Chapter 18

[4] In one sense McClellan was not far wrong in his estimate of the Confederate numbers. In assuming control of the Union armies Lincoln and Stanton made their enemies a present of at least 50,000 men.

[5] It must be admitted that his cavalry was very weak in proportion to the other arms. On June 20 he had just over 5,000 sabres (O.R., vol. xi, part iii, p. 238), of which 3,000 were distributed among the army corps. The Confederates appear to have had about 3,000, but of superior quality, familiar, more or less, with the country, and united under one command. It is instructive to notice how the necessity for a numerous cavalry grew on the Federal commanders. In 1864 the Army of the Potomac was accompanied by a cavalry corps over 13,000 strong, with 32 guns. It is generally the case in war, even in a close country, that if the cavalry is allowed to fall below the usual proportion of one trooper to every six men of the other arms the army suffers.

[6] Stuart’s Report, O.R., vol. xi, part i.

[7] This estimate is rather larger than that of the Confederate historians (Allan, W. H. Taylor, &c., &c.), but it has been arrived at after a careful examination of the strength at different dates and the losses in the various engagements.

[8] Return of June 20, O.R., vol. xi, part i, p. 238.

[9] The Fifth Army Corps included McCall’s division, which had but recently arrived by water from Fredericksburg. Report of June 20, O.R., vol. xi, part i, p. 238.

[10] Magruder’s division, 13,000; Huger’s division, 9,000; reserve artillery, 3,000; 5 regiments of cavalry, 2,000. Holmes’ division, 6,500, was still retained on the south bank of the James.

[11] Lee’s bridge, shown on the map, had either been destroyed or was not yet built.

[12] The meaning of this term is clearly defined in Lee’s report. “It was therefore determined to construct defensive lines, so as to enable a part of the army to defend the city, and leave the other part free to operate on the north bank.” O.R., vol. xi, part i, p. 490.

[13] O.R., vol. xi, part iii, p. 252.

[14] Letter from Captain T. W. Sydnor, 4th Virginia Cavalry, who carried the message.

[15] So General Porter. _Battles and Leaders,_ vol. ii, p. 331.

[16] O.R., vol. xi, part i, pp. 38, 39.

[17] _Battles and Leaders,_ vol. ii, pp. 389, 390.

[18] Dr. White, in his excellent _Life of Lee,_ states that the tardiness of the arrival of the provisions sent him from Richmond had much to do with the delay of Jackson’s march.

[19] “Lee’s Attacks North of the Chickahominy.” By General D. H. Hill. _Battles and Leaders,_ vol. ii, p. 347. General Longstreet, however, _From Manassas to Appomattox,_ says Jackson appointed the morning of the 25th, but, on Longstreet’s suggestion, changed the date to the 26th.

[20] Of the events of June 26 Dr. Dabney, in a letter to the author, writes as follows:—“Here we had a disastrous illustration of the lack of an organised and intelligent general staff. Let my predicament serve as a specimen. As chief of Jackson’s staff, I had two assistant adjutant-generals, two men of the engineer department, and two clerks. What did I have for orderlies and couriers? A detail from some cavalry company which happened to bivouac near. The men were sent to me without any reference to their local knowledge, their intelligence, or their courage; most probably they were selected for me by their captain on account of their lack of these qualities. Next to the Commander-in-Chief, the Chief of the General Staff should be the best man in the country. The brains of an army should be in the General Staff. The lowest orderlies attached to it should be the very best soldiers in the service, for education, intelligence, and courage. Jackson had to find his own guide for his march from Beaver Dam Station. He had not been furnished with a map, and not a single orderly or message reached him during the whole day.”

[21] Branch’s Report, O.R., vol. ii, part ii, p. 882.

[22] Jackson’s Report, O.R., vol. xi, part i, p. 553.

[23] Whiting’s Report, O.R., vol. xi, part i, p. 562.

[24] Trimble’s Report, O.R., vol. xi, part i, p. 614.

[25] Letter to the author.

[26] Porter’s Report, O.R., vol. xi, part i, p. 222. _Battles and Leaders,_ vol. ii, p. 330.

[27] Longstreet, on page 124 of his _From Manassas to Appomattox,_ declares that “Jackson marched by the fight without giving attention, and went into camp at Hundley’s Corner, _half a mile in rear_ of the enemy’s position. A reference to the map is sufficient to expose the inaccuracy of this statement.

[28] Jackson’s division—so-called in Lee’s order—really consisted of three divisions:—

Whiting’s Division Hood’s Brigade Law’s Brigade Jackson’s [Winder] Division Stonewall Brigade Cunningham’s Brigade Fulkerson’s Brigade Lawton’s Brigade Ewell’s Division B. T. Johnson’s Elzey’s Brigade Trimble’s Brigade Taylor’s Brigade

[29] The remainder of the guns were in reserve.

[30] _Battles and Leaders of the Civil War,_ vol. ii, p. 337.

[31] This order was verbal; no record of it is to be found, and Jackson never mentioned, either at the time or afterwards, what its purport was. His surviving staff officers, however, are unanimous in declaring that he must have received direct instructions from General Lee. “Is it possible,” writes Dr. McGuire, “that Jackson, who knew nothing of the country, and little of the exact situation of affairs, would have taken the responsibility of stopping at Old Cold Harbour for an hour or more, unless he had had the authority of General Lee to do so? I saw him that morning talking to General Lee. General Lee was sitting on a log, and Jackson standing up. General Lee was evidently giving him instructions for the day.” In his report (O.R., vol. ii,