Part 33

[62] Plate XII _a_. The elements are represented in their original order undisturbed by the Fall. Uppermost is the _purus aether_ or _aer lucidus_ containing the stars and representing the element _air_ in Hildegard’s cosmic system. Next comes _water_. Below, and to the left, is a dark mass separating into tongues, one of which is formed into a serpent’s head. These tongues are flames of _fire_. Below, and to the right, are plants and flowers emblematical of _earth_. The serpent, the enemy, vomits over a cloud of stars (signifying the fallen angels) that are borne downward by the falling Adam. In the four corners of the miniature the symbols of the elements are again displayed.

[63] Plate XIII. Above, in a circle, sits the Heavenly Judge. He is flanked on either side by groups of angels bearing the cross and other symbols. The lower circle exhibits the final destruction of the elemental Universe. The four winds and their collaterals are here subjecting the elements to the crucible heat of their combined blasts. Strewn among the elements can be seen men, plants, and animals. Between the circles is an angel sounding the last trump, and holding the recording roll of good and evil deeds. He faces the throng of the righteous who are rising from their bones, while he turns his back on the weeping crowd of those doomed to torment. Below these latter crouches Satan, now enchained.

[64] Plate XII _b_. In the highest circle is the Trinity flanked to the left by the Virgin and to the right by the Baptist, with Cherubim below. In the middle circle are two groups, the Saints above and the Prophets and Apostles below. In the lowest circle are the elements, now rearranged in their eternal harmony; uppermost of these is the _purus aether_ now separated from the _aer lucidus_ and containing the stars; on either side are light-coloured flame-like processes representing the _air_; below the aether is _water_, indicated by a zone of undulating lines; then comes the _earth_ symbolized, as usual, by a group of plants. Below and to the side of _earth_ are dark-coloured flames of fire, now controlled and confined to this lowest rung.

[65] Migne, col. 791.

[66] See Ernest Wickersheimer, ‘Figures médico-astrologiques des neuvième, dixième et onzième siècles’, in the _Transactions of the Seventeenth International Congress of Medicine, Section XXIII, History of Medicine_, p. 313, London, 1913.

[67] Migne, cols. 403-14.

[68] Migne, col. 751.

[69] Migne, col. 791.

[70] The _Quaestio de Aqua et Terra_ is doubtless a genuine, albeit the least pleasing, production of the great poet. The genuineness is established by Vincenzo Balgi in his edition, Modena, 1907.

[71] Migne, col. 741.

[72] Migne, col. 743.

[73] It is outside our purpose to attempt a full elucidation of Hildegard’s allegory. The eagle in the right wing signifies the power of divine grace, while the human head in the left wing indicates the powers of the natural man. To the bosom of the figure is clasped the Lamb of God.

[74] Migne, col. 751.

[75] Migne, col. 744.

[76] _Liber Divinorum Operum_, part i, visions 2 and 3.

[77] Migne, cols. 752-5.

[78] Migne, col. 807.

[79] The work is printed by C. S. Barach and J. Wrobel, Innsbruck, 1876. The writers, however, confuse Bernard Sylvestris of Tours with his somewhat older contemporary, Bernard of Chartres.

[80] A. Clerval, _Les Écoles de Chartres au Moyen Âge_, Paris, 1895.

[81] J. E. Sandys, _History of Classical Scholarship_, Cambridge, 1903, vol. i, p. 515.

[82] R. Lane Poole, _Illustrations of the History of Mediaeval Thought in the Departments of Theology and Ecclesiastical Politics_, Oxford, 1884, pp. 118, 219.

[83] Barach and Wrobel, _loc. cit._, pp. 5-6, 9 and 13.

[84] For a general consideration of these figures see K. Sudhoff, _Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin_, i. 157, 219; ii. 84.

[85] E. Wickersheimer, ‘Figures médico-astrologiques des neuvième, dixième et onzième siècles’, _Transactions of the Seventeenth International Congress of Medicine, Section XXIII, History of Medicine_, p. 313, London, 1913.

[86] The MS. from which Plate XV is taken _(Paris, Bibl. nat., Latin_ 7028) is entitled _Scholium de duodecim zodiaci signis et de ventis_. It was once the property of St. Hilaire the Great of Poitiers. The legend above our figure reads, ‘Secundum philosophorum deliramenta notantur duodecim signa ita ab ariete incipiamus’. The relation of the signs to the parts of the body is different in this eleventh-century MS. from that which was widely accepted in the astrology of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries as illustrated in Plate XVI.

[87] The MS. from which Plate XVI is taken (_Paris, Bibl. nat., Latin_ 11229) was written about the end of the fourteenth century. It has been described by K. Sudhoff, _Arch. f. Gesch. d. Med._, ii. 84, Leipzig, 1910. The relation of the central figure to the signs of the zodiac in this plate bears a manifest resemblance to the relation of the central figure to the beasts’ heads in Plate vii. The lines which cross and recross the figure in Plate VII are analogous also to the lines of influence of Plate XVI. The verse above the figure in Plate XVI is taken from the _Flos medicinae scholae Salerni_; cp. de Renzi, loc. cit., i. 486. This Melothesia and that of the next figure is identical with that propounded in Manilius, ii. 453 (edition of H. W. Garrod, Oxford, 1911).

[88] Plate XVII is from an early German block book. It exhibits a scheme closely parallel to Plate VII. The universe in Plate XVII is represented as a series of concentric spheres, _earth_ innermost, followed by _water_, _air_, and _fire_. In the outermost zone hover the angels who have replaced the beast’s head of Hildegard’s scheme. The whole world is embraced by the figure of the Almighty, much as in Plate VII.

[89] See E. Wickersheimer, ‘La médecine astrologique dans les almanachs populaires du xx^{e} siècle’, _Bulletin de la Société française d’histoire de la médecine_, x (1911), pp. 26-39.

[90] Migne, col. 757. This phrase is reproduced in a mediaeval Irish version of the work of Messahalah. See Maura Power, _An Irish Astronomical Text_, Irish Text Society, London, 1912.

[91] The word _cancer_ is here used, but the crab goes sideways, not backwards. By _cancer_ Hildegard, who had never seen the sea, probably means the crayfish, an animal fairly common in the Rhine basin. It is the head of a crayfish or lobster that is figured in the miniatures of the vision of the macrocosm in the Lucca MS., and a similar organism frequently serves for the sign Cancer in the mediaeval zodiacal medical figures, as in Plate XV of this essay.

[92] Migne, cols. 3, 791-2.

[93] An illustration of this parallelism between Paracelsus and Hildegard is afforded by certain passages in the _Labyrinthus medicorum errantium_ and the _Scivias_, lib. i, vis. 4. Especially compare p. 279 et seq. of Huser’s edition of the _Opera_, Strasbourg, 1603, with Migne, col. 428.

[94] A good example is furnished by a work of Isaac Myer, _Qabbalah. The philosophical writings of Solomon ben Yehudah ibn Gebirol or Avicebron and their connection with the Hebrew Qabbalah and Sepher ha-Zohar_, Philadelphia, 1888.

[95] The most accessible edition is in S. de Renzi’s _Collectio Salernitana_, vol. ii, p. 388.

[96] Printed in de Renzi, vol. ii, p. 391.

[97] Printed in _Methodus medendi certa clara et brevis_, Basel, Henricus Petrus, 1541, p. 313.

[98] Printed in _Summi in omni philosophia viri constantini africani medici operum reliqua_, Basel, Henricus Petrus, 1539, p. 24.

[99] Karl Sudhoff, _Tradition und Naturbeobachtung_, Leipzig, 1907; _Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Anatomie im Mittelalter_, Leipzig, 1908; ‘Drei weitere anatomische Fünfbilderserien aus Abendland und Morgenland’ (with Ernst Seidel) and ‘Abermals eine neue Handschrift der anatomischen Fünfbilderserie’ in _Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin_, Leipzig, 1910 and 1914.

[100] E. H. C. Walsh, ‘The Tibetan Anatomical System’, in the _Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society_, London, October 1910, p. 1215; Berthold Laufer, _Beiträge zur Kenntnis der Tibetanischen Medizin_, Berlin, 1900; and K. Sudhoff, ‘Weitere Beiträge zur Geschichte der Anatomie im Mittelalter’, in the _Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin_, vol. viii, p. 143, Leipzig, 1914.

[101] This text, critically treated, has been printed by K. Sudhoff, who, however, regards it as related to the figures: _Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin_, vol. iii, p. 361, Leipzig, 1910.

[102] Hugh of St. Victor, _De bestiis et aliis rebus_, iii. 60.

[103] Migne, col. 755.

[104] An idea that occurs in Aristotle, _Parts of Animals_, ii, c. 2, but is rejected by Galen.

[105] Early mediaeval writers held that the _lumbus_, which we have rendered _loin_, was intimately connected with the sexual faculties. Thus Hugh of St. Victor (1095-1141), _De bestiis et aliis rebus_, iii. 60 ‘Lumbi a libidinis lascivia dicti, quia in viris causa corporeae voluptatis in ipsis est, sicut in umbilico feminis. Unde et ab Iob in exordio sermonis dictum est, _accinge sicut vir lumbos tuos_, ut in his esset resistendi praeparatio, in quibus est libidinis usitata dominandi occasio.’

[106] Migne, cols. 792-3.

[107] The legend reads as follows: ‘Minor mundus scilicet homo. _Microcosmus_. [Then on the head the names of the seven planets.] Caput microcosmi est rotundum in celestis spere modum in quo duo oculi ut duo luminaria in celo micant quod & septem foramina ut septem celi armonie ornant. In pectore sunt flatus & tussis ut in aere uenti & tonitrua. In uentrem omnia fluunt ut in mare flumina. Os lapides ungues arbos dant gramina crines Ut pede mole[m] corporis sic terra sustinet omnia. [At the four corners the following legends:] Aer huic donat quod flat. sonat. audit. odorat. Ignis feruorem dat uisum mobilitatem. Aqua. Munus aque gustus humorem sanguinis usus. Ex terra carnem tactum trahit & gravitatem.’

[108] Migne, col. 415.

[109] Migne, col. 421.

[110] Migne, col. 424.

[111] The Aristotelian writings also compare the transformation of the material humours into the child’s body with the solidification of milk in the formation of cheese.

[112] Migne, col. 425.

[113] Especially in the _Liber Divinorum Operum_, pars 1. vis. iv.

[114] The eagle is frequently in mediaeval writings a symbol of the power of divine grace.

[115] Migne, col. 110.

[116] Migne, col. 111.

[117] Migne, col. 384.

[118] _Scivias_, lib. iii, vis. 1; Migne, col. 565.

[119] Migne, col. 18.

[120] Migne, col. 18.

[121] _Cartulaire de l’Université de Montpellier (1180-1518)_, Montpellier, 1894, p. 21.

[122] Dates of the institution of dissection at this and other Universities are given by F. Baker in _Bulletin of the Johns Hopkins Hospital_, vol. xx, p. 331, Baltimore, 1909.

[123] Statuti dell’ Università di Medicina e di Arti del 1405, Rubr. lxxxxvi (‘De anothomia quolibet anno fienda’) in the _Statuti delle Università e dei collegi dello Studio bolognese_, edited by Carlo Malagola, Bologna, 1888, p. 289.

[124] J. Säxinger, _Ueber die Entwickelung des medizinischen Unterrichts an der Tübinger Hochschule_, Tübingen, 1884, pp. 5 and 10.

[125] How rarely dissections were conducted in some of the Universities may be gathered from the first statutes of the medical faculty of Tübingen, dated 1497. These ordain a dissection _every three or four years_. Not till 1601 was an anatomy held at Tübingen even once a year (see Säxinger, loc. cit.). Even at Montpellier in the sixteenth century the scarcity was so great that Rondelet (1507-66) was on one occasion reduced to dissect the body of his son. For this terrible incident see A. Portal, _Histoire de l’Anatomie et Chirurgie_, Paris, 1770, vol. i, p. 522; A. Haller, _Bibliotheca anatomica_, Lib. iv, § clxxxiv, Leyden, 1774, vol. i, p. 205; and A. O. Goelicke, _Introductio in historiam litterariam anatomes_, Frankfurt, 1738, p. 136. There was, however, a relatively plentiful supply of subjects in the Italian Universities and especially at Bologna and Padua in the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries (cp. A. Haller, _Bibliotheca anatomica_, introduction to Lib. v, p. 218). This was perhaps due to the utterly depraved state of public and private morals to which the peoples of the peninsula had been reduced by the excesses of the tyrants and the condottieri.

[126] Plate XXVIII _b_ is perhaps the earliest representation of the practice of dissection yet brought to light. It is described in Charles Singer, ‘Thirteenth-Century Miniatures illustrating Medical Practice’, _Proceedings of the Royal Society of Medicine, Section of the History of Medicine_, 1916, vol. ix, pp. 29-42.

[127] Plate XXIX: a post-mortem scene in the late fourteenth century, from a French MS. of the _Grande Chirurgie_ of Guy de Chauliac, Bibliothèque de la Faculté de Médecine de Montpellier, MS. 184 français, folio 14 recto. The scene is laid in the bedroom of the deceased. In the left-hand top corner is the bed, by the side of which a female figure, partly obliterated, is praying. Below and to the left are two other female figures, and a man richly dressed in an ermine-trimmed robe. These are presumably the relatives of the dead. The corpse, that of a woman, has been placed on a bare table and is opened from the larynx to the symphysis pubis. In front stands a lad holding a round wooden vessel for the reception of the viscera, and farther to the right is a stool on which are placed two or three instruments. The physician, in full canonicals, is at the extreme right of the picture. The actual process of examination is being made by three of his assistants. To the left the first of these deepens, with a knife, the incision that has already been made over the sternum, the second is grasping with his two hands and rolling up the great omentum so as to display the viscera beneath, and the third holds a wand in his right hand, with which he points to the abdomen, while in his left he carries a book. Five others throng into the room from a passage which opens into it.

[128] Antonio Benivieni, _De abditis nonnullis ac mirandis morborum et sanationum causis_, Florence, 1506. In the description of Case 32, Benivieni expresses surprise at having been refused permission to perform a post-mortem examination, as though it were unusual for him to meet rebuffs of the kind. ‘Experimento comprobare volentes, corpus incidere tentavimus sed nescio qua superstitione negantibus cognatis, voti compotes fieri nequivimus.’

[129] See E. Nicaise, _La Grande Chirurgie de Guy de Chauliac_, p. 30, Paris, 1890.

[130] ‘Ut Anatomici explicationem ipsius Mundini sequantur’, Francesco Maria Colle, _Storia scientifico-letteraria dello Studio di Padova_, 4 vols., Padua, 1824-5, vol. iii, p. 108.

[131] Martin von Mellerstadt, also called Pollich or Polich.

[132] Plate XXX _a_, from a late fifteenth-century Provençal translation of the _Grande Chirurgie_ of Guy de Chauliac. Vatican Library, MS. hispanice 4804, folio 8 recto. A professor and pupil are examining a wasted corpse placed on a trestle in the open air. The teacher is pointing out the surface markings.

[133] Plate XXX _b_, from the French Guy de Chauliac MS. in the Bristol Reference Library, folio 25 recto. The MS. dates from between the years 1420 and 1435; cp. Norris Mathews, _Early Printed Books and MSS. in the Bristol Reference Library_, Bristol, 1899, p. 70; J. A. Nixon, ‘A New Guy de Chauliac MS.’, in _Transactions of the XVIIth Internal. Cong. of Med., Sect. of Hist. of Med._, London, 1914, p. 419; and Charles Singer, ‘The Figures of the Bristol Guy de Chauliac MS. _circa_ 1430’, _Proceedings of the Royal Society of Medicine, Section of the History of Medicine_, 1917, vol. x, pp. 71-91. The figure shows a professor and pupil. The former is demonstrating the bones of a skeleton.

[134] The number of female criminals being less than the number of male criminals, Ludovico Frati states (_La vita privata di Bologna dal secolo XIII al XVII_, Bologna, 1900, pp. 116-18) that only two anatomies _in all_ were held each year, and thirty students admitted to the female and twenty to the male dissection. This would mean far less than _two dissections a year for each student_ of over two years’ standing.

[135] The anatomical works of Leonardo have now been rendered accessible in _Tredici Foglie delta Royal Library di Windsor. Leonardo da Vinci, Quaderni d’anatomia ... Pubblicati da O. C. L. Vangensten, A. Fonahm, H. Hopstock_, Christiania, 1911, &c.

[136] Pollaiuolo and Verrocchio only studied surface anatomy, so far as is known. For a summary of the anatomical work of these painters see M. Duval and E. Cuyer, _Histoire de l’Anatomie plastique_, p. 20, Paris, 1898.

[137] It has been suggested that Giammatteo Ferrari da Grado (Matthaeus de Gradibus), who was professor of Medicine at Pavia 1432-72, made original contributions to anatomy. He wrote no separate work on anatomy, but his observations on the ovaries (which he was perhaps the first to call by that name) appear in his _Practica_, Milan, 1471, and in his _Expositiones super vigesimam secundam Fen tertii canonis Avicennae_, Milan, 1494. An interesting account of Ferrari’s life and work is given by his descendant, H. M. Ferrari, in _Une Chaire de Médecine au XV^{e} siècle; Un professeur a l’université de Pavie de 1432 à 1472_, Paris, 1899. In this work the claim that De Gradibus was an original and independent observer is effectively disposed of.

[138] At least six Western copies of this series, besides three or more of oriental origin, have now been detected. The Western MSS. and their dates are as follows:

(_a_) Munich, Hof- und Staatsbibliothek, Cod. lat. monacensis 13002, before 1158.

(_b_) Munich, Hof- und Staatsbibliothek, Cod. lat. monacensis 17403, _circa_ 1250.

(_c_) Bodleian Library, MS. Ashmole 399, _circa_ 1290.

(_d_) Dresden, Kgl. Öffentl. Bibliothek, Codex 310, before 1323.

(_e_) Bodleian Library, MS. e Museo 19, before 1344.

(_f_) Library of Count F. Zdenho von Lobkowicz in Raudnitz, of 1399.

See E. Seidel and K. Sudhoff, especially ‘Drei weitere anatomische Fünfbilderserien aus Abendland und Morgenland’, in _Archiv für Gesch. der Med._, iii, p. 165, Leipzig, 1910.

[139] Cp. K. Sudhoff in _Ein Beitrag zur Gesch. der Anatomie im Mittelalter_, Leipzig, 1908.

[140] E. Wickersheimer, ‘L’Anatomie de Guido de Vigevano, médecin de la reine Jeanne de Bourgogne (1345)’, in _Archiv für Geschichte der Med._, vii. 1, Leipzig, 1914. M. Wickersheimer has kindly given permission for the reproduction of the figures in Plates XXXI and XXXII.

[141] Notably the MS. Roncioni 99, dating from the first half of the twelfth century, in the University Library of Pisa, reproduced by K. Sudhoff in the _Archiv für Gesch. der Med._, vii, Tafel xiv, 1914. Also separate organs are depicted in the Bodleian MS. Ashmole 399, dating from the end of the thirteenth century, reproduced in Fig. 6.

[142] The miniatures of the Dresden Codex have been studied by L. Choulant, _Geschichte und Bibliographie der anatomischen Abbildung nach ihrer Beziehung auf anatomische Wissenschaft und bildende Kunst_, Leipzig, 1852, and in the _Archiv für die zeichnenden Künste_, II. Jahrgang, Leipzig, 1856, p. 264. More recently the MS. has been most carefully described and its miniatures reproduced by E. C. van Leersum and W. Martin, _Miniaturen der lateinischen Galenos-Handschrift der kgl. öffentl. Bibliothek in Dresden, in phototypischer Reproduktion_, Leyden, 1910. We have to thank Dr. Van Leersum of Leyden for kind permission to reproduce the figures of Plate XXXIV.

[143] Cp. P. Triaire, _Les leçons d’anatomie et les peintres hollandais aux XVI^{e} et XVII^{e} siècles_, Paris, 1887.

[144] For della Torre and his projected work on anatomy, see G. Cervetto, _Di alcuni illustri anatomici italiani del decimoquinto secolo_, p. 46, Verona, 1842; also L. Choulant, _Geschichte der anatomischen Abbildung_, p. 5, Leipzig, 1852.

[145] The first edition appeared in Venice in 1491 and is in Latin. It is of less typographical interest.

[146] K. Sudhoff, ‘Eine Pariser “Ketham” Handschrift aus der Zeit König Karls VI (1380-1422)’, in _Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin_, vol. ii, p. 84, Leipzig, 1909; ‘Neue Beiträge zur Vorgeschichte des Ketham’, in _Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin_, vol. v, p. 280, Leipzig, 1912.

[147] Prince d’Essling, _Les livres à figures vénitiens de la fin du XV^{e} siècle et du commencement du XVI^{e}_, part i, vol. ii, p. 56, Florence and Paris, 1908.

[148] Eugène Piot, _Le Cabinet de l’amateur_, nouv. série, Paris, 1861, ‘Le maître aux dauphins’, p. 354 et seq. The dolphins are seen on either side of the chair in Plate XXVII.

[149] Duc de Rivoli, _Bibliographie des livres à figures vénétiens_, p. 110, Paris, 1893.

[150] Cp. G. Albertotti, _Nuove osservazioni sul ‘Fasciculus medicinae’ del Ketham_, Padua, 1910.

[151] See K. Sudhoff, ‘Weibliche Situsbilder von ca. 1400-1543’, in _Tradition und Naturbeobachtung_, p. 79, Leipzig, 1907. The number and character of the indication lines attached to this figure suggest that the block from which the impression has been taken had previously been used for some other publication. This work, however, if it exists, has not yet come to light.

[152] Michele Medici, _Della vita e degli scritti degli anatomici e medici fioriti in Bologna dal comincio del secolo XIII_, Bologna, 1853; _Compendio storico della scuola anatomica di Bologna dal Rinascimento delle Scienze e delle Lettere a tutto il Secolo XVIII_, Bologna, 1857.

[153] The mediaeval term, ‘vena chilis’, lasted in anatomy until the end of the sixteenth century and probably later. ‘_Chilis_’ is a corruption of the Greek κοίλη. This hybrid name was abandoned by Vesalius (_Fabrica_, 1543 Basle edition, p. 376) in favour of the title ‘vena cava’.

[154] The passage is translated from Michele Medici, _Compendio storico_, pp. 10-11.

[155] See A. Laboulbène, ‘Les anatomistes anciens’, in _Revue scientifique pour la France et pour l’Étranger_, vol. xxxviii, p. 641, Paris, 1886; Robert Ritter von Töply in Puschmann, Pagel, and Neuburger, _Handbuch der Geschichte der Medizin_, vol. ii, p. 197, Jena, 1903; G. Martinotti, ‘L’insegnamento dell’ Anatomia in Bologna prima del secolo xix’, in _Studi e Memorie per la storia dell’ università di Bologna_, vol. ii, p. 51, Bologna, 1911.

[156] An intermediate anatomist was Gulielmo Varignana, who was professor of Medicine in Bologna, and is recorded as having opened for judicial purposes, on February 15, 1302, the corpse of one alleged to have been poisoned. See Michele Medici, op. cit. The investigation is referred to above.

[157] Dr. Craigie in his excellent account of the History of Anatomy, in the ninth and subsequent editions of the _Encyclopaedia Britannica_.

[158] ‘Mundinus quem omnis studentium universitas colit ut deum’, J. Adelphus in his edition of Mondino, Strassburg, 1513.

[159] _Editio princeps_, Lyons, 1478.

[160] Pietro de Argellata, _Cirurgia_, ‘Incipit liber primus cirurgie magistri Petri de la Cerlata’ (!), Venice, 1492. Quotation from lib. v, tract. 12, chap. 3. An earlier edition which we have not seen was printed in Venice in 1480.

[161] The ‘pomegranate’ sometimes also means the xiphisternum. It is not clear which is implied here.

[162] Giovanni da Concoreggio, _Lucidarium et Flos Medicinae_, Giunta, Florence, 1521. It contains a few scattered anatomical points.

[163] De Zerbis, _Liber Anatomiae corporis humani et singulorum membrorum illius_, Venice, 1502.

[164] Reprinted in the _Anatomia_ of Johannes Dryander, Marburg, 1537.

[165] Alessandro Achillini, _Annotationes anatomiae_, Bologna, 1520. This work is also included in the 1502 edition of De Zerbis’ _Liber Anatomiae_.