed for battle after a long spell of quiet: others were weary of war and pined for peace, hoping that the future would bring them rest and recompense.

Nor was there silence in Civilis' lines. As he formed them up he 17 appealed to the spot as evidence of their valour. The Germans and Batavians were standing, he told them, 'on the field of their glory, trampling the charred bones of Roman soldiers under foot. Wherever the Romans turned their eyes they saw nothing but menacing reminders of surrender and defeat. They must not be alarmed by that sudden change of fortune in the battle at Trier. It was their own victory which hampered the Germans there: they had dropped their weapons and filled their hands with loot. Since then everything had gone in their favour and against the Romans. He had taken every possible precaution, as befitted a cunning general. They themselves were familiar with these soaking plains, but the swamps would be a deadly trap for the enemy. They had the Rhine and the gods of Germany before their eyes, and in the might of these they must go to battle, remembering their wives and parents and their fatherland. This day would either gild the glory of their ancestors or earn the execration of posterity.' They applauded his words according to their custom by dancing and clashing their arms, and then opened the battle with showers of stones and leaden balls and other missiles, trying to lure on our men, who had not yet entered the marsh.

Their missiles exhausted, the enemy warmed to their work and made 18 an angry charge. Thanks to their great height and their very long spears they could thrust from some distance at our men, who were floundering and slipping about in the marsh. While this went on, a column[530] of Batavi swam across from the dam which, as we described above,[531] had been built out into the Rhine. This started a panic and the line of our auxiliaries began to be driven back. Then the legions took up the fight and equalized matters by staying the enemy's wild charge. Meanwhile a Batavian deserter approached Cerialis, avowing that he could take the enemy in the rear if the cavalry were sent round the edge of the swamp: the ground was solid there, and the Cugerni, whose task it was to keep watch, were off their guard. Two squadrons of horse were sent with the deserter, and succeeded in outflanking the unsuspecting enemy. The legions in front, when the din told them what had happened, redoubled their efforts. The Germans were beaten and fled to the Rhine. This day might have brought the war to an end, had the Roman fleet[532] arrived in time. As it was, even the cavalry were prevented from pursuit by a sudden downpour of rain shortly before nightfall.

On the next day the Fourteenth legion were sent to join Annius 19 Gallus[533] in Upper Germany, and their place in Cerialis' army was filled by the Tenth from Spain. Civilis was reinforced by the Chauci.[534] Feeling that he was not strong enough to hold the Batavian capital,[535] he took whatever was portable with him, burnt everything else, and retired into the island. He knew that the Romans had not enough ships to build a bridge, and that they had no other means of getting across. He also destroyed the mole built by Drusus Germanicus.[536] As the bed of the Rhine here falls towards Gaul, his removal of all obstacles gave it free course; the river was practically diverted, and the channel between the Germans and the island became so small and dry as to form no barrier between them. Tutor and Classicus also crossed the Rhine,[537] together with a hundred and thirteen town-councillors from Trier, among whom was Alpinius Montanus, who, as we have already seen,[538] had been sent by Antonius Primus into Gaul. He was accompanied by his brother. By arousing sympathy and by offering presents, the others, too, were all busy raising reinforcements among these eagerly adventurous tribes.

The war was far from being over. Dividing his forces, Civilis 20 suddenly made a simultaneous attack on all four Roman garrisons--the Tenth at Arenacum, the Second at Batavodurum, and the auxiliary horse and foot at Grinnes and at Vada.[539] Civilis himself, Verax his nephew, Classicus and Tutor each led one of the attacking parties. They could not hope all to be successful, but reckoned that, if they made several ventures, fortune would probably favour one or the other. Besides, Cerialis, they supposed, was off his guard; on receiving news from several places at once he would hurry from one garrison to another, and might be cut off on his way. The party told off against the Tenth considered it no light task to storm a legion, so they fell on the soldiers, who had come outside to cut timber, and killed the camp-prefect, five senior centurions, and a handful of the men. The rest defended themselves in the trenches. Meanwhile another party of Germans endeavoured to break the bridge[540] which had been begun at Batavodurum, but nightfall put an end to the battle before it was won.

The attack on Grinnes and Vada proved more formidable. Civilis led 21 the assault on Vada, Classicus on Grinnes. Nothing could stop them. The bravest of the defenders had fallen, among them, commanding a cavalry squadron, Briganticus, whom we have seen already, as a faithful ally of Rome and a bitter enemy of his uncle Civilis.[541] However, when Cerialis came to the rescue with a picked troop of horse, the tables were turned, and the Germans were driven headlong into the river. While Civilis was trying to stop the rout he was recognized, and finding himself a target, he left his horse and swam across the river. Verax escaped in the same way, while some boats put in to fetch Tutor and Classicus.

Even now the Roman fleet had not joined the army. They had, indeed, received orders, but fear held them back, and the rowers were employed on various duties elsewhere. It must be admitted, also, that Cerialis did not give them time enough to carry out his orders. He was a man of sudden resolves and brilliant successes. Even when his strategy had failed, good luck always came to his rescue. Thus neither he nor his army cared much about discipline. A few days later, again, he narrowly escaped being taken prisoner and did not escape disgrace. He had 22 gone to Novaesium and Bonn to inspect the winter quarters that were being built for his legions, and was returning with the fleet.[542] The Germans noticed that his escort[543] straggled, and that watch was carelessly kept at night. So they planned a surprise. Choosing a night black with clouds they slipped down stream and made their way unmolested into the camp.[544] For the first onslaught they called cunning to their aid. They cut the tent-ropes and slaughtered the soldiers as they struggled under their own canvas. Another party fell on the ships, threw hawsers aboard, and towed them off. Having surprised the camp in dead silence, when once the carnage began they added to the panic by making the whole place ring with shouts. Awakened by their wounds the Romans hunted for weapons and rushed along the streets,[545] some few in uniform, most of them with their clothes wrapped round their arms and a drawn sword in their hand. The general, who was half-asleep and almost naked, was only saved by the enemy's mistake. His flag-ship being easily distinguishable, they carried it off, thinking he was there. But Cerialis had been spending the night elsewhere; as most people believed, carrying on an intrigue with a Ubian woman named Claudia Sacrata. The sentries sheltered their guilt under the general's disgrace, pretending that they had orders to keep quiet and not disturb him: so they had dispensed with the bugle-call and the challenge on rounds, and dropped off to sleep themselves. In full daylight the enemy sailed off with their captive vessels and towed the flag-ship up the Lippe as an offering to Veleda.[546]

Civilis was now seized with a desire to make a naval display. He 23 manned all the available biremes and all the ships with single banks of oars, and added to this fleet an immense number of small craft. These carry thirty or forty men apiece and are rigged like Illyrian cruisers.[547] The small craft he had captured[548] were worked with bright, parti-coloured plaids, which served as sails and made a fine show. He chose for review the miniature sea of water where the Rhine comes pouring down to the ocean through the mouth of the Maas.[549] His reason for the demonstration--apart from Batavian vanity--was to scare away the provision-convoys that were already on their way from Gaul. Cerialis, who was less alarmed than astonished, at once formed up a fleet. Though inferior in numbers, he had the advantage of larger ships, experienced rowers, and clever pilots. The Romans had the stream with them, the Germans the wind. So they sailed past each other, and after trying a few shots with light missiles they parted. Civilis without more ado retired across the Rhine.[550] Cerialis vigorously laid waste the island of the Batavi, and employed the common device of leaving Civilis's houses and fields untouched.[551] They were now well into autumn. The heavy equinoctial rains had set the river in flood and thus turned the marshy, low-lying island into a sort of lake. Neither fleet nor provision-convoys had arrived, and their camp on the flat plain began to be washed away by the force of the current.

Civilis afterwards claimed that at this point the Germans could 24 have crushed the Roman legions and wanted to do so, but that he had cunningly dissuaded them. Nor does this seem far from true, since his surrender followed in a few days' time. Cerialis had been sending secret messages, promising the Batavians peace and Civilis pardon, urging Veleda and her relatives[552] to change the fortune of a war that had only brought disaster after disaster, by doing a timely service to Rome.[553] 'The Treviri,' he reminded them, 'had been slaughtered; the allegiance of the Ubii recovered; the Batavians robbed of their home. By supporting Civilis they had gained nothing but bloodshed, banishment, and bereavement. He was a fugitive exile, a burden to those who harboured him. Besides, they had earned blame enough by crossing the Rhine so often: if they took any further steps,--from the one side they might expect insult and injury, from the other vengeance and the wrath of heaven.'

Thus Cerialis mingled threats and promises. The loyalty of the 25 tribes across the Rhine was shaken, and murmurs began to make themselves heard among the Batavi. 'How much further is our ruin to go?' they asked. 'One tribe cannot free the whole world from the yoke. What good have we done by slaughtering and burning Roman legions except to bring out others, larger and stronger? If it was to help Vespasian that we have fought so vigorously, Vespasian is master of the world. If we are challenging Rome--what an infinitesimal fraction of the human race we Batavians are! We must remember what burdens Raetia and Noricum and all Rome's other allies bear. From us they levy no tribute, only our manhood and our men.[554] That is next door to freedom. And, after all, if we have to choose our masters, it is less disgrace to put up with Roman emperors than with German priestesses.' Thus the common people: the chieftains used more violent language. 'It was Civilis' lunacy that had driven them to war. He wanted to remedy his private troubles[555] by ruining his country. The Batavians had incurred the wrath of heaven by blockading Roman legions, murdering Roman officers, and plunging into a war which was useful for one of them and deadly for the rest. Now they had reached the limit, unless they came to their senses and openly showed their repentance by punishing the culprit.'

Civilis was well aware of their changed feelings and determined to 26 forestall them. He was tired of hardship, and he felt, besides, that desire to live which so often weakens the resolution of the bravest spirits. He demanded an interview. The bridge over the river Nabalia[556] was broken down in the middle, and the two generals advanced on to the broken ends. Civilis began as follows: 'If I were defending myself before one of Vitellius' officers, I could expect neither pardon for my conduct nor credence for my words. Between him and me there has been nothing but hatred. He began the quarrel, I fostered it. Towards Vespasian I have from the beginning shown respect. When he was a private citizen, we were known as friends. Antonius Primus was aware of this when he wrote urging me to take up arms to prevent the legions from Germany and the Gallic levies from crossing the Alps.[557] The instructions which Antonius gave in his letter Hordeonius Flaccus ratified by word of mouth. I raised the standard in Germania, as did Mucianus in Syria, Aponius in Moesia, Flavianus in Pannonia....'

[The rest is lost.]

FOOTNOTES:

[518] iv. 78.

[519] Cp. iv. 28, 33, 35.

[520] Adiutrix.

[521] Before this Cerialis had five legions, I, IV, XVI, XXI, and XXII, but of these only XXI was in full force, so these new reinforcements may have doubled his army. The auxiliaries had been called out by Hordeonius Flaccus (iv. 24).

[522] Perhaps 'in wedge-formation' (see note 283).

[523] Cp. iv. 26.

[524] Bructeri, Tencteri, &c. (cp. iv. 23).

[525] Cp. ii. 11.

[526] Cp. iii. 44.

[527] They had been newly enrolled (see iv. 68).

[528] i.e. the Roman army of occupation which had joined the Gauls and come over again.

[529] Vetera.

[530] See note 522.

[531] Chap. 14.

[532] Stationed in the Rhine (see chap. 21).

[533] Cp. iv. 68.

[534] Cp. iv. 79.

[535] ? Cleves.

[536] This mole, begun by Drusus in A.D. 9, was built out from the left bank of the Rhine near Cleves. It turned most of the water into the Lek, thus making the island easily accessible from the Roman side and barring access from the north. Civilis now reversed this position. His friends were now on the north. The swollen Waal would be an obstacle to the Romans.

[537] i.e. the Waal.

[538] See iii. 35.

[539] These places cannot be certainly identified. They must have lain on the south of the Waal, probably east and west of Nymwegen.

[540] Across the now swollen Waal.

[541] See iv. 70.

[542] Which he had found on his way.

[543] Marching along the bank.

[544] Pitched on the left bank somewhere between Novaesium and Vetera. The German assailants were probably Tencteri.

[545] Dividing the different portions of the camp.

[546] Cp. iv. 61.

[547] Cp. ii. 16.

[548] See chap. 22 and iv. 16 and 79. But the ships captured by Civilis were not small craft. Perhaps _luntres_ is here repeated from the preceding sentence by mistake for _naves_ or _puppes_.

[549] The de Noord channel carries the combined waters of the Maas and the Waal into the Lek a few miles above Rotterdam. From the point of this confluence to the sea the Lek takes the name of Maas.

[550] Into the country of the Frisii up toward the Zuyder Zee.

[551] To make his party suspect that he was in league with the Romans.

[552] Cp. iv. 65.

[553] i.e. by betraying Civilis to them.

[554] Tacitus remarks in the _Germania_ (chap. 29) that the Batavi do not suffer the indignity of paying tribute, but, 'like armour and weapons are reserved for use in war.'

[555] Cp. iv. 13.

[556] Perhaps the Neue Yssel, near Arnhem.

[557] Cp. iv. 13, 32.

INDEX OF NAMES

[The references are to the chapters of the Latin text as given in the margin. The Roman numerals denote the book.]

Abraham, v 2 n. 467.

Actium, i 1.

Acts of the Apostles, v 9 n. 505.

Adriatic, iii 2.

Adrumetum, iv 50.

Adua, ii 40 n. 298.

Aedui, i 51, 64; ii 61; iii 35; iv 17, 57.

Aegialus, i 37.

Aelianus, Plautius, iv 53.

Aenus (Inn), iii 5.

Aerias, ii 3.

Aesculapius, iv 84.

Africa, i 7, 11, 37, 49, 70, 73, 76, 78; ii 58, 97; iii 48; iv 38, 48-50.

Africanus, Paccius, iv 41.

Agrestis, Julius, iii 54.

Agricola, Tacitus' Life of, i 1 n. 6, 49 n. 84; iv 40 n. 341, 50 n. 369.

Agrippa (of Peraea), ii 5 n. 216, 81; iv 39; v 1.

Agrippa (Augustus' son-in-law), i 15.

Agrippa, Fonteius, iii 46.

Agrippa, Vipsanius, i 31 n. 56.

Agrippina, i 56 n. 106; iv 65 n. 409.

Albanians, i 6.

Albingaunum (Albenga), ii 15.

Albintimilium (Ventimiglia), ii 13.

Albinus, Lucceius, ii 58, 59.

Alexander, Tiberius, i 11; ii 74, 79.

Alexandria, i 31; ii 79; iii 48; iv 81-4; v 1.

Allia, ii 91.

Allobroges, i 65, 66.

Alpinus, Julius, i 68.

Alps, i 23, 66, 89; ii 11, 12, 17, 20, 32; iii 34, 35, 42, 53, 55, 70, 85; v 26.

Altinum (Altino), iii 6.

Ammon, v 3, 4.

Anagnia (Anagni), iii 62.

Andresen, ii 4 n. 214; iv 15 n. 281.

Anicetus, iii 47, 48.

Antigonus, v 9 n. 499.

Antioch, ii 79, 80, 82.

Antiochus Epiphanes, v 8.

Antiochus (of Commagene), ii 5 n. 216, 81; iv 39; v 1.

Antipolis (Antibes), ii 15.

Antonia, The, v 11.

Antonii, iii 38.

Antoninus, Arrius, i 77.

Antonius Primus, ii 86; iii 2, 6, 7, 9-11, 13, 15-17, 19, 20, 23-32, 34, 49, 52-4, 59, 60, 63, 64, 66, 78-82; iv 2, 4, 11, 13, 24, 31, 32, 39, 68, 80; v 19, 26.

Antony, ii 6; iii 24, 66; v 9, 11.

Apennines, iii 42, 50, 52, 55, 56, 59.

Apis, v 4.

Apollinaris, Claudius, iii 57, 76, 77.

Apollo, i 27; iii 65; iv 83.

Aponianus, Dillius, iii 10, 11.

Aponius Saturninus, i 79; ii 85, 96; iii 5, 9-11; v 26.

Appian Road, iv 11.

Apronianus, Vipstanus, i 76.

Aquila, Vedius, ii 44; iii 7.

Aquileia, ii 32 n. 286, 46, 85; iii 6, 8.

Aquilius, iv 15.

Aquinum (Aquino), i 88; ii 63.

Aquinus, Cornelius, i 7.

Aquitania, i 76.

Arabia, v 6.

Arabs, v 1.

Arar (Saône), ii 59.

Archelaus, v 9 n. 503.

Arda, ii 40.

Arenacum, v 20.

Argius, i 49.

Aricia (La Riccia), iii 36; iv 2.

Ariminum (Rimini), iii 41, 42.

Ariovistus, iv 37.

Aristobulus, v 5 n. 486.

Arruntius, ii 65.

Arsaces, v 8.

Arsacids, i 40.

Arverni, iv 17.

Asciburgium (Asberg), iv 33.

Asia, i 10; ii 2, 6, 8, 9, 81, 83; iii 46; iv 17.

Asiaticus (Gallic chieftain), ii 94.

Asiaticus (Vitellius' freedman), ii 57, 95; iv 11.

Asiaticus, Valerius, i 59; iv 4.

Asprenas, Calpurnius, ii 9.

Assyrians, v 8.

Ateste (Este), iii 6.

Atria (Atri), iii 12.

Attianus, Nonius, iv 41.

Atticus, Julius, i 35.

Atticus, Quintius, iii 73-5.

Augustus, i 11, 15, 18, 50, 89, 90; ii 76; iii 66; iv 17, 28, 48, 57; v 9.

Aurius' Horse, iii 5.

Auspex, Julius, iv 69.

Aventicum (Avenches), i 68.

Aventine, iii 70, 84.

Babylon, v 5 n. 485.

Bacchus, v 5.

Baetasii, iv 56, 66.

Baetica, i 53, 78; ii 97 n. 450.

Barea Soranus, iv 7, 10, 40.

Basilides (Egyptian noble), iv 82.

Basilides (Carmelite Priest), ii 78.

Basques, iv 33.

Bassus, Annius, iii 50.

Bassus, Lucilius, ii 100, 101; iii 12, 13, 36, 40; iv 3.

Batavians or Batavi, i 59, 64; ii 17, 22, 27, 28, 43, 66, 69, 97; iv 12, 14-25, 28, 30, 32, 33, 56, 58, 61, 66, 73, 77-9, 85; v 15-20, 23-5.

Bedriacum, ii 23, 39, 44, 45, 49, 50, 57, 66, 70, 86; iii 15, 20, 25, 27, 31.

Belgae, iv 37, 70, 71, 76.

Belgic auxiliaries, iv 17, 20.

Belgica, i 12, 58, 59.

Belus, v 7.

Benignus, Orfidius, ii 43, 45.

Berenice, ii 2, 81.

Berytus (Beyrut), ii 81.

Bingium (Bingen), iv 70.

Blaesus, Junius, i 59; ii 59; iii 38, 39.

Blaesus, Pedius, i 77.

Boadicea, i 37 n. 63; ii 11 n. 228, 32 n. 283.

Bocchoris v 3.

Boii, ii 61.

Bolanus, Vettius, ii 65, 97.

Bonn, iv 19, 20, 25, 62, 70, 77; v 22.

Bononia (Bologna), ii 53, 67, 71.

Bovillae, iv 2, 46.

Brescia, iii 27.

Brigantes, iii 45.

Briganticus, Julius, ii 22; iv 70; v 21.

Britain, i 2, 6, 9, 52, 59, 61; ii 11, 27, 32, 37, 57, 65, 66, 86, 97, 100; iii 2, 22, 15, 35, 41, 44, 70; iv 12, 15, 25, 54, 68, 76, 79; v 16.

British auxiliaries, i 43, 70.

Britons, iii 45; iv 74.

Brixellum (Brescello), ii 33, 39, 51, 54.

Brixian Gate, iii 27.

Bructeri, iv 21, 61, 77; v 16, 18.

Brundisium (Brindisi), ii 83.

Brutus, iv 8.

Burdo, Julius, i 58.

Byzantium, ii 83; iii 47.

Caecina, Alienus, i 52, 53, 61, 67, 68, 70, 89; ii 11, 17-27, 30, 31, 41, 43, 51, 55, 56, 59, 67, 70, 71, 77, 92, 93, 95, 99-101; iii 8, 9, 13-15, 31, 32, 36, 37, 40; iv 31, 80.

Caecina, Licinius, ii 53.

Caecina Tuscus, iii 38.

Caelius, Roscius, i 60.

Caeracates, iv 70.

Caesar, Julius, i 42, 50, 67 n. 138, 86, 90; iii 37, 66, 68; iv 55, 57, 73 n. 436.

Caesarea, ii 79.

Caesariensis (Mauretania), ii 58, 59.

Caetronius Pisanus, iv 50.

Calabria, ii 83.

Calenus, Julius, iii 35.

Caligula, i 16, 48, 89; ii 76; iii 68; iv 42, 48, 68; v 9.

Calvia Crispinilla, i 73.

Camerinus, Scribonianus, ii 72.

Camillus Scribonianus, i 89; ii 75.

Campania, i 2, 23; iii 58-60, 63, 66, 77; iv 3.

Campanus, iv 66.

Camurius, i 41.

Canninefates, iv 15, 16, 19, 32, 56, 79, 85.

Capito, Fonteius, i 7, 8, 37, 52, 58; iii 62; iv 13.

Capito, Vergilius, iii 77; iv 3.

Capitol, i 2, 33, 39, 40, 47, 71; ii 89; iii 69-72, 75, 78, 81; iv 4, 9, 53, 54.

Capitoline Square, i 86.

Cappadocia, i 78; ii 6, 81.

Capua, iii 57; iv 3.

Caratacus, iii 45.

Carmel, Mt., ii 78.

Carsulae (Casigliano), iii 60.

Carthage, i 76; iv 49, 50.

Cartimandua, iii 45.

Carus, Julius, i 42.

Caspian Pass, i 6.

Cassius, ii 6.

Cassius Longus, iii 14.

Cato, iv 8.

Catulus, Lutatius, i 15 n. 40; iii 72.

Celer, Egnatius, iv 10, 40.

Celsus, Marius, i 14, 31, 39, 45, 71, 77, 87, 90; ii 23-5, 33, 39, 40, 44, 60.

Cepheus, v 2.

Ceres, ii 55.

Cerialis, Petilius, iii 59, 78-80; iv 68, 71-9, 86; v 14-24.

Cerialis, Turullius, ii 22.

Certus, Quintius, ii 16.

Chatti, iv 12, 37.

Chauci, iv 79; v 19.

Chobus (Khopi), iii 48.

Cicero, ii 84 n. 413; iii 37 n. 100.

Cilo, Betuus, i 37.

Cimbri, iv 73.

Cinna, iii 51, 83.

Cinyras, ii 3.

Civilis, i 59; iv 13, 14, 16-19, 21, 22, 24-6, 28-30, 32-7, 54, 55, 58, 60, 61, 63, 65, 66, 70, 71, 73, 75-9; v 14-17, 19-26.

Classicus, ii 14; iv 55, 57-9, 63, 70-9; v 19-21.

Claudia Sacrata, v 22.

Claudius (Emperor), i 10, 16, 48, 52, 77, 89; ii 48, 75, 76; iii 44, 45, 66; v 9.

Clemens, Arrecinus, iv 68.

Clemens, Suedius, i 87; ii 12.

Cleopatra, v 9.

Cluviae, iv 5.

Cocceianus, Salvius, ii 48.

Coelius, Roscius, i 60.

Coenus, ii 54.

Colline Gate, iii 78, 82.

Cologne, i 56, 57; iv 20, 25, 28; iv 55, 56, 59, 63-6, 79.

Comitia Curiata, i 15 n. 39.

Concord, Temple of, iii 68.

Corbulo, ii 76; iii 6, 24.

Cordus, Julius, i 76.

Corinth, ii 1.

Cornelius, Publius, iii 34.

Corsica, ii 16.

Cossus, Claudius, i 69.

Costa, Pedanius, ii 71.

Cottian Alps (Mt. Cenis), i 61, 87; iv 68.

Crassi, ii 72; iv 42.

Crassus (the Triumvir), i 15.

Crassus, M. Licinius, i 14.

Crassus, M. Licinius (his son), i 48; iv 42.

Cremera, ii 91.

Cremona, ii 17, 22-4, 67, 70, 100; iii 14, 15, 18, 19, 21, 22, 26, 27, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 40, 41, 46, 48, 49, 53, 54, 60, 72; iv 2, 31, 51.

Crescens, i 76.

Crete, v 2.

Crispina, i 47.

Crispinilla, Calvia, i 73.

Crispinus (a centurion), i 58.

Crispinus, Varius, i 80.

Crispus, Vibius, ii 10; iv 41-3.

Cugerni, iv 16 n. 282, 26; v 16, 18.

Curtius, Lake, i 41; ii 55.

Cynic philosophy, iv 40.

Cyprus, ii 2.

Cyrene, iv 45.

Cythnus, ii 8, 9.

Dacia, i 2; iii 46, 53; iv 4 n. 242, 54.

Dalmatia, i 76, 89 n. 195; ii 11, 32, 86; iii 12, 50.

Damascus, v 2 n. 467.

Daniel, Book of, v 13 n. 517.

Danube, iii 46.

Danube Provinces, v. Illyricum.

Dead Sea, v 6 n. 490.

Delphi, iv 83.

Demetrius, iv 40.

Densus, Sempronius, i 43.

Deuteronomy, v 5 n. 481.

Dexter, Subrius, i 31.

Dio Cassius, i 74 n. 156; ii 44 n. 311, 72 n. 390; iii 23 n. 66, 54 n. 145, 56 n. 152; iv 41 n. 346, 67 n. 415.

Divodurum (Metz), i 63.

Dolabella, Cornelius, i 88; ii 63, 64.

Domitian, i 1; iii 59, 69, 74, 86; iv 2, 3, 39, 40, 43-7, 51, 52, 68, 75, 80, 85, 86.

Druids, iv 54.

Drusilla, v 9.

Drusus, iii 5 n. 20; v 19.

Dyrrachium (Durazzo), ii 83.

Egypt, i 11, 70, 76; ii 6, 9, 74, 76, 82; iii 8, 48; iv 3, 83, 84; v 2, 3, 6.

Eleazar, v 12.

Eleusis, iv 83.

Emerita (Merida), i 78.

Epiphanes, ii 25.

Eporedia (Ivrea), i 70.

Epponina, iv 67.

Etesian Winds, ii 98; iv 81 n. 449.

Etruria, i 86; iii 41.

Eumolpid clan, iv 83.

Euphrates, v 9.

Exodus, Book of, v 3 n. 471.

Ezekiel, Book of, v 2 n. 464.

Fabii, ii 91 n. 432.

Fabullus, Fabius, iii 14.

Fanum Fortunae (Fano), iii 50.

Faustus, Annius, ii 10.

Faventinus, Claudius, iii 57.

Felix, Antonius, v 9.

Felix, Sextilius, iii 5; iv 70.

Ferentium (Ferento), ii 50.

Feronia, Temple of, iii 76.

Festus (_praefectus cohortis_), ii 59.

Festus, Valerius, ii 98; iv 49, 50.

Fidenae, iii 79.

Firmus, Plotius, i 46, 82; ii 46, 49.

Flaccus, Hordeonius, i 9, 52, 54, 56; ii 57, 97; iv 13, 18, 19, 24, 25, 27, 31, 36, 55, 77; v 26.

Flaminian Road, i 86; ii 64; iii 79, 82.

Flamma, Antonius, iv 45.

Flavianus, Julius, iii 79.

Flavianus, Tampius, ii 86; iii 4, 10, 11; v 26.

Flavius Sabinus (Vespasian's brother), i 46; ii 55, 63, 99; iii 59, 64, 65, 68-71, 73-5, 78, 79, 81, 85; iv 47.

Flavius Sabinus (consul A.D. 69), i 77; ii 36, 41.

Flavus, ii 94.

Florus, Gessius, v 10.

Florus, Sulpicius, i 43.

Forum Alieni (? Legnago), iii 6.

Forum Julii (Fréjus), ii 14; iii 43.

Frisii, iv 15, 16, 18, 56, 79.

Frontinus, Julius, iv 39.

Fronto, Julius, i 20; ii 26.

Fulvus, Aurelius, i 79.

Fundane reservoir, iii 69.

Fuscus, Cornelius, ii 86; iii 4, 12, 42, 66; iv 4.

Galatia, ii 9.

Galba, i 1, 5-16, 18, 19, 21-4, 26, 27, 29-56, 64, 65, 67, 71-4, 77, 87, 88; ii 1, 6, 9-11, 23, 31, 55, 58, 71, 76, 86, 88, 92, 97, 101; iii 7, 22, 25, 57, 62, 68, 85, 86; iv 6, 13, 33, 40, 42, 57; v 16.

Galeria, ii 60, 64.

Galerianus, Calpurnius, iv 11, 49.

Gallus, Annius, i 87; ii 11, 23, 33, 44; iv 68; v 19.

Gallus, Cestius, v 10.

Gallus, Herennius, iv 19, 20, 26, 27, 59, 70, 77.

Gallus, Rubrius, ii 51, 99.

Garamantes, iv 50.

Garutianus, Trebonius, i 7.

Gaul, i 2, 8, 37, 51, 61-3, 87, 89; ii 6, 11, 29, 32, 57, 61, 86, 94, 98; iii 2, 13, 15, 35, 41, 44, 53; iv 3, 12, 14, 17, 18, 24-6, 28, 31, 32, 37, 49, 54, 67-9, 71, 73-6, 77, 85; v 19, 23.

Gaul, Lyons division of, i 59; ii 59.

Gaul, Narbonnese, i 48, 76, 87; ii 12, 14, 15, 28, 32; iii 41, 42.

Gauls, i 51, 64, 67, 70; ii 68, 69, 93; iii 34, 72; iv 25, 54, 57, 58, 61, 62, 71, 73, 76, 78; v 26.

Gelduba (Gellep), iv 26, 32, 35, 36, 58.

Geminus, Ducenius, i 14.

Geminus, Virdius, iii 48.

Genesis, Book of, v 7 n. 491.

Gennesareth, v 6 n. 490.

_Germania_, Tacitus'; iii 47 n. 124; iv 12 n. 265, n. 267, 16 n. 283, 18 n. 293, 64 n. 408; v 5 n. 483, 25 n. 554.

Germanicus (Title of Vitellius), i 62; ii 64.

Germanicus (Vitellius' son), ii 59; iii 66.

Germans, i 52, 61, 68, 70, 84; ii 22, 32, 35, 93; iii 15, 46, 53; iv 14-16, 18, 22, 24-7, 29, 33, 34, 37, 57, 58, 60, 61, 63, 65, 66, 73-5, 78, 79; v 14-25.

Germany, i 7, 9, 12, 37, 49, 50, 52, 53, 55, 61, 73; ii 16, 17, 22, 69, 93, 97; iii 2, 35, 41, 46, 62, 70; iv 3, 15, 17-19, 21, 23, 28, 31, 41, 49, 54, 63, 64, 70, 72, 76; v 14, 17.

Germany, Legionary and auxiliary troops of, i 8, 19, 26, 31, 67, 70, 74, 77; ii 22, 23, 55, 57, 58, 60, 75, 77, 80, 99; iii 1, 8, 9, 13, 26, 38, 69, 84; iv 32, 46, 76; v 16, 26.

Geta, ii 72.

Graian Alps (Little St. Bernard), ii 66; iv 15, 68.

Gratilla, Verulana, iii 69.

Gratus, Julius, ii 26.

Grinnes, v 20.

Grotius, ii 86 n. 421.

Grypus, Plotius, iii 52; iv 39, 40.

Hadrian, i 58 n. 108.

Haemus, Mt. (Balkans), ii 85.

Hannibal, iii 34; iv 13.

Hardy, E.G., ii 19 n. 255, 40 n. 298.

Helvetii, i 67, 69, 70.

Henderson, B.W., ii 19 n. 255, 20 n. 257, 40 n. 298; iv 34 n. 323, 68 n. 420.

Hercules Monoecus, iii 42.

Hermon, Mt., v 6 n. 489.

Herod (the Great), v 9, 11.

Herod Agrippa I, ii 2 n. 205.

Herod Agrippa II, ii 2 n. 205, 5 n. 216, 81; v 1.

Herod Antipas, v 9 n. 503.

Herod Philip, v 9 n. 503.

Hesychius, ii 3 n. 208.

Hierosolyma, ii 2.

Hierosolymus, ii 2.

Hilarus, ii 65.

Hispalis (Seville), i 78.

Histria, ii 72.

Homer, v 2.

Horatius Cocles, i 86 n. 183.

Hordeonius Flaccus, v. Flaccus.

Hormus, iii 12, 28; iv 39.

Hostilia (Ostiglia), ii 100; iii 9, 14, 21, 40.

Iazyges, iii 5.

Icelus, i 13, 33, 37, 46; ii 95.

Ida, Idaei, v 2, 4.

Illyrian Sea (Adriatic), iii 2.

Illyricum, i 2, 6, 9, 76; ii 60, 74, 86; iii 35; iv 3.

Illyricum, troops of, i 31; ii 60, 85, 86.

Interamna, Interamnium (Terni), ii 64; iii 61, 63.

Isis, iii 74 n. 204; iv 84; v 2.

Italicus, Silius, iii 65.

Italicus (Suebian prince), iii 5, 21.

Italy, i 2, 9, 11, 50, 61, 62, 70, 84; ii 6, 8, 12, 17, 20, 21, 27, 28, 32, 56, 62, 66, 83, 90; iii 1, 2, 4-6, 9, 30, 34, 42, 46, 49, 53, 59; iv 5, 13, 17, 51, 55, 58, 65, 72, 73, 75, 76; v 1, 10.

Jerusalem, ii 4; v 1, 8, 9, 11-13.

Jewish Army (Roman), i 76; ii 79, 81.

Jews, i 10; ii 4, 78; iv 51; v 1, 2, 4, 5, 7-11, 12.

John (of Gischala), v 12.

Jordan, v 6.

Josephus, v 3 n. 472, 5 n. 484.

Juba, ii 58.

Juda, v 2.

Judaea, ii 1, 5, 6, 73, 76, 78, 79, 82; iv 3; v 1, 8, 9, 13.

Julian Alps (Brenner), iii 8.

Julian family, i 16; ii 48, 95.

Julianus, Claudius, iii 57, 76, 77.

Julianus, Tettius, i 79; ii 85; iv 39, 40.

Julius Caesar, v. Caesar.

Junii, iii 38.

Juno, i 86; iv 53.

Jupiter, iii 72, 74; iv 53, 54, 58, 83, 84; v 2.

Jupiter-Pluto, iv 83.

Justin, v 2 n. 467.

Justus, Minicius, iii 7.

Juvenal, ii 62 n. 361; v 2 n. 469.

Juvenalian Games, iii 62.

Juvenalis (Tungrian chief), iv 66.

Labeo, Claudius, iv 18, 56, 66, 70.

Laco, Cornelius, i 6, 13, 14, 19, 26, 33, 39, 46.

Ladder of Sighs, iii 74, 85.

Laecanius, i 41.

Latin rights, iii 55.

Lebanon, v 6.

Legions. I, German, i 55, 57; ii 100; iii 22; iv 19, 25, 37, 57, 59, 62, 70, 72, 77. I Adiutrix, i 6, 31, 36; ii 11, 17, 22, 23, 43, 67, 86; iii 13, 44; iv 68. I, Italian, i 59, 64, 74; ii 41, 100; iii 14, 18, 22. II Adiutrix, iii 55, 67; iv 68; v 14, 16, 20. II Augusta, iii 22, 44. III Augusta, i 7 n. 16, 11; ii 97; iv 49. III Cyrenaic, vi. III Gallic, i 79; ii 74, 85, 96; iii 10, 21, 24, 27, 29; iv 3, 39. IV Macedonian, i 18, 55, 56; ii 89, 100; iii 22; iv 37. IV Scythian, i 76 n. 164. V Alaudae, i 55, 61; ii 43, 68, 100; iii 14, 22; iv 35, 36. V Macedonian, i 76 n. 163; v 1. VI Ferrata, i 76 n. 164; ii 83; iii 46. VI Victrix, i 16; iii 44; iv 68, 76; v 16. VII Claudian, ii 85; iii 9, 21, 27; iv 68 n. 420. VII Galbian, i 6; ii 11, 67, 86; iii 7, 10, 21, 22, 25, 27, 29; iv 39. VIII Augusta, ii 85; iii 10, 21, 27; iv 68. IX Spanish, iii 22. X Fretensis, i 76 n. 163; v 1. X Gemina, ii 58; iii 44; iv 76; v 19, 20. XI Claudian, ii 11, 67; iii 50; iv 68. XII Fulminata, v 1. XIII Gemina, ii 11, 24, 43, 44, 67, 86; iii 1, 7, 21, 27, 32; iv 68; v 14. XIV Gemina, i 59, 64; ii 11, 27, 32, 43, 54, 66, 68, 86; iii 13; iv 68, 76, 79; v 14, 16, 19. XV Apollinaris, i 76 n. 163; v 1. XV Primigenia, i 41, 55; ii 100; iii 22, 23; iv 35, 36. XVI Gallic, i 55; ii 100; iii 22; iv 26, 57, 62, 70, 72, 77. XX Valeria Victrix, i 60; iii 22. XXI Rapax, i 61, 67; ii 43, 100; iii 14, 18, 22, 25; iv 68, 70, 78. XXII Deiotariana, v 1. XXII Primigenia, i 18, 55, 56; ii 100; iii 22; iv 24, 37.

Lepcis (Lebda), iv 50.

Leuci, i 64.

Leviticus, Book of, v 4 n. 473, n. 476; v 5 n. 487; v 13 n. 516.

Liburnian Cruisers, ii 16, 35; iii 12, 14, 42, 43, 47, 48, 77; v 23.

Libya, v 2.

Licinianus, Piso, v. Piso.

Liguria, ii 13, 14, 15.

Lingones, i 53, 54, 57, 59, 64, 78; ii 27; iv 55, 57, 67, 69, 70, 73, 76, 77.

Lippe, the, v 22.

Livy, iii 72 n. 194.

Locus Castorum, ii 24.

Longinus, Aemilius, iv 59, 62.

Longinus, Pompeius, i 31.

Longus, Cassius, iii 14.

Lucania, ii 83.

Luceria, iii 86.

Lucus (Luc-en-Diois), i 66.

Lugdunum (Lyons), i 51, 59, 64, 65, 74; ii 59, 65; iv 85, 86.

Luke, Gospel of, v 4 n. 474, 8 n. 493.

Lupercus, Munius, iv 18, 22, 61.

Lupus, Numisius, i 79; iii 10.

Lusitania, i 13, 21, 70; ii 97 n. 450.

Lusones, i 78 n. 173.

Lutatian house, i 15.

Maas, the, iv 28, 66; v 23.

Macedonians, iv 83; v 8.

Macer, Clodius, i 7, 11, 37, 73; ii 97; iv 19.

Macer, Martius, ii 23, 35, 36, 71.

Magnus (Piso's brother), i 48.

Mainz, iv 15, 24, 25, 33, 37, 59, 61, 62, 70, 71.

Malaria, iii 33 n. 91.

Manlius Patruitus, iv 45.

Mansuetus, Julius, iii 25.

Marcellus, Claudius, i 15.

Marcellus, Cornelius, i 37.

Marcellus, Eprius, ii 53, 95; iv 6, 7, 8, 10, 42, 43.

Marcellus, Romilius, i 56, 59.

Marcodurum (Düren), iv 28.

Mariccus, ii 61.

Marinus, Valerius, ii 71.

Marius, Caius, ii 38.

Marius Celsus, v. Celsus.

Marsaci, iv 56.

Marseilles, iii 43.

Marsi, iii 59.

Martial, v 2 n. 469.

Martialis, Cornelius, iii 70, 71, 73.

Martialis, Julius, i 28, 82.

Martian Plain, i 86; ii 95; iii 82.

Massa, Baebius, iv 50.

Mattiaci, iv 37.

Maturus, Marius, ii 12; iii 42, 43.

Mauretania, i 11; ii 58, 59.

Mauricus, Junius, iv 40.

Maximus, Julius, iv 33.

Maximus, Trebellius, i 60; ii 65.

Medes, i 40 n. 67; v 8.

Mediolanum (Milan), i 70.

Mediomatrici, i 63; iv 70-2.

Mefitis, iii 33.

Meiser, ii 50 n. 328; iii 5 n. 21.

Mela, Annaeus, ii 86 n. 421.

Memphis, iv 84.

Merom, v 6 n. 490.

Messala, Vipstanus, ii 101 n. 459; iii 9, 11, 18, 25, 28; iv 42.

Messiah, v 13 n. 517.

Mevania (Bevagna), iii 55.

Minerva, i 86 n. 182; iv 53.

Minturnae, iii 57.

Misenum, Fleet at, ii 9, 100; iii 56, 57, 60.

Moesia, i 76, 79; ii 32, 46, 74, 83, 85; iii 46, 53, 75; iv 54; v 26.

Moesia, Troops of, ii 32, 44, 85, 86; iii 2, 5, 9, 11, 18, 24.

Mogontiacum, v. Mainz.

Monoecus (Monaco), iii 42.

Montanus, Alpinius, iii 35; iv 31, 32; v 19.

Montanus, Curtius, iv 40, 42, 43.

Moriah, Mt., v 8 n. 492, 11 n. 511.

Morini, iv 28.

Moschus, i 87.

Moselle, the, iv 71, 77.

Moses, v 3, 4.

Mucianus, i 10, 76; ii 4, 5, 7, 74, 76-84, 95; iii 1, 8, 25, 46, 47, 49, 52, 53, 63, 66, 75, 78; iv 4, 11, 24, 39, 44, 46, 49, 68, 75, 80, 85; v 26.

Mulvian Bridge, i 87; ii 89; iii 82.

Mummia, i 15 n. 40.

Murcus, Statius, i 43.

Mutina, i 50; ii 52, 54.

Nabalia, the, v 26.

Narbonnese Gaul, v. Gaul.

Narnia (Narni), iii 58, 60, 63, 67, 78, 79.

Naso, Antonius, i 20.

Nava (Nahe), iv 70.

Nero, i 2, 4-10, 13, 16, 20-3, 25, 30, 46, 48, 49, 51, 53, 65, 70, 72, 73, 76-8, 89, 90; ii 5, 8-11, 27, 54, 58, 66, 71, 72, 76, 86, 95; iii 6, 62, 68; iv 7, 8, 13, 41, 42-4; v 10.

Nerva, i 1.

Nervii, iv 15, 33, 56, 66, 79.

Niger, Casperius, iii 73.

Norbanus, iii 72.

Noricum, i 11, 70; iii 5; v 25.

Novaesium (Neuss), iv 26, 33, 35, 36, 57, 62, 70, 77, 79; v 22.

Novaria (Novara), i 70.

Novellus, Antonius, i 87; ii 12.

Numisius Lupus, i 79; iii 10.

Numisius Rufus, iv 22, 59, 70, 77.

Nymphidius Sabinus, v. Sabinus.

Ocriculum (Otricoli), iii 78.

Oea (Tripoli), iv 50.

Onions, J.T., ii 23 n. 264.

Onomastus, i 25, 27.

Opitergium (Oderzo), iii 6.

Orfitus, Cornelius, iv 42.

Osiris, iv 84.

Ostia, i 80; ii 63.

Otho, i 1, 13, 21, 22, 24, 26-36, 39-47, 50, 64, 70-90; ii 1, 6, 7, 11, 13, 14, 16-18, 21, 23, 25, 26, 28, 30, 31, 33, 36, 38-60, 63, 65, 76, 85, 86, 95, 101; iii 10, 32, 44; iv 17, 54.

Pacarius, Decimus, ii 16.

Pacensis, Aemilius, i 20, 87; ii 12; iii 73.

Pacorus (Viceroy of Media Atropene), i 40.

Pacorus (Parthian king), v 9.

Paetus, Thrasea, ii 53 n. 331, 91; iv 5-8.

Palace of the Caesars, i 17, 29, 32, 35, 39, 47, 72, 80, 82; iii 67, 68, 70, 74, 84.

Pamphylia, ii 9.

Pannonia, i 76; ii 32, 86; iii 4, 12; iv 54; v 26.

Pannonia, Troops of, i 26, 67; ii 11, 14, 17, 85, 86; iii 2, 11, 24.

Pannonian (Julian) Alps, ii 98; iii 1.

Paphos, ii 2.

Papirius, iv 49.

Parthians, i 2; ii 6, 82; iii 24; iv 51; v 8, 9.

Patavium (Padua), ii 100; iii 6, 7, 11.

Patrobius, i 49; ii 95.

Patruitus, Manlius, iv 45.

Paul, Saint, ii 2 n. 205.

Paulinus, Suetonius, i 87, 90; ii 23-6, 31, 33, 37, 39, 40, 44, 60.

Paulinus, Valerius, iii 43.

Paulus, Julius, iv 13.

Pedanius Costa, ii 71.

Pennine Alps (Great St. Bernard), i 70, 87; iv 68.

Persians, v 8.

Perusia (Perugia), i 50.

Petilius Cerialis, v. Cerialis.

Petra's Horse, i 70; iv 49.

Petronia, ii 64.

Petronius Arbiter, ii 88 n. 426.

Pharsalia, i 50; ii 38.

Philippi, i 50; ii 38.

Philo, i 11 n. 30.

Phoenicia, v 6.

Picenum, iii 42.

Picenum Horse, iv 62.

Picked Horse, iv 70.

Pisa, Bay of, iii 42.

Piso, Caius, iv 11.

Piso, Lucius, iv 38, 48-50.

Piso Licinianus, i 14, 15, 17-19, 21, 29, 30, 34, 39, 43, 44, 47, 48; iii 68; iv 40, 42.

Placentia (Piacenza), ii 17-20, 23, 24, 32, 36, 49.

Placidus, Julius, iii 84.

Plautus, Rubellius, i 14.

Pliny (the elder), ii 101 n. 459; iii 28; v 5 n. 482.

Pliny (the younger), i 48 n. 79; ii 11 n. 232.

Plutarch, i 27 n. 55, 43 n. 72, 74 n. 156; ii 37 n. 294, 38 n. 296, 40 n. 298, 44 n. 311, 46 n. 316, 46 n. 318, 70 n. 387; iii 54 n. 145; iv 67 n. 415; v 3 n. 487.

Pluto, iv 83.

Po, the, i 70; ii 11, 17, 19, 20, 22, 23, 32, 34, 39, 40, 43, 44; iii 34, 50, 52.

Poetovio (Petau), iii 1.

Polemo, ii 2 n. 205; iii 47.

Pollio, Asinius, ii 59.

Polyclitus, i 37; ii 95.

Pompeius (Pompey), i 15, 50; ii 6, 38; iii 66; v 9, 12.

Pontia Postumina, iv 44.

Pontus, ii 6, 8, 81, 83; iii 47; iv 83.

Poppaea Sabina, i 13, 22, 78.

Porcius Septiminus, iii 5.

Porsenna, iii 72.

Postumian Road, ii 24, 41; iii 21.

Primus, Antonius, v. Antonius.

Primus, Cornelius, iii 74.

Priscus, Fabius, iv 79.

Priscus, Helvidius, ii 91; iv 4, 10, 43, 53.

Priscus, Julius, ii 92; iii 55, 61; iv 11.

Priscus, Tarquinius, iii 72.

Proculus, Barbius, i 25.

Proculus, Cocceius, i 24.

Proculus, Licinius, i 46, 82, 87; ii 33, 39, 40, 44, 60.

Propinquus, Pompeius, i 12, 58.

Proserpine, iv 83.

Ptolemy, Soter, iv 83, 84.

Ptolemy, Euergetes, iv 84.

Ptolemy (Otho's astrologer), i 22.

Pudens, Maevius, i 24.

Pulvillus, Horatius, iii 72.

Puteoli (Pozzuoli), iii 57.

Pyrenees, i 23.

Pyrrhicus, Claudius, ii 16.

Quintilian, i 90 n. 200; iii 9, n. 40.

Quirinal, iii 69.

Quirinus, iv 58.

Raetia, i 11, 68; ii 98; iii 5, 8, 15; iv 70; v 25.

Raetia, Troops of, i 59, 67, 68; iii 53.

Raetian Alps (Arlberg), i 70.

Ravenna, Fleet at, ii 100; iii 6, 12, 36, 40, 50.

Rebilus, Caninius, iii 37.

Receptus, Nonius, i 56, 59.

Red Rocks, iii 79.

Regium Lepidum (Reggio), ii 50.

Regulus, Aquilius, i 48 n. 79; iv 42.

Regulus, Rosius, iii 37.

Remi, iv 67-9.

Repentinus, Calpurnius, i 56, 59.

Rhacotis, iv 84.

Rhine, the, i 51; ii 32; iii 12, 16, 22, 23, 26, 55, 59, 64, 73; iv 14, 15, 17-19, 23, 24, 28, 63, 76; v 16, 25.

Rhoxolani, i 79.

Rigodulum (Riol), iv 71.

Romulus, ii 95.

Roscius Caelius, i 60.

Rufinus, Vivennius, iii 12.

Rufinus (Gallic chieftain), ii 94.

Rufus, Cadius, i 77.

Rufus, Cluvius, i 8, 76; ii 37 n. 294, 58, 65, 101 n. 459; iii 65; iv 39, 43.

Rufus, Musonius, iii 81; iv 10, 40.

Rufus, Numisius, iv 22, 59, 70, 77.

Rufus, Verginius, v. Verginius.

Rusticus, Arulenus, iii 69 n. 187, 80.

Sabinus, Caelius, i 77.

Sabinus, Calvisius, i 48.

Sabinus, Domitius, i 31.

Sabinus, Flavius, v. Flavius.

Sabinus, Julius, iv 55, 67.

Sabinus, Nymphidius, i 5, 6, 25, 37.

Sabinus, Obultronius, i 37.

Sabinus, Publilius, ii 92; iii 36.

Sacrata, Claudia, v 22.

Sacrovir, iv 57.

Saevinus (?) Proculus, i 77.

Sagitta, Claudius, iv 49.

Sagitta, Octavius, iv 44.

Salarian Road, iii 78, 82.

Salii, i 89 n. 196.

Sallust's Gardens, iii 82.

Salonina, ii 20.

Salvius Titianus, i 75, 77, 90; ii 23, 33, 39, 40, 44, 60.

Samnites, iii 59.

Samuel, Book of, v 21 n. 464.

Sanctus, Claudius, iv 62.

Sardinia, ii 16.

Sarmatians, i 2, 79; iii 5, 24; iv 4, 54.

Saturn, i 27; v 24.

Saturnalian holiday, iii 78.

Saturninus, v. Aponius, Vitellius.

Scaeva, Didius, iii 73.

Scipio (_praefectus cohortis_), ii 59.

Scipio, L. (consul, B.C. 83), iii 72.

Scribonia, i 14.

Scribonianus, Camillus, i 89; ii 75.

Scribonianus Camerinus, ii 72.

Scribonianus Crassus, i 15, 47; iv 39.

Scribonius, iv 41.

Scydrothemis, iv 83, 84.

Sebosus' Horse, iii 6.

Secundus, Vibius, ii 10 n. 225.

Sedochezi, iii 48.

Seleucia, iv 84.

Seleucids, v 8.

Seleucus (soothsayer), ii 78.

Sempronius, Tiberius, iii 34.

Sempronius Densus, i 43.

Sentius, iv 7.

Septiminus, Porcius, iii 5.

Sequani, i 51; iv 67.

Serapis, iv 81, 84.

Serenus, Amullius, i 31.

Sertorius, iv 13.

Servian family, ii 48.

Servilian Park, iii 38.

Servius Tullius, iii 72.

Severus, Cestius, iv 41.

Severus, Cetrius, i 31.

Severus, Claudius, i 68.

Sextilia, i 75; ii 64, 89; iii 67.

Shoe-money, iii 50.

Sido, iii 5, 21.

Siena, iv 45.

Sighs, Ladder of, iii 74, 85.

Silanus, M. Junius, iii 38 n. 103.

Silanus, M. Junius M.f., iv 48.

Silius' Horse, i 70; ii 17.

Silius Italicus, iii 65.

Silvanus, Pompeius, ii 86; iii 50; iv 47.

Simon (Herod's slave), v 9.

Simon (Jewish leader), v 12.

Simplex, Caecilius, ii 60; iii 68.

Sinope, iv 83, 84.

Sinuessa Spa, i 72.

Sisenna, L. Cornelius, iii 51.

Sisenna (centurion), ii 8.

Sohaemus, ii 81; iv 39; v 1.

Solymi, v 2.

Soranus, Barea, iv 7, 10, 40.

Sosianus, Antistius, iv 44.

Sosius, v 9.

Sostratus, ii 4.

Spain, i 6, 8, 22, 37, 49, 62, 76; ii 32, 58, 65, 67, 86, 97; iii 2, 13, 15, 25, 35, 44, 53, 70; iv 3, 25, 39, 68, 76; v 19.

Spurinna, Vestricius, ii 11, 18, 19, 23, 36.

Stoechades (Îles d'Hyères), iii 43.

Stoics, iii 81; iv 5.

Strabo, Pompeius, iii 51.

Suebi, i 2; iii 5, 21.

Suessa Pometia, iii 72.

Suetonius (the historian), i 13 n. 35, 52 n. 95, 74 n. 156; ii 32 n. 286, 59 n. 348, 70 n. 388; iii 54 n. 145.

Suetonius Paulinus, v. Paulinus.

Sulla, ii 38; iii 72, 83.

Sulpicia Praetextata, iv 42.

Sulpician house, i 15.

Sunuci, iv 66.

Syria, i 10; ii 2, 5, 6, 9, 73, 74, 76, 78-81; iv 3, 17, 39, 84; v 2, 6, 9, 10, 26.

Syria, Troops of, i 10, 76; ii 8, 74, 80; iv 39; v 1.

Tamiras, ii 3.

Tampius, v. Flavianus.

Tarentum, ii 83.

Tarpeian Rock, iii 71.

Tarquinius Priscus, iii 72.

Tarquinius Superbus, iii 72.

Tarracina (Anxur), iii 57, 60, 76, 77, 84; iv 2, 3.

Tarragona, ii 97 n. 450; iv 33 n. 322.

Tartaro, the, iii 9, 14.

Tatius, ii 95.

Taurus' Horse, i 59.

Taurus, Antonius, i 20.

Tencteri, iv 21, 64, 65, 77; v 16.

Terentius, i 41.

Tertullinus, Vulcacius, iv 9.

Tettius, v. Julianus.

Teutons, iv 73.

Thrace, i 11, 68.

Tiber, i 86; ii 93; iii 82; iv 53 n. 382.

Tiberius, i 15, 16, 27, 89; ii 65, 76, 95; iv 42, 48; v 9.

Ticinum (Pavia), ii 17, 27, 30, 68, 88.

Tigellinus, i 24, 72.

Timotheus, iv 83.

Tingitana, ii 58, 59.

Tiridates, ii 82 n. 410.

Tiro, Apinius, iii 57, 76.

Titianus, Salvius, i 75, 77, 90; ii 23, 33, 39, 40, 44, 60.

Titus, i 1, 10; ii 1, 4-6, 74, 79, 82; iv 3, 38, 51, 52; v 1, 10, 11, 13.

Tolbiacum (Zülpich), iv 79.

Trachalus, Galerius, i 90; ii 60.

Trajan, i 1; iv 9 n. 255.

Transalpine tribes, iv 54.

Transpadane district, i 70.

Trapezus (Trebizond), iii 47.

Trebellius Maximus, i 60; ii 65.

Treviri, Trier, i 53, 57, 63; ii 14, 28; iii 35; iv 18, 28, 32, 37, 55, 57, 58, 62, 66, 68-76, 85; v 14, 17, 19, 24.

Triaria, ii 63, 64; iii 77.

Triboci, iv 70.

Trogus Pompeius, v 2 n. 467.

Tungri, ii 14, 15, 28; iv 16, 55, 66, 79.

Turin, ii 66.

Turpilianus, Petronius, i 6, 37.

Turullius Cerialis, ii 22.

Tuscus, Caecina, iii 38.

Tutor, iv 55, 57-9, 70-2, 74, 76, 78; v 19-21.

Twin Brethren, ii 24.

Ubii, iv 18, 28, 55, 63, 77; v 22, 24 (_see also_ Cologne).

Umbria, iii 41, 42, 52.

Umbricius, i 27.

Urbicus, Petronius, i 70.

Urbinum, iii 62.

Usipi, iv 37.

Vada, v 20, 21.

Valens, Donatius, i 56, 59.

Valens, Fabius, i 7, 52, 57, 61, 62, 64, 66, 74; ii 14, 24, 27, 29-31, 41, 43, 51, 54-6, 59, 67, 70, 71, 77, 92, 93, 95, 99, 100; iii 15, 36, 40-4, 62, 66.

Valens, Manlius, i 64.

Valentinus, iv 68-71, 76, 85.

Vangiones, iv 70.

Varro, Cingonius, i 6, 37.

Varus, Alfenus, ii 29, 43; iii 36, 55, 61; iv 11.

Varus, Arrius, iii 6, 16, 52, 61, 63, 64; iv 1, 4, 11, 39, 68.

Varus, Plancius, ii 63.

Varus, Quintilius, iv 17; v 9.

Vatican Quarter, ii 93.

Vatinius, i 37.

Velabrum, i 27; iii 74.

Veleda, iv 61, 65; v 22, 24.

Vellocatus, iii 45.

Ventidius, v 9.

Venus, ii 2.

Venutius, iii 45.

Verania, i 47.

Verax, v 20, 21.

Vercellae (Vercelli), i 70.

Vergilio, Atilius, i 41.

Verginius Rufus, i 8, 9, 52, 53, 77; ii 49, 51, 68, 71; iii 62; iv 17, 69.

Verona, ii 23; iii 8, 10, 15, 50, 52.

Verulana Gratilla, iii 69.

Verus, Atilius, iii 22.

Vespasian, i 1, 10, 46, 50, 76; ii 1, 4, 5, 7, 67, 73, 74, 76, 78-87, 96-9; iii 1, 3, 7-13, 34, 37, 38, 42-4, 48, 49, 52, 53, 57, 59, 63-6, 69, 70, 73, 75, 77, 78, 86; iv 3-9, 13, 14, 17, 21, 24, 27, 31, 32, 36-40, 42, 46, 49, 51, 52, 54, 58, 68, 70, 75, 77, 80-2; v 1, 10, 13, 25, 26.

Vesta, Temple of, i 43.

Vestal Virgins, i 2 n. 7; iii 81; iv 53.

Vestinus, iv 53.

Vetera, iv 18, 21, 35, 36, 57, 58, 62; v 14.

Vettius Bolanus, ii 65, 97.

Veturius, i 25.

Vibius Crispus, ii 10; iv 41-3.

Vicetia (Vicenza), iii 8.

Victor, Claudius, iv 33.

Victory, Statue of, i 86.

Vienne, i 65, 66, 77; ii 29, 66.

Vindex, Julius, i 6, 8, 16, 51, 53, 65, 70, 89; ii 94; iv 17, 57, 69.

Vindonissa (Windisch), i 61 n. 123, 67 n. 139; iv 61, 70.

Vinius, Titus, i 1, 6, 11-14, 32-4, 37, 39, 42, 44, 47, 48, 72; ii 95.

Vipsanian arcade, i 31.

Vitellius, i 1, 9, 14, 44, 50, 52, 56-64, 67-70, 73-7, 84, 85, 90; ii 1, 6, 7, 14, 16, 17, 21, 27, 30-2, 38, 42, 43, 47, 48, 52-77, 80-101; iii 1-5, 8-15, 31, 35-44, 47, 48, 53-75, 78-81, 84-86; iv 1, 3, 4, 11, 13-15, 17, 19, 21, 24, 27, 31, 36, 37, 41, 46, 47, 49, 51, 54, 55, 58, 70, 80; v 26.

Vitellius, Lucius (his father), i 9; iii 66, 86.

Vitellius, Lucius (his brother), i 88; ii 54, 63; iii 37, 38, 55, 58, 76, 77; iv 2.

Vitellius Saturninus, i 82.

Vocetius, i 68.

Vocontii, i 66.

Vocula, Dillius, iv 24-7, 33-7, 56-9, 62, 77.

Vocula, Sariolenus, iv 41.

Volaginius, ii 75.

Vologaesus, i 40; ii 82 n. 410; iv 51.

Volusius, iii 29.

Vopiscus, Pompeius, i 77.

Wölfflin, v 4 n. 478.

Zion, v 11 n. 1.

OXFORD: HORACE HART PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY