Part 11

That is to be the effect of it. It is, not worth while to stand upon nice definitions as to free trade. Some think it enough to say that they are not free-traders because they are not in favor of abolishing all customs duties. Let me remind such that the free-trade countries of Europe, recognized to be such, have not abolished all customs duties. A better distinction is this: The free-trader believes in levying customs duties without any regard to the effect of those duties upon the wages of our working people, or upon the production of our own shops. This, then, is the issue. Take it to your homes. There are many confusing and contradictory statements made in the public press and by public speakers. Ask any of those who assail our protective system whether they do not believe that if their policy is adopted a larger amount of foreign-made goods will come into this country. It is their purpose to increase importation in order to cheapen prices. I think I may safely ask you to consider the question whether this cheapening of prices, which they seem to regard as the highest attainment of statesmanship, is consistent with the rate of wages that our working people enjoy now, whether it will not involve--if we are to have foreign competition without favoring duties--a reduction of American wages to the standard of the wages paid abroad. [Applause.] Do you believe for one moment that two factories making the same product can be maintained in competition when one pays thirty-three per cent. more to its workingmen than the other? Is it not certain that wages must be equalized in those competing establishments or the one paying the higher wages must shut down? [Applause and cries, "That's the thing!"] Here in this city of Fort Wayne, so important and so prosperous, we have a fine illustration of the accruing advantages of a large factory and shop population. It has made your city prosperous as well as populous, and it has made these outlying Allen County farms vastly more valuable than they otherwise would have been. These interests harmonize. But I only want to ask you to think upon these questions; settle them in your own minds, for it is agreed by all that, as they shall be settled one way or the other, your interests and those of your families and of this community, and of every other like community in this country, are to be affected, favorably or unfavorably. May I not appeal to you to review these questions, to throw off the shackles of preconceived notions and of party prejudices, and consider them anew in the light of all the information that is accessible to you? If you shall do that I do not doubt that the working people of this country will this November forever settle the question that American customs duties shall by intention, by forethought, have regard to the wages of our working people. [Applause.]

And now, if you will pardon further speech, I shall be glad to avail myself of the arrangements which the committee have provided to greet personally any of you who may desire to greet me. [Prolonged applause and cheers.]

HUNTINGTON, IND., SEPTEMBER 4.

The next stop was at Huntington, where two thousand people were congregated.

In response to repeated calls General Harrison said:

_My Friends_--Our stop here is altogether too brief for me to attempt to speak; yet I cannot refrain from expressing to you, my friends of Huntington County, my sincere and grateful appreciation for the evidence of your kindness in welcoming me so cordially to my home after a brief absence. I have not travelled very far this time, but I have seen nothing either on this visit, or any more extended visit that I have heretofore made, to win away my interests and affection from the great State of Indiana. [Great applause.] It is great in the capabilities, both of its soil and its citizenship [applause]; great in its achievements during the war. When our country was imperilled no State more nobly or magnificently responded to the demands which were made by the general Government for men to fight and to die for the flag. [Applause.] I am glad to greet in this audience to-day my comrades of the war, and all who have gathered here. I beg to thank you again for your kindness.

PERU, IND., SEPTEMBER 4.

At Peru a committee, headed by Hon. A. C. Bearss and Giles W. Smith, waited upon General Harrison, who addressed an audience of over two thousand as follows:

_My Friends_--I am very much obliged to you for that kindness of feeling which your gathering here to-day evinces. I have had a brief visit for rest, and I am come back to my home with very kind feelings toward my friends in Indiana, who have, not only during this important campaign, but always, when I have appealed to them, treated me with the utmost consideration. I have not time to-day to discuss the issues of this campaign. They are extremely important, and they will have a direct bearing upon the prosperity of our country. I can only ask you to think of them, and not to mistake the issue. It is very plain. It is the question of whether our tariff laws shall be a protection to American workingmen and a protection to American manufacturing establishments. Those who advocate tariff for revenue only do not take any thought of our wage-workers, but let their interests take care of themselves. On the other hand the Republican party believes that high regard should be paid to the question what the effect will be upon wages and upon the protection of our American shops. Those who believe the doctrine agree with us; and those who assail it, and say it is unconstitutional, as has recently been said by a distinguished citizen, would destroy our protective system if they could. We must believe so, because we must impute to them sincerity in what they say. I believe this campaign will settle for many years to come the question of whether legislation shall be intelligently directed in favor of the doctrine that we will, so far as may be, see that our farmers may find home consumers for their home product, and that these populous manufacturing centres may give a larger value to the farms that lie about them. You have these questions to settle. They affect your interests as citizens. I am sure that everything that regards them, as well as everything that regards the candidate, may be safely left in the kind hands of these intelligent citizens of Indiana and of the United States. [Great cheering.]

KOKOMO, IND., SEPTEMBER 4.

The city of Kokomo welcomed the party in the evening with a brilliant illumination by natural gas. Three thousand people were present. General Harrison said:

_My Friends_--I very much appreciate this spontaneous evidence of your friendliness. That so many of you should have gathered here this evening to greet us on our return home after a brief absence from the State is very gratifying to me. Kokomo has been for many years a very prosperous place. It has been the happy home of a very intelligent and very thrifty people. You are now, however, realizing a development more rapid and much greater than the most sanguine among you could have anticipated three years ago. The large increase in the number and business of your manufacturing establishments, the coming here from other parts of the country of enterprising men with their capital to set up manufacturing plants, has excited your interest and has promoted your development. There is not a resident of Kokomo, there is not a resident of Howard County, who does not rejoice in this great prosperity. I am sure there is not a man or woman in this city who does not realize that this new condition of things gives to your boys, who are growing up, new avenues of useful thrift. It opens to those who might otherwise have pursued common labor access to skilled trades and higher compensation. There is not a merchant in Kokomo who does not appreciate the added trade which comes to his store. There is not a farmer in Howard County who has not realized the benefits of a home market for his crops [applause and cries of "Good!"], and especially for those perishable products of the farm which do not bear distant transportation. Now I submit to your consideration, in the light of these new facts, whether you have not a very deep interest in the protection of our domestic industries and the maintenance of the American standard of wages. There can be no mistaking the issue this year. In previous campaigns it has been observed by evasive platform declarations. It is now so clear that all men can understand it. I would leave this thought with you: Will the prosperity that is now realized by you, and that greater prosperity which you anticipate, be better advanced by the continuance of the protective policy or by its destruction?

TIPTON, IND., SEPTEMBER 4.

At Tipton Junction, where several hundred people had congregated, General Harrison said:

_My Friends_--There is no time this evening for me to say more than that I thank you very sincerely for this cordial evidence of your kindly feeling. I will not have time to discuss any public questions. You will consider them for yourselves, and can have ready access to all necessary information.

NOBLESVILLE, IND., SEPTEMBER 4.

At Noblesville the train was met by a special from Indianapolis, bearing the Columbia Club, a uniformed organization of three hundred prominent young men, who had come to escort General Harrison to his home.

To the assembled citizens of Noblesville the general said:

_My Friends_--You are very kind, and I am grateful for this manifestation of your kindness. I cannot speak to you at any length to-night. You are in the "gas belt" of Indiana. The result of the discovery of this new fuel has been the rapid development of your towns. You have shown your enterprise by hospitably opening the way for the coming of new industrial enterprises. You have felt it worth while not only to invite them, but to offer pecuniary inducements for them to come. If it has been worth while to do so much in the hope of developing your town and to add value to your farms by making a home market for your farm product, is it not also worth your while so to vote this fall as to save and enlarge these new industrial enterprises? [Applause.] Let me acknowledge a new debt of gratitude to my friends of Hamilton County, who have often before made me their debtor, and bid you good-night.

INDIANAPOLIS, SEPTEMBER 4.

The home-coming of General Harrison was a veritable ovation. Fifteen thousand people greeted and accompanied him to his residence, led by the Columbia Club, the Veterans' Regiment, and the Railroad Men's Club. Escorted by Gen. Foster, Daniel M. Ransdell, and W. N. Harding, General Harrison--standing in his own door--facing the great assembly, said:

_My Friends_--Two weeks ago to-day I left Indianapolis quietly for a brief season of rest. We met in Ohio very considerate and hospitable friends, who allowed nothing to be lacking to the enjoyment and comfort of our brief vacation. But, notwithstanding all the attractions of that island home in Lake Erie, we are to-night very happy to be again at home. The enthusiastic welcome you have extended to us has added grace and joy. I think I may conclude that nothing has happened since I have been gone that has disturbed your confidence or diminished your respect. [Great applause and cries of "No! no!"] At the outset of this campaign I said I would confidently commit all that was personal to myself to the keeping of the intelligent and fair-minded citizens of Indiana. [Applause.] We will go on our way in this campaign upon that high and dignified plane upon which it has been pitched, so far as it lay in our power, commending the principles of our party to the intelligent interest of our fellow-citizens, and trusting to truth and right for the victory. [Applause.] Most gratefully I acknowledge the affectionate interest which has been shown to-night by my old comrades of the war. [Applause.] I am glad to know that in this veteran organization there are many who have heretofore differed with me in political opinion, but who are drawn in this campaign, by a sense of our common interests, to cast in their influence with us. I desire also to thank the Railroad Club for their kind greetings. There has been a special significance in their friendly organization, and I am grateful, also, to the members of the Columbia Club for their part in this demonstration. Now, with an overwhelming sense of inability to respond fittingly to your cordiality and kindness, I can only thank you once more and bid you good-night. [Applause.]

INDIANAPOLIS, SEPTEMBER 6.

On the night of Sept. 6 General Harrison, in company with General A. P. Hovey, Ex-Gov. A. G. Porter, Hon. James N. Huston, Hon. R. B. F. Pierce, Judge Walker, and other friends, reviewed from the balcony of the New-Denison Hotel ten thousand marching Republicans.

It was one of the most brilliant and successful demonstrations of the campaign. The great line was composed of eighty-two Republican clubs and associations of the city of Indianapolis, commanded by Chief Marshal Hon. Geo. W. Spahr, assisted by the following mounted aids: Major Geo. Herriott, Moses G. McLain, Dan'l M. Ransdell, Thomas F. Ryan, W. H. H. Miller, John B. Elam, Dr. Austin Morris, Col. I. N. Walker, Wm. L. Taylor, W. A. Pattison, Capt. O. H. Hibben, Charles Murray, Ed. Thompson, Charles Wright, S. D. Pray, J. E. Haskell, Wm. Thomas, W. H. Tucker, Joseph Forbes, Ed. Harmon, Lou Wade, John W. Bowlus, M. L. Johnson, Miles Reynolds, W. E. Tousey, R. H. Rees, and W. D. Wiles.

The column was divided into four divisions, commanded by Col. N. R. Ruckle, Col. James B. Black, Horace McKay, and Hon. Stanton J. Peelle. A great mass-meeting followed the parade, and the issues of the campaign were presented by General Hovey, Gov. Porter and Hon. John M. Butler.

INDIANAPOLIS, SEPTEMBER 8.

General Harrison on this date received perhaps the most unique delegation of the campaign: a band of one hundred girls and misses, aged from seven to fifteen years, organized by Mrs. Mattie McCorkle. At their head rode Master Charles Pettijohn, six years old, mounted upon a pony, followed by a drum corps of eight young boys. The girls marched four abreast, dressed in uniforms of red, white and blue, carrying mounted Japanese lanterns. They were commanded by Miss Florence Schilling. After singing "Marching through Georgia," Master Pettijohn, on behalf of the young ladies, presented the general a handsome bouquet and made an address. General Harrison honored the young orator and the club with a speech, and said:

When some one asked this afternoon, over the telephone, if I would receive some children who wanted to pay me a visit, I gave a very cheerful consent, because I thought I saw a chance to have a good time. That you little ones would demand a speech from me never entered my mind, nor did I expect to see a company so prettily uniformed and so well drilled, both in marching and in song.

Children have always been attractive to me. I have found not only entertainment but instruction in their companionship. Little ones often say wise things. In the presence of such a company as this, one who has any aspirations for the things that are good and pure cannot fail to have them strengthened. The kind words you have addressed to me in song come, I am sure, from sincere and loving hearts, and I am very grateful for them and for your visit. Some of the best friends I have are under ten years of age, and after to-night I am sure I shall have many more, for all your names will be added.

And now I hope you will all come in where we can see you and show you whatever there is in our home to interest you. I would like you all to feel that we will be glad if you will come to see us often.

INDIANAPOLIS, SEPTEMBER 10.

General Harrison's visitors to-day comprised six hundred G. A. R. veterans and their wives from Northwestern Kansas--_en route_ to the Grand Encampment--under the lead of General W. H. Caldwell, Frank McGrath, C. E. Monell, W. S. Search, Dr. A. Patten, J. W. Garner, and Dr. J. R. King, of Beloit, Kan. Colonel W. C. Whitney, Commander of the First Division, was orator, and assured General Harrison that "Kansas grew more corn and more babies than any other State in the Union." In response the General said:

_My Comrades_--I have a choice to make and you have one. I can occupy the few moments I have to spare either in public address or in private, personal greeting. I think you would prefer, as I shall prefer, to omit the public speech that I may be presented to each of you. [Cries of "Good! Good!"] I beg you, therefore, to permit me only to say that I very heartily appreciate this greeting from my comrades of Kansas.

The bond that binds us together as soldiers of the late war is one that is enduring and close. No party considerations can break it; it is stronger than political ties, and we are able thus in our Grand Army associations to come together upon that broad and high plane of fraternity, loyalty, and charity. [Applause and cries of "Good! Good!"] Let me now, if it be your pleasure, extend a comrade's hand to each of you. [Applause.]

GENERAL HARRISON'S LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE.

INDIANAPOLIS, IND., September 11, 1888. HON. M. M. ESTEE AND OTHERS, COMMITTEE, ETC.:

_Gentlemen_--When your committee visited me, on the Fourth of July last, and presented the official announcement of my nomination for the presidency of the United States by the Republican convention, I promised as soon as practicable to communicate to you a more formal acceptance of the nomination. Since that time the work of receiving and addressing, almost daily, large delegations of my fellow-citizens has not only occupied all of my time, but has in some measure rendered it unnecessary for me to use this letter as a medium of communicating to the public my views upon the questions involved in the campaign. I appreciate very highly the confidence and respect manifested by the convention, and accept the nomination with a feeling of gratitude and a full sense of the responsibilities which accompany it.

It is a matter of congratulation that the declarations of the Chicago convention upon the questions that now attract the interest of our people are so clear and emphatic. There is further cause of congratulation in the fact that the convention utterances of the Democratic party, if in any degree uncertain or contradictory, can now be judged and interpreted by executive acts and messages, and by definite propositions in legislation. This is especially true of what is popularly known as the Tariff question. The issue cannot now be obscured. It is not a contest between schedules, but between wide-apart principles. The foreign competitors for our market have, with quick instinct, seen how one issue of this contest may bring them advantage, and our own people are not so dull as to miss or neglect the grave interests that are involved for them. The assault upon our protective system is open and defiant. Protection is assailed as unconstitutional in law, or as vicious in principle, and those who hold such views sincerely cannot stop short of an absolute elimination from our tariff laws of the principle of protection. The Mills bill is only a step, but it is toward an object that the leaders of Democratic thought and legislation have clearly in mind. The important question is not so much the length of the step as the direction of it. Judged by the executive message of December last, by the Mills bill, by the debates in Congress, and by the St. Louis platform, the Democratic party will, if supported by the country, place the tariff laws upon a purely revenue basis. This is practical free trade--free trade in the English sense. The legend upon the banner may not be "Free Trade"--it may be the more obscure motto, "Tariff Reform;" but neither the banner nor the inscription is conclusive, or, indeed, very important. The assault itself is the important fact.

Those who teach that the import duty upon foreign goods sold in our market is paid by the consumer, and that the price of the domestic competing article is enhanced to the amount of the duty on the imported article--that every million of dollars collected for customs duties represents many millions more which do not reach the treasury, but are paid by our citizens as the increased cost of domestic productions resulting from the tariff laws--may not intend to discredit in the minds of others our system of levying duties on competing foreign products, but it is clearly already discredited in their own. We cannot doubt, without impugning their integrity, that if free to act upon their convictions they would so revise our laws as to lay the burden of the customs revenue upon articles that are not produced in this country, and to place upon the free list all competing foreign products. I do not stop to refute this theory as to the effect of our tariff duties. Those who advance it are students of maxims and not of the markets. They may be safely allowed to call their project "Tariff Reform," if the people understand that in the end the argument compels free trade in all competing products. This end may not be reached abruptly, and its approach may be accompanied with some expressions of sympathy for our protected industries and our working people, but it will certainly come if these early steps do not arouse the people to effective resistance.

The Republican party holds that a protective tariff is constitutional, wholesome, and necessary. We do not offer a fixed schedule, but a principle. We will revise the schedule, modify rates, but always with an intelligent provision as to the effect upon domestic productions and the wages of our working people. We believe it to be one of the worthy objects of tariff legislation to preserve the American market for American producers, and to maintain the American scale of wages by adequate discriminative duties upon foreign competing products. The effect of lower rates and larger importations upon the public revenue is contingent and doubtful, but not so the effect upon American production and American wages. Less work and lower wages must be accepted as the inevitable result of the increased offering of foreign goods in our market. By way of recompense for this reduction in his wages, and the loss of the American market, it is suggested that the diminished wages of the workingman will have an undiminished purchasing power, and that he will be able to make up for the loss of the home market by an enlarged foreign market. Our workingmen have the settlement of the question in their own hands. They now obtain higher wages and live more comfortably than those of any other country. They will make choice of the substantial advantages they have in hand and the deceptive promises and forecasts of these theorizing reformers. They will decide for themselves and for their country whether the protective system shall be continued or destroyed.