Speeches of Benjamin Harrison, Twenty-third President of the United States
Part 15
The entire business community turned out to greet the visitors as they marched through the city, performing difficult evolutions, under the command of Chief Marshal Vandever and his aids--C. S. Felton, P. H. Brockway, B. F. Horton, Joseph Pomroy, W. H. Haskell, Geo. W. Bristol, A. C. Boyd, Geo. H. Green, and Secretary H. A. Morgan.
General Harrison's appearance was signalized by a remarkable demonstration. Col. H. H. Rude delivered the address on behalf of his associates.
In response General Harrison made one of his best speeches. He said:
_Sir, and Gentlemen of the Republican Commercial Travellers' Association of Chicago_--I bid you welcome to my home. I give you my most ardent thanks for this cordial evidence of your interest in those great principles of government which are advocated by the Republican party, whose candidate I am. I am not unfamiliar with the value, efficiency, and intelligence of the commercial travellers of our country. [Cheers.] The contribution you make to the success of the business communities with which you are identified is large and indispensable. I do not doubt that one of the strongest props of Chicago's commercial greatness would be destroyed if you were withdrawn from the commercial forces of that great city. [Cheers.] The growth and development of Chicago has been one of the most marvellous incidents in the story of American progress. It is gratifying to know that your interest is enlisted in this political campaign. It is very creditable to you that in the rush of the busy industries and pushing trade of your city you have not forgotten that you are American citizens and that you owe service, not to commerce only, but to your country. [Great cheering.] It is gratifying to be assured that you propose to bring your influence into the great civil contest which is now engaging the interest of our people. The intelligence and energy which you give to your commercial pursuits will be a most valuable contribution to our cause. [Cheers.] The power of such a body of men is very great.
I want now to introduce to you for a moment another speaker--an Englishman. Within the last year I have been reading, wholly without any view to politics, the story of our diplomatic relations with England during the Civil War. The motive that most strongly influenced the English mind in its sympathy with the South was the expectancy of free trade with the Confederacy [cries of "That's right!"], and among the most influential publications intended to urge English recognition and aid to the Confederates was a book entitled "The American Union," by James Spence. It was published in 1862, and ran through several editions. Speaking of the South he said:
"No part of the world can be found more admirably placed for exchanging with this country the products of industry to mutual advantage than the Southern States of the Union. Producing in abundance the material we chiefly require, their climate and the habits of the people indispose them to manufactures, and leave to be purchased precisely the commodities we have to sell. They have neither the means nor the desire to enter into rivalry with us. Commercially they offer more than the capabilities of another India within a fortnight's distance from our shores. The capacity of a Southern trade when free from restrictions may be estimated most correctly by comparison. The condition of those States resembles that of Australia, both non-manufacturing countries, with the command of ample productions to offer in exchange for the imports they require."
The author proceeds to show that at the time England's exports to our country were only thirteen shillings per capita of our population, while the exports to Australia were ten pounds sterling per capita. Let me now read you what is said of the Northern States:
"The people of the North, whether manufacturers or ship-owners, regard us as rivals and competitors, to be held back and cramped by all possible means. [Applause and cries of "That's it!"] They possess the same elements as ourselves--coal, metals, ships, an aptitude for machinery, energy and industry--while the early obstacles of deficient capital and scanty labor are rapidly disappearing. [Applause and a voice, "Exactly!"]
"For many years they have competed with us in some manufactures in foreign markets, and their peculiar skill in the contrivance of labor-saving machinery daily increases the number of articles they produce cheaper than ourselves. [Loud cheering and a voice, "We'll knock them out again!"]
"Thus, to one part of the world our exports are at the rate of ten pounds sterling per head, while those to the Union amount to but thirteen shillings per head."
I have read these extracts because they seemed to me very suggestive and very instructive. The South offered free trade to Europe in exchange for an expected recognition of their independence by England and France. [Cries of "You are right!"] The offer was very attractive and persuasive to the ruling classes of England. They took Confederate bonds and sent out armed cruisers to prey upon our commerce. They dallied with Southern agents, fed them with delusive hopes, and thus encouraged the South to protract a hopeless struggle. They walked to the very edge of open war with the United States, forgetful of all the friendly ties that had bound us as nations, and all this to satisfy a commercial greed. We may learn from this how high a price England then set upon free trade with a part only of the States. [A voice, "We remember it!"]
But now the Union has been saved and restored. Men of both armies and of all the States rejoice that England's hope of a commercial dependency on our Southern coast was disappointed. The South is under no stress to purchase foreign help by trade concessions. She will now open her hospitable doors to manufacturing, capital, and skilled labor.
It is not now true that either climate or the habits of her people indispose them to manufactures. Of the Virginias, North Carolina, Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, and Missouri, it may be now said, as Mr. Spence said of the more northern States, "They possess the same elements as ourselves [England]--coal, metals, ships, an aptitude for machinery, energy, and industry--while the early obstacles of deficient capital and scanty labor are rapidly disappearing." And I am sure there is a "New South"--shackled as it is by traditions and prejudices--that is girding itself to take part in great industrial rivalry with England, which Mr. Spence so much deprecates. These great States will no longer allow either Old England or New England to spin and weave their cotton, but will build mills in the very fields where the great staple is gathered. [Applause.] They will no longer leave Pennsylvania without an active rival in the production of iron. They surely will not, if they are at all mindful of their great need and their great opportunity, unite in this crusade against our protected industries.
Our interests no longer run upon sectional lines, and it cannot be good for any part of our country that Mr. Spence's vision of English trade with us should be realized. [Cries of "Never! Never!"] Commerce between the States is working mightily, if silently, to efface all lingering estrangements between our people, and the appeal for the perpetuation of the American system of protection will, I am sure, soon find an answering response among the people of all the States. [Loud cheering.]
I thank you again for this beautiful and cordial demonstration, and will now be glad to meet you personally.
INDIANAPOLIS, SEPTEMBER 25.
The third delegation from Wabash County during the campaign arrived on September 25, a thousand strong, headed by Hon. Jesse Arnold, Col. Homan Depew, Thomas Black, W. D. Caldwell, Obed Way, Thomas McNamee, Rob't Thompson, Wm. Alexander, Robert Wilson, Andrew Egnew, C. S. Haas, W. W. Stewart, W. H. Bent, Robert Stewart, and W. D. Gachenour. Their spokesman was Capt. B. F. Williams. Parke County, Indiana, contributed a large delegation the same day, under the lead of John W. Stryker, Jacob Church, John R. Johnson, A. O. Benson, W. W. McCune, Joseph H. Jordan, and A. A. Hargrave, of Rockville, and 300 school children, in charge of A. R. McMurty. Dr. T. F. Leech was orator for the Parke visitors.
General Harrison spoke as follows:
_My Wabash County Friends and my Little Friends from Parke_--I am very glad to meet you here to-day. My friend who has spoken for Wabash County has very truly said that the relations between me and the Republicans of that county have always been exceedingly cordial. I remember well when I first visited your county in 1860, almost a boy in years, altogether a boy in political experience. I was then a candidate for Reporter of the Decisions of the Supreme Court of this State. You had in one of your own citizens, afterward a distinguished soldier, a candidate for that office in the convention that nominated me, but that did not interfere at all with the cordial welcome from your people when, as the nominee of the party, I came into your county. I think from that day to this my name has never been mentioned in any convention for any office that I have not had almost the unanimous support of the Republicans of Wabash County. [Applause.] This is no new interest which you now manifest to-day. The expressions of your confidence have been very numerous and have been continued through nearly thirty years.
There is one word on one subject that I want to say. Our Democratic friends tell us that there are about a hundred millions--their arithmeticians do not agree on the exact figures--in the public Treasury for which the Government has no need. They have found only this method of using it, viz.: depositing it in the national banks of the country, to be loaned out by them to our citizens at interest, the Government getting no interest whatever from the banks. I suggested, and it was not an original suggestion with me--Senator Sherman has advocated the same policy with great ability in the Senate--that this money had better be used in buying Government bonds, because the Government would make some money in applying it that way, and there was no other way in which they could get any interest on it at all. But it is said if we use it in this manner we pay a premium to the bondholders. But it is only the same premium that the bonds are bringing in the market. In other words, as I said the other day, capitalists who can use their money as they please--put it out on mortgages, at interest, or in any other way--think the Government bond at the current rate of premium is a good investment for them. Now, the Government can buy those bonds at that premium and save a great deal of interest. I will not undertake to give you figures. One issue of these bonds matures in 1907, and bears four per cent. annual interest. Now, suppose this surplus money were to remain all that time in the banks without bringing any interest to the Government; is there a man here so dull that he cannot see the great loss that would result to the people? I have another objection to this policy: the favoritism that is involved in it. We have heard--and from such high authority that I think that we must accept it as true--that the great patronage appertaining to the office of President of the United States involves a public peril. Now, suppose we add to that danger a hundred millions of dollars that the Secretary of the Treasury can put in this community or that, in this bank or that, at his pleasure; is not the power of the executive perilously increased? Is it right that the use of this vast sum should be a matter of mere favoritism, that the Secretary should be allowed to put $10,000,000 of this surplus in Indianapolis and none of it in Kansas City, or $75,000,000 in New York and none in Indianapolis? If the money is used in buying bonds it finds its natural place--goes where it belongs. This is a most serious objection to the present method of dealing with the surplus. But if you still object to paying the market premium when we buy these bonds, see how it works the other way. The banks deposit their bonds in the Treasury to secure these deposits, get the Government money without interest, and still draw interest on their bonds. If any of you had a note for a thousand dollars due in five years, bearing interest, and your credit was so good that the note was worth a premium, and you had twelve hundred dollars that you could not put out at interest so as to offset the interest on your note, would you not make money by using this surplus to take up the note at a fair premium? Would you think it wise finance to give the thousand dollars that you had on hand to your creditor without interest and allow him to deposit your note with you as security, you paying interest on the note until it was due and getting no interest on your deposit? [Laughter and applause.].
I welcome my young friends from Parke County. There is nothing fuller of interest than childhood. There is so much promise and hope in it. Expectancy makes life very rosy to them and them very interesting to us who have passed beyond the turn of life. [Applause.] You are fortunate in these kind instructors, who from week to week instil into your minds the principles of religion and of morality; but do not forget that there is another vine of beauty that may be appropriately twined with those--the love of your country and her institutions. [Applause.] I thank you again for this cordial evidence of your regard. The skies are threatening, and as there is danger that our meeting may be interrupted by rain I will stop here in order that I may meet each of you personally. [Cheers.]
INDIANAPOLIS, SEPTEMBER 26.
Ohio and Indiana united to-day again, through their delegations, aggregating 4,000 citizens, in paying their respects to General Harrison. The Tippecanoe Veteran Association of Columbus, Ohio, J. E. St. Clair, President, comprising 200 veterans, whose ages averaged 76 years, was escorted by the Foraker Club of Columbus, led by President Reeves. The veterans were accompanied by the venerable Judge John A. Bingham, of Cadiz, and Gen. Geo. B. Wright, of Columbus, both of whom made addresses. No other club or organization, during the entire campaign, was the recipient of such marked attentions as the Ohio veterans; the youngest among them was 68 years of age. Among the oldest were Wm. Armstrong, aged 91; Ansel Bristol, 80; H. H. Chariton, 84; Francis A. Crum, 82; Joseph Davis, 84; Henry Edwards, 80; John Fields, 82; John A. Gill, 82; J. L. Grover, 81; J. A. S. Harlow, 87; Harris Loomis, 84; Dan'l Melhousen, 80; Sam'l McCleland, 80; Judge John Otstot, 86; James Park, 80; Daniel Short, 83; John Saul, 86; George Snoffer, 85; David Taylor, 87; Jacob Taylor, 88; J. D. Fuller, 82, and Luther Hillery, aged 90, who knew William Henry Harrison before his first nomination. Prominent in the Foraker Club were Dr. A. W. Harden and D. K. Reif.
The Tipton County, Indiana, visitation was under the auspices of the First Voters' Club of the town of Tipton. A large club of Tippecanoe campaign veterans headed their column, led by Chief Marshal J. A. Swoveland, assisted by M. W. Pershing, James Johns, John F. Pyke, R. J. McCalion, Isaac Booth, J. Q. Seright, and J. Wolverton. Judge Daniel Waugh, of Tipton, was the mouthpiece of the delegation.
From Elkhart County, Indiana, came a notable delegation of a thousand business men, prominent among whom were State Senator Davis, Hon. Geo. W. Burt, Daniel Zook, H. J. Beyerle, E. G. Herr, D. W. Neidig, T. H. Dailey, D. W. Granger, and I. W. Nash, of Goshen; and James H. State, A. C. Manning, J. W. Fieldhouse, J. G. Schreiner, A. P. Kent, J. H. Cainon, Frank Baker, and Jacob Berkley, of Elkhart City. Hon. O. Z. Hubbell was spokesman for the delegation. Judge Bingham's eloquent address was listened to with marked attention.
General Harrison responded as follows:
_Gentlemen, my Ohio and Indiana Friends_--Again about this platform there are gathered representatives from these two great States. Your coming is an expression of a common interest, a recognition of the fact that there is a citizenship that is wider than the lines of any State. [Cheers.] That over and above that just pride in your own communities, which you cherish so jealously, there is a fuller pride in the one flag, to which we all give our allegiance, and in the one Constitution, which binds the people of these States together indissolubly in a Government strong enough to protect its humblest citizen wherever he may sojourn. [Prolonged cheers.] Your State institutions are based, like those of the Nation, upon the great principles of human liberty and equality, and are consecrated to the promotion of social order and popular education. But, above all this, resting on like foundations, is the strong arch of the Union that binds us together as a Nation. You are citizens of the United States, and as such have common interests that suggest this meeting. [Cheers.]
I cannot speak separately to the various organizations represented here. There is a broad sense in which you are one. But I cannot omit to pay a hearty tribute of thanks to these venerable men who are gathered about me to-day. I value this tribute from them more than words can tell. I cannot, without indelicacy, speak much of that campaign to which they brought the enthusiasm of their earlier life and to which their memories now turn with so much interest. If, out of it, they have brought on with them in life to this moment and have transferred to me some part of the respect which another won from them, then I will find in their kindness a new stimulus to duty. [Applause and cries, "We have; we have!"] In looking over, the other day, a publication of the campaign of 1840, I fell upon a card signed by fifteen Democrats of Orange, N. J., giving their reasons for leaving the Democratic party. It has occurred to me that it might be interesting to some of these old gentlemen. [Cries of "We want to hear it!" and "Read it!"]
It was as follows: "We might give many reasons for this change in our political opinions. The following, however, we deem sufficient: We do not believe the price of labor in this free country should be reduced to the standard prescribed by despots in foreign countries. [Applause.] We do not believe in fighting for the country and being unrepresented in the councils of the country. We do not believe in an exclusive, hard, metallic currency any more than we believe in hard bread or no bread! We do not believe it was the design of the framers of the Constitution that the President should occupy his time during the first term in electioneering for his re-election to a second term!" [Loud laughter and applause.] I have read this simply as an historical curiosity and to refresh your recollections as to some of the issues of that campaign. If it has any application to our modern politics I will leave you to make it. [Laughter and applause.] I have recently been talking, and have one thing further to say, about the surplus.
There is a very proper use I think that can be made of more than twenty millions of it. During the Civil War our customs receipts and our receipts from internal taxes, which last had brought under tribute almost every pursuit in life, were inadequate to the great drain upon our Treasury caused by the Civil War. Our Congress, exercising one of the powers of the Constitution, levied a direct tax upon the States. Ohio paid her part of it, Indiana paid hers, and so did the other loyal States. The Southern States were in rebellion and did not pay theirs. Now we have come to a time when the Government has surplus money, and the proposition was made in Congress to return this tax to the States that had paid it. [Applause.] The State of Indiana would have received one million dollars, which my fellow-citizens of this State know would have been a great relief to our taxpayers in the present depleted condition of our treasury. [Cheers.] I do not recall the exact amount Ohio would have received, but it was much larger. If any one asks, Why repay this tax? this illustration will be a sufficient answer: Suppose five men are associated in a business corporation. The corporation suffers losses and its capital is impaired. An assessment becomes necessary, and three members pay their assessments while two do not. The corporation is again prosperous and there is a surplus of money in the treasury. What shall be done with it? Manifestly, justice requires that the two delinquents should pay up or that there should be returned to the other three the assessment levied upon them. [Great cheering.] A bill providing for the repayment of the tax was killed in the House of Representatives, not by voting it down, but by filibustering, a majority of the House being in favor of its passage. And those who defeated the bill by those revolutionary tactics were largely from the States that had not paid the tax. [Cheers.] I mention these facts to show that twenty millions of the surplus now lying in the banks, where it draws no interest, might very righteously be used so as to greatly lighten the real burdens of taxation now resting on the people--burdens that the people know to be taxes without any argument from our statesmen. [Applause and laughter.] I am a lover of silence [laughter], and yet when such assemblies as these greet me with their kind, earnest faces and their kinder words, I do not know how I can do less than to say a few words upon some of these great public questions. I have spoken frankly and fearlessly my convictions upon these questions. [Cheers and cries of "Good! Good!"] And now, unappalled by the immensity of this audience, I will complete the accustomed programme and take by the hand such of you as desire to meet me personally. [Cheers.]
INDIANAPOLIS, SEPTEMBER 27.
General Harrison's visitors this day came from Ohio and Pennsylvania. Hancock and Allen counties, Ohio, sent over a thousand, including the Harrison and Morton Battalion of Lima, commanded by Capt. Martin Atmer, and the Republican Veteran Club of Findlay, Rev. R. H. Holliday, President. The Chief Marshal of the combined delegations was Major S. F. Ellis, of Lima, hero of the forlorn hope storming column which carried the intrenchments at Port Hudson, La., June 15, 1863. Prominent members of the Allen County delegation were Hon. Geo. Hall, Geo. P. Waldorf, S. S. Wheeler, J. F. Price, W. A. Campbell, J. J. Marks, and Burt Hagedorn. Major S. M. Jones was spokesman for the visitors.
General Harrison, with his usual vigor, replied: