Chapter 20

THE SUMMONS

The news of the capitulation of Fort Sumter reached Washington on Sunday morning, April 14th. At a momentous cabinet meeting, President Lincoln read the draft of a proclamation calling into service seventy-five thousand men, to suppress combinations obstructing the execution of the laws in the Southern States. The cabinet was now a unit. Now that the crisis had come, the administration had a policy. Would it approve itself to the anxious people of the North? Could it count upon the support of those who had counselled peace, peace at any cost?

Those who knew Senator Douglas well could not doubt his loyalty to the Union in this crisis; yet his friends knew that Union-loving men in the Democratic ranks would respond to the President's proclamation with a thousandfold greater enthusiasm, could they know that their leader stood by the administration. Moved by these considerations, Hon. George Ashmun of Massachusetts ventured to call upon Douglas on this Sunday evening, and to suggest the propriety of some public statement to strengthen the President's hands. Would he not call upon the President at once and give him the assurance of his support? Douglas demurred: he was not sure that Mr. Lincoln wanted his advice and aid. Mr. Ashmun assured him that the President would welcome any advances, and he spoke advisedly as a friend to both men. The peril of the country was grave; surely this was not a time when men should let personal and partisan considerations stand between them and service to their country. Mrs. Douglas added her entreaties, and Douglas finally yielded. Though the hour was late, the two men set off for the White House, and found there the hearty welcome which Ashmun had promised.[979]

Of all the occurrences of this memorable day, this interview between Lincoln and Douglas strikes the imagination with most poignant suggestiveness. Had Douglas been a less generous opponent, he might have reminded the President that matters had come to just that pass which he had foreseen in 1858. Nothing of the sort passed Douglas's lips. The meeting of the rivals was most cordial and hearty. They held converse as men must when hearts are oppressed with a common burden. The President took up and read aloud the proclamation summoning the nation to arms. When he had done, Douglas said with deep earnestness, "Mr. President, I cordially concur in every word of that document, except that instead of the call for seventy-five thousand men, I would make it two hundred thousand. You do not know the dishonest purposes of those men as well as I do."[980] Why has not some artist seized upon the dramatic moment when they rose and passed to the end of the room to examine a map which hung there? Douglas, with animated face and impetuous gesture, pointing out the strategic places in the coming contest; Lincoln, with the suggestion of brooding melancholy upon his careworn face, listening in rapt attention to the quick, penetrating observations of his life-long rival. But what no artist could put upon canvas was the dramatic absence of resentment and defeated ambition in the one, and the patient teachableness and self-mastery of the other. As they parted, a quick hearty grasp of hands symbolized this remarkable consecration to a common task.

As they left the executive mansion, Ashmun urged his companion to send an account of this interview to the press, that it might accompany the President's message on the morrow. Douglas then penned the following dispatch: "Senator Douglas called upon the President, and had an interesting conversation on the present condition of the country. The substance of it was, on the part of Mr. Douglas, that while he was unalterably opposed to the administration in all its political issues, he was prepared to fully sustain the President in the exercise of all his constitutional functions, to preserve the Union, maintain the government, and defend the Federal capital. A firm policy and prompt action was necessary. The capital was in danger, and must be defended at all hazards, and at any expense of men and money. He spoke of the present and future without any reference to the past."[981] When the people of the North read the proclamation in the newspapers, on the following morning, a million men were cheered and sustained in their loyalty to the Union by the intelligence that their great leader had subordinated all lesser ends of party to the paramount duty of maintaining the Constitution of the fathers. To his friends in Washington, Douglas said unhesitatingly, "We must fight for our country and forget all differences. There can be but two parties--the party of patriots and the party of traitors. We belong to the first."[982] And to friends in Missouri where disunion sentiment was rife, he telegraphed, "I deprecate war, but if it must come I am with my country, and for my country, under all circumstances and in every contingency. Individual policy must be subordinated to the public safety."[983]

From this day on, Douglas was in frequent consultation with the President. The sorely tried and distressed Lincoln was unutterably grateful for the firm grip which this first of "War Democrats" kept upon the progress of public opinion in the irresolute border States. It was during one of these interviews, after the attack upon the Sixth Massachusetts Regiment in the streets of Baltimore, that Douglas urged upon the President the possibility of bringing troops by water to Annapolis, thence to Washington, thus avoiding further conflict in the disaffected districts of Maryland.[984] Eventually the Eighth Massachusetts and the Seventh New York reached Washington by this route, to the immense relief of the President and his cabinet.

Before this succor came to the alarmed capital, Douglas had left the city for the West. He had received intimations that Egypt in his own State showed marked symptoms of disaffection. The old ties of blood and kinship of the people of southern Illinois with their neighbors in the border States were proving stronger than Northern affiliations. Douglas wielded an influence in these southern, Democratic counties, such as no other man possessed. Could he not best serve the administration by bearding disunionism in its den? Believing that Cairo, at the confluence of the Mississippi and the Ohio, was destined to be a strategic point of immense importance in the coming struggle, and that the fate of the whole valley depended upon the unwavering loyalty of Illinois, Douglas laid the matter before Lincoln. He would go or stay in Washington, wherever Lincoln thought he could do the most good. Probably neither then realized the tremendous nature of the struggle upon which the country had entered; yet both knew that the Northwest would be the makeweight in the balance for the Union; and that every nerve must be strained to hold the border States of Kentucky and Missouri. Who could rouse the latent Unionism of the Northwest and of the border States like Douglas? Lincoln advised him to go. There was a quick hand-grasp, a hurried farewell, and they parted never to meet again.[985]

Rumor gave strange shapes to this "mission" which carried Douglas in such haste to the Northwest. Most persistent of all is the tradition that he was authorized to raise a huge army in the States of the upper Mississippi Valley, and to undertake that vast flanking movement which subsequently fell to Grant and Sherman to execute. Such a project would have been thoroughly consonant with Douglas's conviction of the inevitable unity and importance of the great valley; but evidence is wanting to corroborate this legend.[986] Its frequent repetition, then and now, must rather be taken as a popular recognition of the complete accord between the President and the greatest of War Democrats. Colonel Forney, who stood very near to Douglas, afterward stated "by authority," that President Lincoln would eventually have called Douglas into the administration or have placed him in one of the highest military commands.[987] Such importance may be given to this testimony as belongs to statements which have passed unconfirmed and unchallenged for half a century.

On his way to Illinois, Douglas missed a train and was detained half a day in the little town of Bellaire, Ohio, a few miles below Wheeling in Virginia.[988] It was a happy accident, for just across the river the people of northwestern Virginia were meditating resistance to the secession movement, which under the guidance of Governor Letcher threatened to sever them from the Union-loving population of Ohio and Pennsylvania. It was precisely in this region, nearly a hundred years before, that popular sovereignty had almost succeeded in forming a fourteenth State of the Confederacy. There had always been a disparity between the people of these transmontane counties and the tide-water region. The intelligence that Douglas was in Bellaire speedily brought a throng about the hotel in which he was resting. There were clamors for a speech. In the afternoon he yielded to their importunities. By this time the countryside was aroused. People came across the river from Virginia and many came down by train from Wheeling,[989] Men who were torn by a conflict of sentiments, not knowing where their paramount allegiance lay, hung upon his words.

Douglas spoke soberly and thoughtfully, not as a Democrat, not as a Northern man, but simply and directly as a lover of the Union. "If we recognize the right of secession in one case, we give our assent to it in all cases; and if the few States upon the Gulf are now to separate themselves from us, and erect a barrier across the mouth of that great river of which the Ohio is a tributary, how long will it be before New York may come to the conclusion that she may set up for herself, and levy taxes upon every dollar's worth of goods imported and consumed in the Northwest, and taxes upon every bushel of wheat, and every pound of pork, or beef, or other productions that may be sent from the Northwest to the Atlantic in search of a market?" Secession meant endless division and sub-division, the formation of petty confederacies, appeals to the sword and the bayonet instead of to the ballot.

"Unite as a band of brothers," he pleaded, "and rescue your government and its capital and your country from the enemy who have been the authors of your calamity." His eye rested upon the great river. "Ah!" he exclaimed, a great wave of emotion checking his utterance, "This great valley must never be divided. The Almighty has so arranged the mountain and the plain, and the water-courses as to show that this valley in all time shall remain one and indissoluble. Let no man attempt to sunder what Divine Providence has rendered indivisible."[990]

As he concluded, anxious questions were put to him, regarding the rumored retirement of General Scott from the army. "I saw him only Saturday," replied Douglas. "He was at his desk, pen in hand, writing his orders for the defense and safety of the American Capital." And as he repeated the words of General Scott declining the command of the forces of Virginia--"'I have served my country under the flag of the Union for more than fifty years, and as long as God permits me to live, I will defend that flag with my sword; even if my own State assails it,'"--the crowds around him broke into tumultuous cheers. Within thirty days the Unionists of western Virginia had rallied, organized, and begun that hardy campaign which brought West Virginia into the Union. On the very day that Douglas was making his fervent plea for the Union, Robert E. Lee cast in his lot with the South.

At Columbus, Douglas was again forced to break his journey; and again he was summoned to address the crowd that gathered below his window. It was already dark; the people had collected without concert; there were no such trappings, as had characterized public demonstrations in the late campaign. Douglas appeared half-dressed at his bedroom window, a dim object to all save to those who stood directly below him. Out of the darkness came his solemn, sonorous tones, bringing relief and assurance to all who listened, for in the throng were men of all parties, men who had followed him through all changes of political weather, and men who had been his persistent foes. There was little cheering. As Douglas pledged anew his hearty support to President Lincoln, "it was rather a deep 'Amen' that went up from the crowd," wrote one who had distrusted hitherto the mighty power of this great popular leader.[991]

On the 25th of April, Douglas reached Springfield, where he purposed to make his great plea for the Union. He spoke at the Capitol to members of the legislature and to packed galleries. Friend and foe alike bear witness to the extraordinary effect wrought by his words. "I do not think that it is possible for a human being to produce a more prodigious effect with spoken words," wrote one who had formerly detested him.[992] "Never in all my experience in public life, before or since," testified the then Speaker of the House, now high in the councils of the nation, "have I been so impressed by a speaker."[993] Douglas himself was thrilled with his message. As he approached the climax, the veins of his neck and forehead were swollen with passion, and the perspiration ran down his face in streams. At times his clear and resonant voice reverberated through the chamber, until it seemed to shake the building.[994] While he was in the midst of a passionate invective, a man rushed into the hall bearing an American flag. The trumpet tones of the speaker and the sight of the Stars and Stripes roused the audience to the wildest pitch of excitement.[995] Men and women became hysterical with the divine madness of patriotism. "When hostile armies," he exclaimed with amazing force, "When hostile armies are marching under new and odious banners against the government of our country, the shortest way to peace is the most stupendous and unanimous preparation for war. We in the great valley of the Mississippi have peculiar interests and inducements in the struggle ... I ask every citizen in the great basin between the Rocky Mountains and the Alleghanies ... to tell me whether he is ever willing to sanction a line of policy that may isolate us from the markets of the world, and make us dependent provinces upon the powers that thus choose to isolate us?... Hence, if a war does come, it is a war of self-defense on our part. It is a war in defense of the Government which we have inherited as a priceless legacy from our patriotic fathers, in defense of those great rights of freedom of trade, commerce, transit and intercourse from the center to the circumference of our great continent."[996]

The voice of the strong man, so little given to weak sentiment, broke, as he said, "I have struggled almost against hope to avert the calamities of war and to effect a reunion and reconciliation with our brethren in the South. I yet hope it may be done, but I am not able to point out how it may be. Nothing short of Providence can reveal to us the issues of this great struggle. Bloody--calamitous--I fear it will be. May we so conduct it, if a collision must come, that we will stand justified in the eyes of Him who knows our hearts, and who will justify our every act. We must not yield to resentments, nor to the spirit of vengeance, much less to the desire for conquest or ambition. I see no path of ambition open in a bloody struggle for triumphs over my countrymen. There is no path of ambition open for me in a divided country.... My friends, I can say no more. To discuss these topics is the most painful duty of my life. It is with a sad heart--with a grief I have never before experienced--that I have to contemplate this fearful struggle; but I believe in my conscience that it is a duty we owe to ourselves and to our children, and to our God, to protect this Government and that flag from every assailant, be he who he may."

Thereafter treason had no abiding place within the limits of the State of Illinois. And no one, it may be safely affirmed, could have so steeled the hearts of men in Southern Illinois for the death grapple. In a manly passage in his speech, Douglas said, "I believe I may with confidence appeal to the people of every section of the country to bear witness that I have been as thoroughly national as any man that has lived in my day. And I believe if I should make an appeal to the people of Illinois, or of the Northern States, to their impartial verdict; they would say that whatever errors I have committed have been in leaning too far to the Southern section of the Union against my own.... I have never pandered to the prejudice and passion of my section against the minority section of the Union." It was precisely this truth which gave him a hearing through the length and breadth of Illinois and the Northwest during this crisis.

The return of Douglas to Chicago was the signal for a remarkable demonstration of regard. He had experienced many strange home-comings. His Democratic following, not always discriminating, had ever accorded him noisy homage. His political opponents had alternately execrated him and given him grudging praise. But never before had men of all parties, burying their differences, united to do him honor. On the evening of his arrival, he was escorted to the Wigwam, where hardly a year ago Lincoln had been nominated for the presidency. Before him were men who had participated jubilantly in the Republican campaign, with many a bitter gibe at the champion of "squatter sovereignty." Douglas could not conceal his gratification at this proof that, however men had differed from him on political questions, they had believed in his loyalty. And it was of loyalty, not of himself, that he spoke. He did not spare Southern feelings before this Chicago audience. He told his hearers unequivocally that the slavery question, the election of Lincoln, and the territorial question, were so many pretexts for dissolving the Union. "The present secession movement is the result of an enormous conspiracy formed more than a year since, formed by leaders in the Southern Confederacy more than twelve months ago." But this was no time to discuss pretexts and causes. "The conspiracy is now known. Armies have been raised, war is levied to accomplish it. There are only two sides to the question. Every man must be for the United States or against it. There can be no neutrals in this war; _only patriots_--_or traitors_."[997] It was the first time he had used the ugly epithet.

Hardly had he summoned the people of Illinois to do battle, when again he touched that pathetic note that recurred again and again in his appeal at Springfield. Was it the memory of the mother of his boys that moved him to say, "But we must remember certain restraints on our action even in time of war. We are a Christian people, and the war must be prosecuted in a manner recognized by Christian nations. We must not invade Constitutional rights. The innocent must not suffer, nor women and children be the victims." Before him were some who felt toward the people of the South as Greek toward barbarian. But Douglas foresaw that the horrors of war must invade and desolate the homes of those whom he still held dear. There is no more lovable and admirable side of his personality than this tenderness for the helpless and innocent. Had he but lived to temper justice with mercy, what a power for good might he not have been in the days of reconstruction!

The summons had gone forth. Already doubts and misgivings had given way, and the North was now practically unanimous in its determination to stifle rebellion. There was a common belief that secession was the work of a minority, skillfully led by designing politicians, and that the loyal majority would rally with the North to defend the flag. Young men who responded jubilantly to the call to arms did not doubt, that the struggle would be brief. Douglas shared the common belief in the conspiracy theory of secession, but he indulged no illusion as to the nature of the war, if war should come. Months before the firing upon Fort Sumter, in a moment of depression, he had prophesied that if the cotton States should succeed in drawing the border States into their schemes of secession, the most fearful civil war the world had ever seen would follow, lasting for years. "Virginia," said he, pointing toward Arlington, "over yonder across the Potomac, will become a charnel-house.... Washington will become a city of hospitals, the churches will be used for the sick and wounded. This house 'Minnesota Block,' will be devoted to that purpose before the end of the war."[998] He, at least, did not mistake the chivalry of the South. Not for an instant did he doubt the capacity of the Southern people to suffer and endure, as well as to do battle. And he knew--Ah! how well--the self-sacrifice and devotion of Southern women.

The days following the return of Douglas to Chicago were filled also with worries and anxieties of a private nature. The financial panic of 1857 had been accompanied by a depression of land values, which caused Douglas grave concern for his holdings in Chicago, and no little immediate distress. Unable and unwilling to sacrifice his investments, he had mortgaged nearly all of his property in Cook County, including the valuable "Grove Property" in South Chicago. Though he was always lax in pecuniary matters, and, with his buoyant generous nature, little disposed to take anxious thought for the morrow, these heavy financial obligations began now to press upon him with grievous weight. The prolonged strain of the previous twelve months had racked even his constitution. He had made heavy drafts on his bodily health, with all too little regard for the inevitable compensation which Nature demands. As in all other things, he had been prodigal with Nature's choicest gift.

Not long after his public address Douglas fell ill and developed symptoms that gave his physicians the gravest concern. Weeks of illness followed. The disease, baffling medical skill, ran its course. Yet never in his lucid moments did Douglas forget the ills of his country; and even when delirium clouded his mind, he was still battling for the Union. "Telegraph to the President and let the column move on," he cried, wrestling with his wasting fever. In his last hours his mind cleared. Early on the morning of June 3d, he seemed to rally, but only momentarily. It was evident to those about him that the great summons had come. Tenderly his devoted wife leaned over him to ask if he had any message for his boys, "Robbie" and "Stevie." With great effort, but clearly and emphatically, he replied, "Tell them to obey the laws and support the Constitution of the United States." Not long after, he grappled with the great Foe, and the soul of a great patriot passed on.

"I was ever a fighter, so--one fight more, The best and the last! I would hate that death bandaged my eyes, and forbore, And bade me creep past. No! let me taste the whole of it, fare like my peers The heroes of old, Bear the brunt, in a minute pay glad life's arrears Of pain, darkness and cold."

With almost royal pomp, the earthly remains of Stephen Arnold Douglas were buried beside the inland sea that washes the shores of the home of his adoption. It is a fitting resting place. The tempestuous waters of the great lake reflect his own stormy career. Yet they have their milder moods. There are hours when sunlight falls aslant the subdued surface and irradiates the depths.

* * * * *

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 979: Holland, Life of Lincoln, p. 301.]

[Footnote 980: _Ibid._, p. 302.]

[Footnote 981: Arnold, Lincoln, pp. 200-201. The date of this dispatch should be April 14, and not April 18.]

[Footnote 982: Forney, Anecdotes, I, p. 224.]

[Footnote 983: New York _Tribune_, April 18.]

[Footnote 984: Forney, Anecdotes, I, p. 225.]

[Footnote 985: Herndon-Weik, Lincoln, II, p. 249 note; Forney, Anecdotes, I, p. 225.]

[Footnote 986: Many friends of Douglas have assured me of their unshaken belief in this story.]

[Footnote 987: Forney, Anecdotes, I, pp. 121, 226.]

[Footnote 988: Philadelphia _Press_, April 26, 1861.]

[Footnote 989: Philadelphia _Press_, April 26, 1861.]

[Footnote 990: The Philadelphia _Press_, April 26, 1861, reprinted the speech from the Wheeling _Intelligencer_ of April 21, 1861.]

[Footnote 991: J.D. Cox, Military Reminiscences of the Civil War, I, pp. 5-6.]

[Footnote 992: Mr. Horace White in Herndon-Weik, Lincoln, II, pp. 126-127.]

[Footnote 993: Senator Cullom of Illinois, quoted in Arnold, Lincoln, p. 201, note.]

[Footnote 994: Mr. Horace White in Herndon-Weik, Lincoln, II, pp. 126-127.]

[Footnote 995: Arnold, Lincoln, p. 201, note.]

[Footnote 996: The speech was printed in full in the New York _Tribune_, May 1, 1861.]

[Footnote 997: The New York _Tribune_, June 13th, and the Philadelphia _Press_, June 14th, published this speech in full.]

[Footnote 998: Arnold, Lincoln, p. 193. See also his remarks in the Senate, January 3, 1861.]

INDEX

Abolitionism, debate in the Senate on, 124-126.

Abolitionists, in Illinois, 156, 158-160; agitation of, 194-195.

Adams, John Quincy, on Douglas, 72, 76, 89, 98; catechises Douglas, 111, 113.

Albany Regency, 10.

Anderson, Robert, dispatch to War Department, 442; moves garrison to Port Sumter, 451.

Andrews, Sherlock J., 11.

Anti-Masonry, in New York, 10.

Anti-Nebraska party. _See_ Republican party.

"Appeal of the Independent Democrats," origin, 240; assails motives of Douglas, 241.

Arnold, Martha, grandmother of Stephen A. Douglas, 4.

Arnold, William, ancestor of Stephen A. Douglas, 4.

Ashmun, George, 475, 476, 477.

Atchison, David R., pro-slavery leader in Missouri, 223; favors Nebraska bill (1853), 225; and repeal of Missouri Compromise, 225, 235; and Kansas-Nebraska bill, 256.

Badger, George E., 215.

"Barnburners," 132.

Bay Islands, Colony of, 209, 213.

Bell, John, presidential candidate, 425, 429, 440.

Benjamin, Judah P., quoted, 402, 453.

Benton, Thomas H., 44, 117, 223.

Berrien, John M., 185.

Bigler, William, 333, 335, 417, 446.

Bissell, William H., 305.

Black, Jeremiah S., controversy with Douglas, 409-410.

"Black Republicans," origin of epithet, 275; arraigned by Douglas, 296, 297, 304, 374-375.

"Blue Lodges" of Missouri, 283, 286.

Boyd, Linn, 182.

Brandon, birthplace of Douglas, 5, 9, 69.

Brandon Academy, 7, 9.

Breckinridge, John C., 382; presidential candidate (1860), 427, 428, 435, 440-441.

Breese, Sidney, judge of Circuit Court, 52; elected Senator, 62; and Federal patronage, 118-119; director of Great Western Railroad Company, 168-170; retirement, 158, 171.

Bright, Jesse D., 119, 417.

Broderick, David C., and Lecompton constitution, 335; and English bill, 347; killed, 411.

Brooks, S.S., editor of Jacksonville _News_, 19, 20, 25, 40.

Brooks, Preston, assaults Sumner, 298.

Brown, Albert G., 247, 340, 341, 397-398, 402.

Brown, John, Pottawatomie massacre, 299; Harper's Ferry raid, 411, 412.

Brown, Milton, of Tennessee, 89.

Browning, O.H., 66, 67, 115.

Buchanan, James, candidacy (1852), 206; nominated for presidency (1856), 276-278; indorses Kansas-Nebraska bill, 279 _n._; elected, 306; appoints Walker governor of Kansas, 324-325; interview with Douglas, 328; message, 328-329; advises admission of Kansas, 338; orders reinforcement of Sumter, 452.

Bulwer, Sir Henry, Clayton-Bulwer treaty, 209.

Butler, Andrew P., 119, 137, 216.

Calhoun, John, president of Lecompton Convention, 327.

Calhoun, John C., 120; on Abolitionism, 124; and Douglas, 125; radical Southern leader, 127, 138; on the Constitution, 140.

California, coveted by Polk, 109; Clayton Compromise, 130; Polk's programme, 133; statehood bill, 134; controversy in Senate, 135-142; Clay's resolutions, 176; new statehood bill, 181-184; the Omnibus, 184-186; admitted, 187.

Canandaigua Academy, 9, 10.

Carlin, Thomas, 42, 45, 51.

Cass, Lewis, defends Oregon policy, 99; introduces Ten Regiments bill, 120; Nicholson letter, 128; presidential candidate, 132; candidacy (1852), 206; and Clayton-Bulwer treaty, 209; and Monroe Doctrine, 211; on Kansas-Nebraska bill, 245-246; candidacy (1856), 277; on Sumner, 296.

Charleston Convention, delegates to, 413, 416; organization of, 417; Committee on Resolutions, 418; speech of Payne, 418-419; speech of Yancey, 419; speech of Pugh, 419-420; minority report adopted, 420; secession, 420; balloting, 420-421; adjournment, 421.

Chase, Salmon P., joint author of the "Appeal," 240-241; and Kansas-Nebraska bill, 247; 249; assailed by Douglas, 251-252.

Chicago, residence of Douglas, 309; investments of Douglas in, 310.

Chicago Convention, 425.

Chicago _Press and Tribune_, on Douglas, 349; declares Springfield resolutions a forgery, 370.

Chicago _Times_, Douglas organ in Northwest, 305, 328.

Chicago University, gift of Douglas to, 310.

Clark Resolution (1861), 452.

Clay, Henry, compromise programme, 176; and Douglas, 183-184; and Utah bill, 186-187; on passage of compromise measures, 189.

Clayton-Bulwer treaty, 209-214.

Clayton, John M., 119; on Oregon, 130; _entente_ with Bulwer, 209-210; assailed by Cass and Douglas, 211-212; replies to critics, 213-214; on Kansas-Nebraska bill, 247-248.

Clingman, Thomas L., 425, 444, 466.

Colfax, Schuyler, 348.

Collamer, Jacob, 289, 338, 446-447.

Colorado bill, 456; substitute of Douglas for, 457, 459-460; slavery in, 456, 458-459.

Committee on Territories, Douglas as chairman, in House, 99-100; in Senate, 119-120; Douglas deposed, 395.

Compromise of 1850, Clay's resolutions, 176-177; speech of Douglas, 177-181; compromise bills, 181-182; committee of thirteen, 183-184; debate in Senate, 184-187; passage, 187; finality resolution, 194-195; 197; principle involved, 189-190.

Constitutional Union party, possibility of, 349; nominates Bell, 425; prospects, 428.

Cook, Isaac, 418.

Crittenden Compromise, 446-447; indorsed by Douglas, 447-448; proposed referendum on, 449; opposed by Republicans, 452; defeated, 463.

Crittenden, John J., favors Douglas's re-election, 382; compromise resolutions, 446-447; efforts for peace, 448, 452, 463.

Cuba, acquisition of, favored by Douglas, 199, 208, 396-397.

Cutts, J. Madison, father of Adèle Cutts Douglas, 255, 316.

Danites, Mormon order, 90; Buchanan Democrats, 382.

Davis, Jefferson, and Douglas, 189; and Kansas-Nebraska bill, 237-238; and Freeport doctrine, 399 ff., 413; resolutions of, 415-416; assails Douglas, 423; on candidates and platforms, 424; on Southern grievances, 444; on committee of thirteen, 446; permits attack on Sumter, 474.

Davis, John, 119.

Democratic party, Baltimore convention (1844), 79; campaign, 80-81; platform, 84, 98-99, 104-105; convention of 1848, 131-132; Cass and Barnburners, 132-133; convention of 1852, 204-206; campaign, 207; Cincinnati convention, 276-278; platform and candidate, 278-279; "Bleeding Kansas," 299 ff.; election of 1856, 305-306; Charleston convention, 413 ff.; Davis resolutions, 415-416; minority report, 418-420; secession, 420; adjournment, 421; Baltimore convention, 426-428; Bolters' convention, 428; campaign of 1860, 429-441.

_Democratic Review_, and candidacy of Douglas (1852), 200-202.

Dickinson, Daniel S., 128, 382.

Divorce, Douglas on, 33-34.

Dixon, Archibald, and repeal of Missouri Compromise, 235-236; and Nebraska bill, 239.

Dodge, Augustus C., Nebraska bill of, 228; favors two Territories, 239.

Doolittle, James R., 446.

Douglas, Adèle Cutts, wife of Stephen A., 316-317; leader in Washington society, 336-337; in campaign of 1858, 383; in campaign of 1860, 438; calls upon Mrs. Lincoln, 462; 476, 489.

Douglas, Martha (_née_ Martha Denny Martin), daughter of Robert Martin, 145; marries Stephen A. Douglas, 147; inherits father's estate, 148; death, 208.

Douglas, Stephen Arnold. _Early years_: ancestry and birth, 4-5; boyhood, 5-7; apprentice, 8-9; in Brandon Academy, 9; removal to New York, 9; in Canandaigua Academy, 9-10; studies law, 11; goes west, 11-13; reaches Jacksonville, Illinois, 14; teaches school, 16-17; admitted to bar, 17. _Beginnings in Politics_: first public speech, 20-21; elected State's attorney, 22; first indictments, 23-24; defends Caucus system, 26-27; candidate for Legislature, 27-29; in Legislature, 29-34; Register of Land Office, 35-36; nominated for Congress (1837), 40-41; campaign against Stuart, 42-44; resumes law practice, 45; chairman of State committee, 47-50; Secretary of State, 53; appointed judge, 56-57; visits Mormons, 58; on the Bench, 63-64; candidate for Senate, 62; nominated for Congress, 65; elected, 67. _Congressman_: defends Jackson, 69-72; reports on Election Law, 73-76; plea for Internal Improvements, 77-78; on Polk, 80; meets Jackson, 81-82; re-elected (1844), 83; advocates annexation of Texas, 85-90; and the Mormons, 91-92; proposes Oregon bills, 95; urges "re-occupation of Oregon," 96-98; supports Polk's policy, 99; appointed chairman of Committee on Territories, 99; offers bill on Oregon, 101; opposes compromise and arbitration, 101-103; renominated for Congress, 103; and the President, 104-106; proposes organization of Oregon, 106; advocates admission of Florida, 107; defends Mexican War, 109-110; claims Rio Grande as boundary, 111-114; seeks military appointment, 114-115; re-elected (1846), 115; defends Polk's war policy, 116-117; elected Senator (1847), 117-118. _United States Senator_: appointed chairman of Committee on Territories, 119; on Ten Regiments bill, 120-122; on Abolitionism, 124-126; second attempt to organize Oregon, 129; favors Clayton Compromise, 130; proposes extension of Missouri Compromise line, 131; offers California statehood bills, 134-137; advocates "squatter sovereignty," 138-139; presents resolutions of Illinois Legislature, 140; marriage, 147; denies ownership of slaves, 149-150; removes to Chicago, 169; advocates central railroad, 169-172; speech on California (1850), 177 ff.; concerts territorial bills with Toombs and Stephens, 181-182; vote on compromise measures, 187-188; defends Fugitive Slave Law, 191-194; presidential aspirations, 195-196; on intervention in Hungary, 199-200; candidacy (1852), 200-206; in campaign of 1852, 207; re-elected Senator, 208 _n._; death of his wife, 208; on Clayton-Bulwer treaty, 211-214; hostility to Great Britain, 215-216; travels abroad, 217-219; proposes military colonization of Nebraska, 221; urges organization of Nebraska, 224-225; report of January 4, 1854, 229 ff.; offers substitute for Dodge bill, 231-232; interprets new bill, 233-234; and Dixon, 235-236; drafts Kansas-Nebraska bill, 237; secures support of administration, 237-238; reports bill, 239; arraigned by Independent Democrats, 241; replies to "Appeal," 241-243; proposes amendments to Kansas-Nebraska bill, 246, 249; closes debate, 251-254; answers protests, 256-257; faces mob in Chicago, 258-259; denounces Know-Nothings, 263; in campaign of 1854, 264 ff.; debate with Lincoln, 265-266; and Shields, 267, 268; on the elections, 269-272; and Wade, 272-273; on "Black Republicanism," 275-276; candidacy at Cincinnati, 276-278; supports Buchanan, 278; reports on Kansas, 289-293; proposes admission of Kansas, 293; replies to Trumbull, 294; and Sumner, 296-298; reports Toombs bill, 300-301; omits referendum provision, 302; subsequent defense, 303-304; in campaign of 1856, 304-306; second marriage, 316; on Dred Scott decision, 321-323; interview with Walker, 325; and Buchanan, 327-328; denounces Lecompton constitution, 329-332; report on Kansas, 338-340; speech on Lecomptonism, 341-343; rejects English bill, 345-347; Republican ally, 348; re-election opposed, 349-350; in Chicago, 352-354; opening speech of campaign, 354-357; speech at Bloomington, 358-360; speech at Springfield, 360-361; agrees to joint debate, 362; first debate at Ottawa, 363-370; Springfield resolutions, 370; Freeport debate, 370-375; debate at Jonesboro, 375-378; debate at Charleston, 378-381; friends and foes, 381-382; resources, 382-383; debate at Galesburg, 383-386; debate at Quincy, 386-388; debate at Alton, 388-390; the election, 391-392; journey to South and Cuba, 393-395; deposed from chairmanship of Committee on Territories, 395; supports Slidell project, 396; debate of February 23, 1859, 397 ff.; opposes slave-trade, 403-404; _Harper's Magazine_ article, 405-409; controversy with Black, 409-410; in Ohio, 410-411; presidential candidate of Northwest, 413, 416; and the South, 414; and Republicans, 414-415; candidate at Charleston, 416 ff.; defends his orthodoxy, 422-424; nominated at Baltimore, 427; letter of acceptance, 428; personal canvass, 429-439; on election of Lincoln, 439 ff.; and Crittenden compromise, 446-448; speech of January 3, 1861, 449 ff.; efforts for peace, 448, 452, 453; offers fugitive slave bill, 454; and Mason, 454-455; and Wigfall, 455-456; fears the Blairs, 461; opinion of President-elect, 461; and Lincoln, 462-463; at inauguration, 464; and the inaugural, 466-468; on reinforcement of Sumter, 468-469; in the confidence of Lincoln, 469-470; on policy of administration, 471-473; faces war, 474; closeted with Lincoln, April 14, 475-477; press dispatch, 477; first War Democrat, 478; mission in Northwest, 478-480; speech at Bellaire, 480-482; speech at Columbus, 482-483; speech at Springfield, 483-485; speech at Chicago, 485-487; premonitions of war, 487-488; last illness and death, 488-489. _Personal traits_: Physical appearance, 22-23, 69, 294-295, 364-365; limitations upon his culture, 36-37, 119-120, 215-217, 270-272; his indebtedness to Southern associations, 147-148, 317-318; advocate rather than judge, 70-71, 121-122, 177-181, 270-272, 321; liberal in religion, 263, 317; retentive memory, 319-320; his impulsiveness, 320; his generosity of temper, 320; his loyalty to friends, 267-268, 318-319; his prodigality in pecuniary matters, 309-310; his domestic relations, 317; the man and the politician, 270-272. _As a party leader_: early interest in politics, 8, 10; schooling in politics, 18-19; his talent as organizer, 25 ff.; 39 ff., 47-50; secret of his popularity, 318-319; his partisanship, 324. _As a statesman_: readiness in debate, 320; early manner of speaking, 70 ff.; later manner, 251-252, 294-297; insight into value of the public domain, 36, 311-312; belief in territorial expansion, 100, 107-108; his Chauvinism, 87-88, 97-98, 101-103, 199, 211-214; his statecraft, 100, 107-108, 174-181, 270-272, 314-315; abhorrence of civil war, 449-451, 484-487; love of the Union, 324, 436-437, 481, 484, 489.

Douglass, Benajah, grandfather of Stephen A. Douglas, 4-5.

Douglass, Sally Fisk, mother of Stephen A. Douglas, 5.

Douglass, Stephen A., father of Stephen A. Douglas, 5.

Douglass, William, ancestor of Stephen A. Douglas, 4.

Dred Scott decision, Douglas on, 321-323, 356, 359-360, 372-373, 377; Lincoln on, 353, 357, 361, 376-377.

Duncan, Joseph, 50, 60.

Election Law of 1842, 73; Douglas on, 74-75.

Elections, State and local, 22, 29, 50, 61, 158-159, 267; congressional, 44, 67, 73-76, 83, 115-116, 207, 267; senatorial, 62, 117, 207, 208 _n._, 268-269, 391-392; presidential, 50, 306, 440-441.

English bill, reported, 343; opposed by Douglas, 345-346; passed, 347.

Everett, Edward, 256, 429.

Fessenden, William P., 473-474.

Field, Alexander P., 52.

Fillmore, Millard, 280.

Fitch, Graham N., 335, 336.

Fitzpatrick, Benjamin, 428.

Foote, Henry S., on Abolitionism, 124-125; and Douglas, 126; offers finality resolution, 197.

Ford, Thomas, 61, 90, 154.

Forney, John W., 305, 437; on Douglas and Lincoln, 480.

Fort Pickens, question of evacuating, 468 ff.

Fort Sumter, occupation advised, 442; occupied, 451; abortive attempt to reinforce, 452; question of evacuating, 468 ff.; attack upon, 474; capitulation of, 475.

Francis, Simeon, 46.

Frémont, John C., 280.

Freeport doctrine, foreshadowed, 322, 359-360; stated, 372-373; analyzed by Lincoln, 376-377; effect upon South, 381-382; denounced in Senate, 397 ff.; defended in _Harper's Magazine_, 405-409.

Free-Soil party, convention of, 132; holds balance of power in House, 133; in Illinois, 158-160.

Fugitive Slave Law, passed, 187; not voted upon by Douglas, 188; defended by Douglas, 191-194; violations of, 194-195; repeal proposed, 195; attitude of South, 195; Lincoln on, 371; evasions of, 445-446; supplementary law proposed by Douglas, 454.

Fusion party, in Illinois, 264 ff. _See_ Republican party.

Galena alien case, 47, 48, 54.

Granger, Gehazi, 9.

Great Britain, animus of Douglas toward, concerning Oregon, 88, 93-94, 97, 101, 102; concerning Central America, 211-213, 215-216; 217.

Great Western Railroad Company, 168.

Greeley, Horace, and Douglas, 320, 348; favors re-election of Douglas, 349.

Green, James S., 333, 335, 338, 401, 457.

Greenhow's _History of the Northwest Coast of North America_, 94, 95.

Grimes, James W., 446.

Guthrie, James, 420, 427.

Hale, John P., 124, 138, 186.

Hall, Willard P., 223-224.

Hannegan, Edward A., 103-104.

Hardin, John J., 21-22, 27, 91, 92.

_Harper's Magazine_, essay by Douglas in, 405 ff.

Harris, Thomas L., 265.

Helper's _Impending Crisis_, 412-413.

Herndon, William H., Lincoln's law partner, 351.

Hise, Elijah, drafts treaty, 210.

Hoge, Joseph B., 118.

Homestead bill of Douglas, 311.

Honduras and its dependencies, claimed by Great Britain, 209-211.

Howe, Henry, 9.

Hunter, R.M.T., 420, 446.

Illinois and Michigan Canal, lands granted to, 31; Douglas and construction of, 32-33; probable influence upon settlement, 154.

Illinois Central Railroad, inception of, 168; project taken up by Douglas, 169-170; bill for land grant to, 170; legislative history of, 171-173; larger aspects of, 174 ff.; in the campaign of 1858, 382.

Illinois _Republican_, attack upon office of, 37-38.

Illinois _State Register_, on Douglas, 46, 81-82; and Springfield clique, 61-62; editorial by Douglas in, 149-150; forecast of Nebraska legislation, 228.

Indian claims, in Nebraska, 220, 222-225, 238-239.

Internal Improvements, agitation in Illinois, 29-30; Douglas on, 30-31.

Iverson, Alfred, 443, 444.

Jackson, Andrew, 16, 20; defended by Douglas, 69-72, 78; and Douglas, 81-82.

Jacksonville, Illinois, early home of Douglas, 14 ff.

Johnson, Hadley D., 226, 238-239.

Johnson, Herschel V., 428.

Johnson, Thomas, 225, 226.

Judiciary bill, in Illinois legislature, 54-56, 59.

Kansas, first settlers in, 283; colonists of Emigrant Aid Company in, 283; defect in organic act of, 284; first elections in, 284 ff.; invasion by Missourians, 286; first territorial legislature, 286-287; Topeka convention and free State legislature, 288; sack of Lawrence, 299; raid of John Brown, 299; convention elected, 325; free State party in control of legislature, 326; Lecompton convention, 326-327; vote on constitution, 337-338; land ordinance rejected, 347.

Kansas-Nebraska bill, origin of, 236-239; in Democratic caucus, 243-245; wording criticised, 245; amended, 246, 248, 249, 250; passes to third reading in Senate, 250; course in House, 254-255; defeat of Clayton amendment, 255-256; passes Senate, 256; becomes law, 256; arouses North, 256 ff.; popular sovereignty in, 281-282.

King, William F., 172.

Knowlton, Caleb, 9.

Know-Nothing party, origin, 262; denounced by Douglas, 263; in Northwest, 263-264; nominates Fillmore, 280.

Kossuth, Louis, reception of, 199 ff.

Lamborn, Josiah, 16.

Lane, James H., in Kansas, 287-288.

Lane, Joseph, 205, 428.

Lecompton constitution, origin, 326-327; denounced by Douglas, 329 ff.; vote upon, 337; submitted to Congress, 338; bill to admit Kansas with, 343.

Lee, Robert E., 482.

Letcher, John, 480.

Liberty party, 116, 158.

Lincoln, Abraham, in Illinois legislature, 32 _n._; leader of "the Long Nine," 34; debate with Douglas (1839), 46; on Douglas, 46; elected to Congress, 116; debate with Douglas (1854), 265-266; "the Peoria Truce," 266 _n._; candidate for Senate, 268-269; Republican nominee for Senate (1858), 350; early career, 351; personal traits, 351-352; addresses Republican convention, 352-353; hears Douglas in Chicago, 354; replies to Douglas, 357-358; speech at Springfield, 361; proposes joint debates, 362; personal appearance, 364-365; debate at Ottawa, 365-370; Freeport debate, 370-375; debate at Jonesboro, 375-378; debate at Charleston, 378-381; resources, 382; debate at Galesburg, 383-386; debate at Quincy, 386-388; debate at Alton, 388-390; defeated, 392; in Ohio, 410-411; presidential candidate, 425; elected, 440-441; enters Washington, 461; and advisers, 461, 462; confers with Douglas, 463-464; inauguration, 464; address, 464-466; defended by Douglas, 466 ff.; consults Douglas, 469-470; not generally known, 471; decides to provision Sumter, 474; calls for troops, 475; confers with Douglas, 476-477, 478; last interview with Douglas, 479.

Logan, Stephen T., 23.

"Lord Coke's Assembly," 53, 55.

McClernand, John A., 51, 55, 119, 182.

McConnell, Murray, 14, 48.

McRoberts, Samuel, 42.

Marble, Mary Ann, wife of William Douglass, 4.

Marble, Thomas, ancestor of Stephen A. Douglas, 4.

Marshall, Edward C., 203.

Martin, Colonel Robert, 145; plantations of, 146; will of, 148-149.

Mason, James M., 454, 455, 469.

Matteson, Joel A., 268-269; letter of Douglas to, 313-314.

May, William L., 40.

Mexico, Slidell's mission to, 109; dictatorship in, 111; treaty with Texas, 111-112; territory lost by, 116, 117; treaty of 1848, 123.

Mexican War, announced by Polk, 105, 109; defended by Douglas, 109-112, 116-117; appointments in, 114, 117; terminated, 123.

Minnesota bill, to organize territorial government, 142; to admit State, 340.

Minnesota Block, Douglas residence in Washington, 337, 488.

Missouri Compromise, and annexation of Texas, 89-90; and organization of Oregon, 130; and organization of Mexican cession, 131, 133; and organization of Nebraska, 221, 230-231, 232-233, 235; repeal agitated by Atchison, 235-236; repealed, 237 ff.; declared unconstitutional, 321-322.

Monroe doctrine, debated in Senate, 211-214.

Moore, John, 60.

Mormons, settle in Illinois, 57-58; politics of, 58-61; disorders in Hancock County, 90-91; advised to emigrate, 91; removal, 92; in Utah, 220.

Morris, Edward J., 96.

Mosquito protectorate, 209, 210-211.

Nashville convention (1844), 81.

_National Era_, occasions controversy in Senate, 124.

Native American party, 262. _See_ Know-Nothing party.

Nauvoo, settled by Mormons, 57; charter repealed, 90; evacuated, 92.

Nauvoo Legion, 58.

Nebraska, first bill to organize, 95; second bill, 142; bill for military colonization of, 221; third bill, 223-224; Dodge bill, 228; report of Douglas on, 239 ff.; new bill reported, 231; bill printed, 232; manuscript of, 233. _See_ Kansas-Nebraska bill.

Negro equality, Douglas on, 275-276, 356-357, 384; Lincoln on, 358, 361, 368, 379, 385.

New England Emigrant Aid Company, 283.

New Mexico, slavery in, 127 ff.; Clayton compromise, 130; controversy in Congress, 130-131; Polk's policy, 133; Douglas's statehood bills, 134-137; Taylor's policy, 166; Clay's resolutions, 176; territorial bill for, 181-183; in the Omnibus, 184-186; organized, 187.

New York _Times_, supports Lincoln (1858), 382; on Douglas, 411, 429, 436, 470.

New York _Tribune_, on Douglas, 332, 348, 403.

_Niles' Register_, cited as a source, 112.

Non-intervention, principle of, Cass on, 128; in Clayton compromise, 130; Douglas on, 138-139; in compromise of 1850, 181-187, 189-190; in Kansas-Nebraska legislation, 230-231, 236, 243-249, 289-292, 397-402.

"Old Fogyism," 200.

Oregon, emigration from Illinois to, 93; "re-occupation" of, 94; international status of, 94-95; Douglas on, 96-98; Polk's policy toward, 98-99; bill to protect settlers in, 101; and treaty with Great Britain, 103, 106; bills to organize, 106, 108, 129; Clayton compromise, 130; organized, 131.

Pacific Railroad, and organization of Nebraska, 222-224, 238-239.

Parker, Nahum, 8.

Parker, Theodore, on Douglas, 393.

Party organizations, beginnings of, in Illinois, 25-27, 38-42, 49-50; efficiency of, 65-66, 79, 103; sectional influence upon, 158-160; institutional character of, 157-158, 260-262.

Payne, Henry B., 418-419.

Peace Convention, 453; resolution of, 463.

Peck, Ebenezer, 26, 56.

Personal Liberty Acts, 445, 454.

Pierce, Franklin, presidential candidacy, 204-205; approves Kansas-Nebraska bill, 237-238; signs Kansas-Nebraska bill, 256; opinion on slavery extension, 256 _n._; candidacy at Cincinnati, 276-277.

Political parties, and annexation of Texas, 84; and Mexican War, 109; and slavery in Territories, 127-129; and election of 1848, 132-133; in Illinois, 157-158; and Free-Soilers, 158 ff.; and compromise of 1850, 195; nationalizing influence of, 260-262; decline of Whigs, 262; rise of Know-Nothings, 262; and Nebraska Act, 264 ff.; rise of Republican party, 273-274; and "Bleeding Kansas," 294, 299-302, 304-306; and Lecomptonism, 332 ff.; possible re-alignment of, 348-349; and Lincoln-Douglas contest, 349-350, 381-382, 393; and Freeport doctrine, 397-402, 413-414; and issues of 1860, 415 ff.; and election of 1860, 440-441.

Polk, James K., presidential candidacy, 70; indorsed by Douglas, 80; inaugural of, 98; on Oregon, 99; negotiates with Great Britain, 103-104; war message of, 105; and Douglas, 105-106; announces Oregon treaty, 106; covets California, 109; and appointments, 114, 118-119; urges indemnity, 127; and slavery in Territories, 131; proposes territorial governments, 133; proposes statehood bills, 135.

Popular sovereignty, doctrine anticipated, 89; phrase coined, 253; in Kansas-Nebraska Act, 281-282; tested in Kansas, 283 ff.; and Dred Scott decision, 322; and Lecompton constitution, 326-327; defended by Douglas, 329-332, 338-340, 342-343; indorsed by Seward, 348; debated by Lincoln and Douglas, 355, 357, 359-360, 372-373, 376-377; denounced by South, 397 ff.; defended in _Harper's Magazine_ 405-409; ridiculed by Black, 409-410; operates against slavery, 410-411, 429; Douglas urges further concessions to, 457, 459-460.

Powell, Lazarus W., 446.

Public lands, granted to Illinois for canal, 31; Douglas and administration of, 35-36; squatters and land leagues, 163-164; granted to Illinois Central, 170 ff.; granted to Indians, 220; and proposed military colonies, 221; and proposed Pacific railroad, 222-224; in Kansas, 283-285; Douglas and proper distribution of, 311-313.

Pugh, George E., and Lecompton constitution, 335; and English bill, 347; 413; speech in Charleston convention, 419-420; and Douglas, 422, 424.

Ralston, J.H., 58.

Raymond, Henry J., editor of New York _Times_, 436.

Reapportionment Act of 1843, 64, 65.

Reeder, A.H., governor of Kansas, 284; and elections, 285, 286; joins free State party, 287; chosen senator at Topeka, 288.

Reid, David S., 145, 146.

Republican party, rise of, in Illinois, 264 ff.; elections of 1854, 269; origin of name, 273; composition of, 273-274; Philadelphia convention, 279-280; and "Bleeding Kansas," 304-305; opposes Lecomptonism, 334; Chicago convention, 421; nominates Lincoln, 425; elections of 1860, 437, 440-441.

Resolution of Illinois Legislature, presented in Senate, 139-140; origin, 159-160; controls Douglas (1850), 184.

Rice, Henry M., 446.

Richardson, William A., on House Committee on Territories, 182; steers Kansas-Nebraska bill through House, 254-255; in Cincinnati convention, 277; candidate for governor, 305; in Charleston convention, 416 ff.; in Baltimore convention, 427; forecasts election, 429.

Richmond, Dean, 426.

River and harbor improvements, Douglas on, 77-78, 313-314. _See also_ Internal Improvements.

Robinson, Charles, leader of free State party in Kansas, 287, 288.

Roman Church, Adèle Cutts an adherent of, 317; attitude of Douglas toward, 317.

Sangamo _Journal_, on Caucus system, 28; on Douglas, 41.

Santa Anna, treaty with Texas, 111, 112.

Scott, Winfield, 482.

Secession, apprehended, 442; of South Carolina, 447; of Cotton States, 452; and border States, 474.

Seward, William H., and Douglas, 251; loses Republican nomination, 425; on committee of thirteen, 453; and the Blairs, 461, 462.

Shadrach rescue, 194.

Shannon, Wilson, governor of Kansas, 288.

Sheahan, James W., biographer of Douglas, 218, 416; editor of Chicago _Times_, 305.

Sheridan, James B., 438.

Shields, James, senator from Illinois, 171; and Illinois Central Railroad, 175; fails of re-election, 267 ff.

Slavery, in North Carolina, 147-148; in Illinois, 155-156, 178, 242-243; in Kansas, 287, 298; Nebraska bill not designed to extend, 234; Douglas on extension of, 179-180, 243; peonage, 186; Douglas on, 126, 311, 388, 390, 415; Lincoln on, 351, 352, 358, 361, 368-369, 379, 381, 385, 386, 390.

Slave-trade, revival proposed, 403, 421; condemned by Douglas, 403-404.

Slidell, John, mission to Mexico, 109; seeks Douglas's defeat (1858), 381-382, 391; project to purchase Cuba, 396; at Charleston, 417.

Smith, Joseph, on Douglas, 58-59; to Mormon voters, 59-60; on polygamy, 90; murdered, 90.

Smith, Theophilus W., 48, 54, 55.

Smithsonian Institution, foundation of, 310; Douglas on board of Regents, 310.

Snyder, Adam W., 59, 60.

Southern Rights advocates, 194.

Spoils system, countenanced by Douglas, 198, 207.

Springfield Resolutions, in Lincoln-Douglas debates, 366-367, 368, 369, 370, 374.

"Squatter sovereignty," Cass and Dickinson on, 128; favored by Douglas, 138-139; genesis of, 161 ff.; explained by Douglas, 184-185; and compromise of 1850, 189-190. _See_ Popular sovereignty.

Squier, E.G., drafts treaty, 210.

"Star of the West," sent to Sumter, 452.

Stephens, Alexander H., and annexation of Texas, 89; and territorial bills (1850), 181-182.

Stowe, Harriet B., description of Douglas, 295-296.

Stuart, Charles E., 335, 347.

Stuart, John T., lawyer, 23; Douglas's opponent (1838), 42-44; Whig politician, 50, 58.

Sumner, Charles, and Fugitive Slave Act, 195; on Kansas, 294, 296; altercation with Douglas, 296-298; assaulted, 298; foe to compromise, 463.

Tariff, views of Douglas on, 314-315.

Taylor, Zachary, in Mexican War, 109, 114; nominated for presidency, 132; message, 166.

Texas, as campaign issue, 84; Douglas on annexation of, 85; and slavery, 89; and Missouri Compromise, 90; joint resolution adopted, 90; admitted, 100-101; and Mexican boundary, 110-114, 122-123; and New Mexico boundary, 176, 187.

"The Third House," 53, 54.

Toombs, Robert, 189, 190; Kansas bill, 300; 303, 340; on committee of thirteen, 446.

Trumbull, Lyman, senator from Illinois, 268-269; Democracy questioned, 274-275; on Kansas, 294; on Toombs bill, 302; opposes Douglas, 349.

Tyler, John, 79 _n._; 84.

Urquhart, J.D., Douglas's law partner, 45.

Utah, territorial organization of, 181-187; Mormons in, 220; polygamy and intervention in, 401.

Van Buren, Martin, nominated by Free-Soilers, 132.

Wade, Benjamin F., 269, 272, 338, 446, 458, 463.

Walker, Cyrus, 45, 58.

Walker, Isaac P., 140, 174.

Walker, Robert J., governor of Kansas, 325.

Washington _Sentinel_, prints Nebraska bill, 232.

Washington Territory, organization of, 224.

Washington _Union_, on Douglas, 207; forecast of Nebraska legislation, 228; supports Kansas-Nebraska bill, 240; assails Douglas, 341, 381.

Webster, Daniel, on the Constitution, 140.

Whig party, convention of 1848, 132; campaign of 1852, 207; decline, 260-262; nominates Fillmore, 280.

Whitney, Asa, 222.

Wigfall, Louis T., 455-456, 468.

Wilmot proviso, 107, 117, 128, 132.

Wilson, Henry, Republican leader, 348; favors re-election of Douglas, 349; foe to compromise, 463, 473-474.

Winthrop, Robert C., 86.

Wood, Fernando, 418.

Wyandot Indians, memorial of, 222, 223.

Wyatt, John, 21-22.

Yancey, William L., resolution of, 132; speech in Charleston convention, 419.

Yates, Richard, 265.

"Young America," 198, 200, 214.

Young, Brigham, 91.

Young, Richard M., 62, 118, 119.

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"It does not pretend to be an analysis of the individual, and it was not written with the intention of advocating or criticising his political policies. It was meant to be a simple, straightforward, yet complete biography of the most interesting personality of our day. Its aim is to present a life of action by portraying the varied dramatic scenes in the career of a man who still has the enthusiasm of a boy, and whose energy and faith have illustrated before the world the spirit of Young America."--_From the Author's Foreword_.

"The book can go into home or school, north or south, without the possibility of offence.... It is especially tonic for high school youth and college young men. I doubt if any book has been written that will do as much for students as will this story of a real life.... Buy it, read it, and tell others to read it."--_Journal of Education_.

"In point of style the work is a masterpiece of vivid, forceful, sinewy, Anglo-Saxon. The story never halts, one is never irritated by floridity and gush."--_Boston Traveler_.

"Whether or not a reader believes in Mr. Roosevelt's policies, we doubt if he can fail, after reading Mr. Morgan's book, to be a better American."--_Sacred Heart Review_.

"It is a book which boys will delight to read, and which they cannot read without feeling the potent charm of what is wholesomest, manliest, worthiest, in man or boy."--_Chicago Tribune_.

"The book is as readable as a novel and the story it tells is packed with inspiration for American boys."--_Hamilton Wright Mabie_.

THE MACMILLAN COMPANY

PUBLISHERS, 64-66 Fifth Avenue, NEW YORK

_"Unquestionably the Final Edition" of_

The Life and Letters of Benjamin Franklin

Edited by ALBERT H. SMYTH, late Professor of English Language and Literature in the Central High School, Philadelphia. In ten volumes with twenty portraits.

_Special limited edition, $30.00 net._ _Eversley edition, $15.00 net._

"The volume closes with a copy of Franklin's will and a series of remarkably complete indexes, rendering the contents of all the volumes easily accessible from several different points of view. The whole work bears evidences of painstaking care and devotion to the task for its own sake. It is incomparably the best and most complete edition of Franklin's writings in existence, containing all that is worth preserving, while in arrangement, editorial treatment, and mechanical workmanship it leaves nothing to be desired. The set is certain to have an irresistible attraction for admirers of Franklin and for lovers of well-made books."--_Record-Herald_, Chicago.

"'Franklin's writings are his best biography.' To few has it been given to tell their own story so frankly and so fully, and with shrewd wisdom and such unfailing humor. We have already, on several occasions, described this excellent edition of Franklin, the fullest, the most accurate that we have ever had."--_Churchman._

"Some interesting notes regarding the twenty rare Franklin portraits that have appeared in these volumes are given in the preface to Volume X. The most interesting portrait is the one appearing as the final volume frontispiece, a photogravure of the painting that originally belonged to Franklin, which was taken from his home in Philadelphia during the British occupation, and after the lapse of 130 years was presented to the United States by Earl Gray. It was painted in London in 1759 by Benjamin Wilson, and is now in the White House at Washington."--_Boston Transcript._

THE MACMILLAN COMPANY Sixty-four and Sixty-six Fifth Avenue, NEW YORK