Speeches of Benjamin Harrison, Twenty-third President of the United States
Part 54
It is not my privilege to call you neighbors, but I am sure I may call you friends. This journey in Vermont is crowned to-night by a reception and a good-by that is surpassingly brilliant and artistic in its preparation and one that I have never seen exceeded. But above all this, I have been able here in Proctor to witness in its best manifestation that which I have seen elsewhere in New England and especially in Vermont--a community of workers, men industriously pursuing mechanical avocations and doing it under conditions of the greatest possible comfort. As I look upon these homes in which you dwell and contrast them with the wretchedness of the crowded tenement-houses of our great cities; as I inhale to-night the bracing air of these mountains, and as my eye has looked to-day upon their green summits, I have said how happy is the lot of that man and that woman who work in one of these bright, wholesome New England villages. [Applause.] It has seemed to me that the relation of our mutual friend who has inaugurated and developed these works in which many of you find employment was that of a public benefactor and a personal friend. [Applause.] The simplicity and naturalness of his own life among you, his ready appreciation of the loyalty and intelligence of those who are employed by him, his interest in their success in life, is the ideal relation between the employer and his workmen. [Applause.] I would to God it was always and everywhere so, that when a man is put at a machine he should not be regarded by his employer as a part of it, that the human nature, the aspirations of a man, should still be recognized, and the relations with the employer be that of mutual confidence and helpfulness and respect! [Applause.]
You are sharers in the responsibilities of local government, of the government of your State and of the Nation, of which Vermont is one of the honored members. I am sure that you have pride in the faithful discharge of all these duties. I cannot but feel that our national policy should be in the direction of saving our working people from that condition of hopelessness which comes when wages are barely adequate to the sustenance of animal life. [Applause.] There is no hope for any community where this state of things exists, and there will be no hope for the Nation should it become the general condition of the workingmen of America. That man or woman out of whose heart hope has gone, who sees nothing better in life, before whom the vista of life stretches in one dead level of unending and half-requited toil, that man's estate is calculated to make him reckless in character. It is one of the beneficent conditions of citizenship here that there are no disabilities put in the way of ambitions and the aspiring. I hope it may always be so. I cannot always sympathize with that demand which we hear so frequently for cheap things. Things may be too cheap. They are too cheap when the man who produces them upon the farm or the man or woman who produces them in the factory does not get out of them living wages with a margin for old age and for a dowry for the incidents that are to follow. [Applause.] I pity that man who wants a coat so cheap that the man or woman who produces the cloth or shapes it into a garment shall starve in the process. [Applause.]
I am most profoundly grateful to you, my fellow-citizens, and to my good friend Governor Proctor, for this beautiful demonstration--this magnificent rural welcome which we have had here to-day. It will live always in my memory. I shall carry this community in my thoughts as one of the best types of American neighborhood life. I have found in him a most valuable contribution to the administration of the Government at Washington. [Applause.] You cannot know fully how he has grown into the respect and confidence of all who have been associated with him in the Cabinet and of all our legislators in Congress without distinction of party. I regret that there is some danger that you may reclaim him for Vermont [applause]; yet it is quite natural that it should be so, and I shall do the best I can to get a substitute. The labors of public office at Washington are full of high responsibility and most burdensome toil. No man is endowed with an incapacity to make mistakes. We can, however, all of us, in public or private trust, be sure of our motives. These are our own. We can know whether we are pursuing low and selfish ends or have set before us the general good, the highest good of all our people. Judgment upon what has been done is with you. I am sure only that I have had it in my heart to do that which should in the highest degree promote the prosperity of our people and lift the glorious flag yet higher in the esteem of the world. [Great applause.] We have been endeavoring to open a foreign market for American trade. If these efforts are met, as I trust they will be, by enterprise on the part of our merchants and manufacturers, I do not doubt that the next ten years will see a most gratifying increase in our foreign trade. [Applause.] They should diligently set themselves to the study of the new markets into which their goods may now go. The most intelligent representatives should be sent there, and their goods adapted to the market that is to be supplied. This I have no doubt they will do, and I add the expectation that we shall presently have a most gratifying increase in the American merchant marine. [Applause.]
WASHINGTON, SEPTEMBER 17, 1891.
_The Augusta Exposition._
President Harrison on the above date received at the Executive Mansion a delegation of prominent citizens of Georgia, who extended to him a formal invitation to attend the Augusta Exposition in November. The delegation comprised the following citizens and Exposition directors: Hon. Patrick Walsh, Walter M. Jackson, J. P. Verdery, H. G. Smith, J. L. Gow, C. H. Ballard, J. J. Doughty, W. A. Garrett, G. J. Howard, W. H. Landrum, J. E. Barton, W. E. Keener, Percy Burum, J. P. Bones, J. M. Cranston, Crawford Mays, Maurice Walton, L. J. Henry, T. R. Gibson, P. J. O'Connor, Jules Rival, Joseph Ganahl, Jr., W. H. Barrett, Jr., P. A. Stovall, W. E. Platt, A. J. Gouley, Frank X. Dorr, and Hon. J. C. Clements.
Chairman Walsh, on behalf of the committee, made the invitation address, to which the President, responding, said:
_Gentlemen_--I recall with pleasure the visit made by some of your representatives. I think I have repeatedly, on every suitable occasion, especially during my recent visit to the South, expressed my sincere hope of the development of those marvellous resources so long hidden from sight, but now about to be opened up. I had occasion to say then that you would realize the advantage of combining manufactures with agriculture. The old system made of Georgia a plantation State. I would not have it less so. But you may still develop other industries without destroying the surface of the country. There is no competition between these industries; one does not supersede the other. The farmer still has his near market for some products that will not bear transportation. Out of this diversity I think the highest development will come. Recently I made a trip through New England and was deeply impressed with the numerous industries and small factories showing in little places, where the lives and homes of the workmen were so much cleaner and purer than in the great cities, and this was made possible by the great diversity of small interests. In Vermont I came upon a busy little factory surrounded by cottages in the midst of the hills. I was told that the proprietor made stethoscopes, and out of a small beginning had built up a great trade. These little things make happy homes; bring money, trade, and development. I am greatly interested in these things, and I would be very happy to see this development in Alabama and Georgia as in any Northern State. We all wish it. Whether I can be with you or not I cannot now say. I have a good many very important matters demanding attention from now on to the meeting of Congress. Some are home matters of importance and some are foreign. Looking back over the last year, it would seem probable that there was a conspiracy among the powers to see that those in responsible places should have no rest. Many of these things must now come to my personal attention. If I cannot be with you, you will know that my heart is with you. If I can I will come, but the time now being so close to the meeting of Congress it is doubtful.
WASHINGTON, D. C., OCTOBER 17, 1891.
The Ecumenical Conference of the Methodist Church convened in the Metropolitan Church at Washington, D. C., on October 7, 1891. Rt. Rev. Thomas Bowman, Senior Bishop of the Church in America, presided at the opening, and Rev. William Arthur, M.A., of London, delivered the inaugural sermon. It was in every respect the greatest assembly in the history of Methodism.
Among a few of the distinguished preachers and orators from abroad were: Rev. T. B. Stephenson, D.D., LL.D., Rev. Hugh Price Hughes, M.A., Rev. John Bond, Rev. F. W. Bourne, Rev. J. Ernest Clapham, and Rev. David J. Waller, D.D., all of London. The following Washingtonians comprised the Committee on Reception: Bishop J. F. Hurst, D.D.; Rev. G. H. Corey, D.D., Chairman; Rev. C. W. Baldwin, Rev. J. H. Becket, Rev. J. W. E. Bowen, Rev. T. E. Carson, Rev. R. H. G. Dyson, Rev. George Elliott, Rev. S. R. Murray, Rev. C. H. Phillips, Rev. J. A. Price, Rev. E. S. Todd, Rev. L. T. Widerman, Rev. J. T. Wightman, Rev. L. B. Wilson, Alexander Ashley, E. S. Atkinson, W. S. Birch, Gen. Cyrus Bussey, J. F. Chestnut, D. S. Cissell, Robert Cohen, George Compton, L. A. Cornish, G. S. Deering, Robert Dunn, A. B. Duval, Hon. M. G. Emery, Prof. Edgar Frisbie, D. B. Groff, T. A. Harding, Gen. S. S. Henkle, W. H. Houghton, W. J. Hutchinson, Thomas Jarvis, B. F. Leighton, William Mayse, H. B. Moulton, Hon. Hiram Price, B. Robinson, W. J. Sibley, T. B. Stahl, B. H. Stinemetz, H. L. Strang, G. W. F. Swartzell, Frederick Tasker, J. S. Topham, L. H. Walker, E. S. Wescott, J. B. Wilson, and W. R. Woodward.
On the tenth day of the Conference, President Harrison, escorted by Rev. Dr. J. M. King, Secretary, and Rev. Dr. Corey, the pastor of Metropolitan Church, attended the session. Other distinguished visitors were Secretary of the Treasury Foster, Secretary of the Interior Noble, and Sir Julian Pauncefote, the British Minister.
The chief essay of the session was delivered by Mr. Thomas Snape, of Liverpool, upon the topic of the day, "International Arbitration," a subject which made the presence of the President and the British envoy particularly appropriate.
As the President ascended to the pulpit, all the delegates and the great audience instantly arose. The presiding officer of the day, Rev. T. G. Williams, of Montreal, presented the distinguished visitor, who was received with prolonged applause, in which the English delegates led.
President Harrison then addressed the Conference as follows:
_Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Conference_--I come here this morning to make an expression of my respect and esteem for this great body of delegates assembled from all the countries of the world, and much more to give a manifestation of my respect and love for that greater body of Christian men and women for whom you stand. Every Ecumenical Conference is a distinct step in the direction, not only of the unification of the Church, but of the unification of the human race.
Assembling from countries unlike in their civil institutions, from churches not wholly in accord as to doctrine or church order, you come together to find that the unlikeness is not so great as you had thought, and to find your common sympathies and common purposes greater and larger than you had thought--large enough presently to overspread and to extinguish all these transitory lines of division.
I am glad to know that as followers of Wesley, whose hymns we sing, you have been in consultation as to the methods by which these minor divisions among you might be obliterated. It is the natural order that subdivisions should be wiped out before the grand divisions of the Church can be united. [Applause.] Who does not greatly rejoice that the controversial clash of the churches is less than it once was; that we hear more of the Master and His teachings of love and duty than of hair-splitting theological differences? [Applause.]
Many years ago, while visiting in Wisconsin, when Sunday came around I went with some friends to the little Methodist church in an adjoining village. The preacher undertook to overturn my Presbyterianism. [Laughter and applause.] An irreverent friend who sat beside me as the young man delivered his telling blows against Calvinism was constantly emphasizing the points made by nudging me with his elbow. [Laughter.] Now I am glad to say that very often since then I have worshipped in Methodist churches, and that is the last experience of that kind I have had. [Applause]
You have to-day as the theme of discussion the subject of international arbitration; and this being a public, or, in a large sense of the word, a political question, perhaps makes my presence here as an officer of the United States especially appropriate. [Applause.]
It is a curious incident that some days ago, and before I was aware of the theme or the occasion which we have here this morning, I had appointed this afternoon to visit the great gun foundry of the United States at the navy yard. Things have come in their proper sequence. I am here at this arbitration meeting before I go to the gun factory. [Laughter.]
This subject is one that has long attracted the attention, and I think I may say has, perhaps, as greatly attracted the interest and adherence of the United States as that of any other Christian power in the world. [Applause.]
It is known to you all that in the recent conference of the American states at Washington the proposition was distinctly made and adopted by the representatives of all, or nearly all, of the governments of America that, as applied to this hemisphere, all international disputes should be settled by arbitration. [Applause.]
Of course there are limitations as yet, in the nature of things, to the complete and general adoption of such a scheme. It is quite possible to apply arbitration to a dispute as to a boundary line; it is quite impossible, it seems to me, to apply it to a case of international feud. If there is present a disposition to subjugate, an aggressive spirit to seize territory, a spirit of national aggrandizement that does not stop to consider the rights of other men and other people--to such a case and to such a spirit international arbitration has none, or, if any, a remote and difficult application.
It is for a Christian sentiment, manifesting itself in a nation, to remove forever such causes of dispute; and then what remains will be the easy subject of adjustment by fair international arbitration. But I had not intended to enter into a discussion of this great theme, for the setting forth of which you have appointed those who have given it special attention. Let me, therefore, say simply this: that for myself--temporarily in a place of influence in this country--and much more for the great body of its citizenship, I express the desire of America for peace with the whole world. [Applause.] It would have been vain to suggest the pulling down of block-houses or family disarmament to the settlers on a hostile Indian frontier. They would have told you rightly that the conditions were not ripe. And so it may be and is probably true that a full application of the principle is not presently possible, the devil still being unchained. [Laughter.]
We will have our gun foundries, and possibly will best promote the settlement of international disputes by arbitration, by having it understood that if the appeal is to a fiercer tribunal we shall not be out of the debate. [Great applause.] There is a unity of the Church and of humanity, and the lines of progress are the same.
It is by this great Christian sentiment, characterized not only by a high sense of justice, but by a spirit of love and forbearance, mastering the civil institutions and governments of the world, that we shall approach universal peace and adopt arbitration methods of settling disputes. [Applause.]
Let me thank you, Mr. Chairman, and you, gentlemen of this Conference, for the privilege of standing before you for a moment, and for this most cordial welcome which you have given to me. I beg to express again my high appreciation of the character of this delegation and the membership of the great Church from which you come, and to wish that in your remaining deliberations and in your journeys to far-distant homes you may have the guidance and care of that God whom we all revere and worship. [Applause.]
AMERICAN TIN PLATE, OCTOBER 23.
While the gubernatorial campaign in Ohio was in progress and Major McKinley was making his famous race, the question as to the successful manufacture of tin plate in the United States was one of the leading issues of the day. At this juncture W. C. Cronemyer, of the United States Iron and Steel Tin Plate Works, at Demmler, Pa., sent President Harrison a box of tin plate manufactured at the Demmler works, and received in return the following interesting letter, which was given wide publicity at the time:
EXECUTIVE MANSION, October 19, 1891.
MY DEAR SIR--I have your letter of October 15, and also a box of bright tin plate which you send as a specimen of the product being turned out by the United States Iron and Tin Plate Company. I have no skill in determining the character of this work; but, to the eye, it seems to be eminently satisfactory, and I thank you for this evidence that a new industry has been established in the United States.
I cannot quite understand how an American can doubt that we have the mechanical skill and business sagacity to establish successfully here the manufacture of tin plate. No other country, certainly, surpasses us in the inventive genius of its citizens or in the business sagacity of its capitalists. It is surprising to me that any patriotic American should approach this question with a desire to see this great and interesting experiment fail, or with an unwillingness to accept the evidences of its success. It will be a great step in the direction of commercial independence when we produce our own tin plate.
It seems to me that nothing, unless it be a lack of faith in the maintenance of the present law, can thwart this desirable achievement. I can understand how our success should be doubted and our failure accepted with satisfaction in Wales, but I cannot understand how any American can take that view of the question or why he should always approach every evidence of the successful establishment of this industry in this country with a disposition to discredit it and reject it. If the great experiment is to fail, our own people should not add to the mortification of failure the crime of rejoicing in it.
Very truly yours, BENJAMIN HARRISON.
WASHINGTON, NOVEMBER 14 AND DECEMBER 9, 1891.
_The Chilian Imbroglio._
In January, 1891, civil war broke out in the republic of Chili between the Congressional forces and the established Government under President Balmaceda. Deeds of cruelty signalized the conflict, which continued until August 28, when the insurgent forces landed near Valparaiso and, after a bloody engagement, captured that city. President Balmaceda became a fugitive, and a few weeks later committed suicide, by shooting, at the residence of Señor Uribirru, the Argentine Minister.
During the conduct of the war, the _Itata_, an armed vessel, commanded by an officer of the Chilian insurgent fleet, was seized under process of the United States Court at San Diego, Cal., for a violation of the neutrality laws. This seizure and the subsequent escape, surrender, and return of the _Itata_, and the strict neutrality observed by the American Minister, Hon. Patrick Egan, and Admiral Brown, commanding the squadron, caused the victorious Chilians to manifest a spirit of animosity toward the Government and people of the United States. This feeling was intensified by the false statements published in the British press, notably the London _Times_, touching the conduct of Admiral Brown and the American Minister, and by the fact that the American Legation, exercising the established right of asylum, opened its doors to several prominent political refugees of the defunct Balmaceda Government.
On October 16, 1891, this hostility culminated in an attack, in the streets of Valparaiso, upon a number of sailors attached to the U. S. cruiser _Baltimore_, who were upon shore leave. These sailors, wearing their uniforms, were assaulted by armed men in different localities in the city; one petty officer was killed outright, and eight seamen seriously wounded, one of whom died a few days later. Many of their stab wounds were in the back. The news of this bloody and unprovoked attack sent a thrill of indignation across the American continent, and it was felt that the deadly insult must be atoned in blood. The war feeling was not lessened by the impudent tone of the reply from the Chilian Minister of Foreign Affairs. American indignation subsided somewhat pending a judicial inquiry into the attack, but the determination to expiate the insult had in no degree abated when, on November 14, Señor Don Pedro Montt was presented to President Harrison as the newly accredited Chilian Minister to the United States.
The reception of a new Minister is ordinarily a very formal and uninteresting affair, but the circumstances narrated--with the two governments apparently on the verge of war--lent an unusual interest to this official meeting; and the President's remarks, characterized by his usual frankness and firmness, called forth the approval of the whole Nation.
The Minister was accompanied by Señors Anibal Cruz, Secretary of Legation; Guillermo Arenanetegan and Valentin del Campo, attachés. After the formal introductions by Secretary Blaine, Señor Montt addressed the President in Spanish as follows:
_Mr. President_--I have the honor to present the credentials which accredit me in the capacity of Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the republic of Chili in the United States of North America. The object of the mission which the Government of Chili has confided to me is to cultivate and maintain the relations of peace and friendship between the United States and Chili, which have ever been close and cordial. For the accomplishment of this purpose I rely upon the kindness and good-will which the United States Government has always manifested for the representatives of Chili. Permit me to express my country's sincere wishes for the prosperity and welfare of this noble country, which is so highly favored by Providence, and for your own happiness.
The President, in response, said: