Part 1

SPEECHES

OF

BENJAMIN HARRISON

TWENTY-THIRD PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES

A COMPLETE COLLECTION OF HIS PUBLIC ADDRESSES FROM FEBRUARY, 1888, TO FEBRUARY, 1892, CHRONOLOGICALLY CLASSIFIED; EMBRACING ALL HIS CAMPAIGN SPEECHES, LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE, INAUGURAL ADDRESS, AND THE NUMEROUS SPEECHES DELIVERED DURING HIS SEVERAL TOURS; ALSO EXTRACTS FROM HIS MESSAGES TO CONGRESS

COMPILED BY CHARLES HEDGES

NEW YORK UNITED STATES BOOK COMPANY SUCCESSORS TO JOHN W. LOVELL COMPANY 142 TO 150 WORTH STREET

COPYRIGHT, 1892, BY CHARLES HEDGES

PREFACE.

It is not the purpose of this book to present a few selections of oratory, laboriously prepared and polished, or occasional flashes of brilliant thought. From such efforts, prepared, perhaps, after days of study and repeated revision, one can form but an imperfect idea of their author. Such a compilation might show the highest conceptions of the man, and evidence a wide range of thought and a surpassing grandeur of expression; but it would be but a poor mirror of the man himself in his daily life.

It is due to the people that the largest opportunity be given them to observe the character of their public servants, to come into closest touch with their daily thoughts, and to know them as they are--not when prepared for special occasions, but day after day and all the time. It is with this view that this collection of the speeches of President Harrison is offered to the public. It is a series of instantaneous photographs that have caught him unawares. The studied pose is wanting, but the pictures are true to life.

There are included the letter of acceptance, the inaugural address, the letter to the commercial congress, extracts from his last annual message to Congress, his patriotic message on the Chilian affair, and a few carefully prepared speeches, among them his notable addresses at the banquet of the Michigan Club, February 22, 1888, and before the Marquette Club at Chicago, March 20, the same year; also his celebrated speech at Galveston, in April last. All these are among the best models of statesmanlike thought and concise, forcible, and elegant expression. With these exceptions, the speeches presented were delivered during the presidential campaign of 1888, often four or five in a day, to visiting delegations of citizens, representing every occupation and interest, and during his tours of 1890 and 1891, when he often spoke eight or ten times a day from the platform of his car.

If these speeches contained no other merit, they would be remarkable in the fact that, while delivered during the excitement of a political campaign and in the hurry of wayside pauses in a journey by railroad, they contain not one carelessly spoken word that can detract from their dignity, or, by any possible distortion of language, be turned against their author by his political opponents. With no opportunity for elaborately studied phrases, he did not utter a word that could be sneered at as weak or commonplace. This fact is all the more noteworthy when we recall the dismal failures that have been made by others under like circumstances.

A spirit of exalted patriotism and broad statesmanship is apparent in every line; and notwithstanding the malignity of the partisan assaults that were made upon him, no words of bitterness--only terms of generous tolerance--characterize his allusions to his political opponents.

With a single notable exception, no thought of sameness or repetition is ever suggested. That exception was the central thought and vital principle that was at stake in the campaign. One marvels at his versatility in adapting himself to every occasion, whether he was addressing a delegation of miners, of comrades in war, or of children from the public schools; we admire the lofty thoughts and the delicious humor; but while he might soften in tender, playful greeting of children, or live again with his comrades the old life of tent and field, he never for one moment forgot the great principle whose banner he had been chosen to uphold. Protection of American industry was always his foremost thought--and how well he presented it! What an example to the politician who seeks by evasion or silence to avoid the questions at issue!

The book is therefore presented with the gratifying belief that a valuable service has been rendered in collecting these speeches and putting them in an enduring form, not only because they give the American people the most lifelike mental portrait of their Chief Magistrate, but because they are a valuable contribution to American literature.

In order to the best understanding and appreciation of an address, it is often necessary to know the circumstances in which it was delivered. Especially is this true when the address was made, as many of these were, to some particular organization or class of citizens or at the celebration of some important event. For this reason, as well as for their important historical value, an account is given of the occasion of each speech, including, as far as they could be learned, the names of the more distinguished persons who were present and took part in the exercises.

C. H.

WASHINGTON, D. C., February 20, 1892.

BIOGRAPHICAL.

Benjamin Harrison, twenty-third President of the United States, was born Tuesday, August 20, 1833, at North Bend, Hamilton County, Ohio. He is the second son of the late John Scott and Elizabeth Irwin Harrison.

His father--the third son of President William Henry Harrison and Anna Symmes--was born at Vincennes, Indiana, was twice elected to Congress as a Democrat, from the Cincinnati district, and died in 1878.

General William Henry Harrison, ninth President of the United States, was the third son of a famous signer of the Declaration of Independence--Benjamin Harrison, of Virginia, and his wife Elizabeth Bassett. This Benjamin Harrison, "the signer," was one of the first seven delegates from Virginia to the Continental Congress. He reported the resolution for independence, was Speaker of the House of Burgesses, and was thrice elected Governor of Virginia, dying in 1791; he was the eldest son of Benjamin and Anna Carter Harrison, both of whom were descended from ancestors distinguished for their high character and their services to the colony of Virginia.

Ben Harrison's boyhood was passed upon his father's farm in Ohio. At the age of 14, with his elder brother Irwin, he attended Farmer's College at Cincinnati, preparatory to entering Miami University at Oxford, Ohio, from which institution he graduated in 1852.

He studied law in the office of Judge Belamy Storer at Cincinnati, and in March, 1854--with his bride, Miss Caroline W. Scott, to whom he was wedded October 20, 1853--he located at Indianapolis and began the practice of the law.

In 1860 he was elected reporter of the decisions of the Supreme Court of Indiana, as a Republican, receiving 9,688 majority.

In July, 1862, he was commissioned by Gov. Oliver P. Morton as second lieutenant, and raised Company A of the Seventieth Indiana Volunteer Infantry, was commissioned captain, and on the organization of the regiment was commissioned colonel. In August his regiment entered the field and became a part of the 1st Brigade of the 1st Division of the 20th Army Corps, Gen. W. T. Ward, of Kentucky, brigade commander. At the battle of Resaca, Sunday, May 15, 1864, the Seventieth Regiment led the brigade in a gallant charge, and its colonel signally distinguished himself, being among the first to scale the bloody parapet. He actively participated in the engagements at Cassville, New Hope Church, Gilgal Church, Kulps Hill, and Kenesaw. Following that great captain in the Atlanta campaign, initiatory to his famous march to the sea, Colonel Harrison at the battle of Peach Tree Creek, July 20, 1864, in the crisis of the fight, without awaiting orders, seized an important position and successfully resisted, at great loss, the terrific assaults of a large detachment of Hood's army. For this brilliant achievement, upon the recommendation of Major-General Joe Hooker, he was brevetted in March, 1865, by President Lincoln, a brigadier-general, to date from January 23, 1865.

In October, 1864, while at the front, he was re-elected, by 19,713 majority, reporter of the Supreme Court, which office he had lost by accepting a commission in the army. After four years as reporter he resumed his law practice, forming a partnership with Albert G. Porter and W. P. Fishback. About 1870 Mr. Fishback retired, and the firm became Porter, Harrison & Hines; upon Governor Porter's retirement W. H. H. Miller took his place, and in 1883 Mr. Hines retired, and, John B. Elam coming in, the firm became Harrison, Miller & Elam.

In 1876 Hon. Godlove S. Orth was nominated as Republican candidate for Governor of Indiana, but pending the canvass he unexpectedly withdrew. In this emergency, during General Harrison's absence on a trip to Lake Superior, the Central Committee substituted his name at the head of the ticket. Undertaking the canvass despite adverse conditions, he was defeated by Hon. James D. Williams--"Blue Jeans"--by a plurality of 5,084 votes.

In 1878 he was chosen chairman of the Republican State Convention.

In 1879 he was appointed by President Hayes a member of the Mississippi River Commission.

In 1880 he was chairman of the delegation from Indiana to the National Convention, and with his colleagues cast 34 consecutive ballots for James G. Blaine in that historic contest.

President Garfield tendered him any position but one in his Cabinet, but the high honor was declined.

In January, 1881, he was elected United States Senator--the unanimous choice of his party--to succeed Joseph E. McDonald, and served six years to March 3, 1887.

In 1884 he again represented his State as delegate at large to the National Convention.

January, 1887, he was a second time the unanimous choice of his party for United States Senator, but after a protracted and exciting contest was defeated on the sixteenth joint ballot, upon party lines, by 2 majority.

June 25, 1888, he was nominated at Chicago by the Republican National Convention for President, on the eighth ballot, receiving 544 votes against 118 for John Sherman, 100 for Russell A. Alger, and 59 for Walter Q. Gresham. He was chosen President by 233 electoral votes against 168 for Grover Cleveland. The popular vote resulted: 5,536,242 (48.63 per cent.) for the Democratic ticket, 5,440,708 (47.83 per cent.) for the Republican ticket, 246,876 (2.16 per cent.) for the Prohibition, 146,836 (1.27 per cent.) for the Union Labor, and 7,777 (0.11 per cent.) scattering.

HARRISON'S SPEECHES.

DETROIT, FEBRUARY 22, 1888.

_Michigan Club Banquet._

The Michigan Club, the largest and most influential political organization in the State, held its third annual banquet at the Detroit Rink on Washington's Birthday, 1888.

The officers of the club were: _President_, Clarence A. Black; _Vice-President_, William H. Elliott; _Secretary_, Fred. E. Farnsworth; _Treasurer_, Frederick Woolfenden.

Senator Thomas W. Palmer was president of the evening; the vice-presidents were: Hons. F. B. Stockbridge, C. G. Luce, J. H. Macdonald, Austin Blair, H. P. Baldwin, David H. Jerome, R. A. Alger, O. D. Conger, Chas. D. Long, E. P. Allen, James O'Donnell, J. C. Burrows, M. S. Brewer, S. M. Cutcheon, Henry W. Seymour, Benj. F. Graves, Isaac Marston, Edward S. Lacy, John T. Rich, O. L. Spaulding, Geo. W. Webber, Geo. Willard, E. W. Keightley, R. G. Horr, E. O. Grosvenor, James Birney, C. E. Ellsworth, D. P. Markey.

The distinguished guests and speakers of the evening from other States were: General Benjamin Harrison, Ind.; General Joseph R. Hawley, Conn.; Hon. William McKinley, Jr., Ohio; Hon. Joseph G. Cannon, Hon. John F. Finerty, and General Green B. Raum, Ill.; Hon. L. E. McComas, Md.; and Hon. James P. Foster, N. Y.

General Harrison responded to the sentiment, "Washington, the republican. The guarantee of the Constitution that the State shall have a republican form of government is only executed when the majority in the States are allowed to vote and have their ballots counted."

His speech attracted widespread attention at the time, and is considered one of his greatest. One expression therein--viz.: "I am a dead statesman, but a living and rejuvenated Republican"--went broadcast over the land and became one of the keynotes of the campaign.

Senator Harrison made the first reference of the evening to the name of "Chandler." It was talismanic; instantly a great wave of applause swept over the banquet-hall, and thenceforth the speaker carried his hearers with him.

The Senator spoke as follows:

_Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Michigan Club_--I feel that I am at some disadvantage here to-night by reason of the fact that I did not approach Detroit from the direction of Washington city. I am a dead statesman ["No! No!"]; but I am a living and rejuvenated Republican. I have the pleasure to-night, for the first time in my life, of addressing an audience of Michigan Republicans. Your invitations in the past have been frequent and urgent, but I have always felt that you knew how to do your own work, that we could trust the stalwart Republicans of this magnificent State to hold this key of the lakes against all comers. I am not here to-night in the expectation that I shall be able to help you by any suggestion, or even to kindle into greater earnestness that zeal and interest in Republican principles which your presence here to-night so well attests. I am here rather to be helped myself, to bathe my soul in this high atmosphere of patriotism and pure Republicanism [applause] by spending a little season in the presence of those who loved and honored and followed the Cromwell of the Republican party, Zachariah Chandler. [Tremendous applause.]

The sentiment which has been assigned me to-night--"Washington, the republican; a free and equal ballot the only guarantee of the Nation's security and perpetuity"--is one that was supported with a boldness of utterance, with a defiance that was unexcelled by any leader, by Zachariah Chandler always and everywhere. [Applause.] As Republicans we are fortunate, as has been suggested, in the fact that there is nothing in the history of our party, nothing in the principles that we advocate, to make it impossible for us to gather and to celebrate the birthday of any American who honored or defended his country. [Cheers.] We could even unite with our Democratic friends in celebrating the birthday of St. Jackson, because we enter into fellowship with him when we read his story of how by proclamation he put down nullification in South Carolina. [Applause.] We could meet with them to celebrate the birthday of Thomas Jefferson; because there is no note in the immortal Declaration or in the Constitution of our country that is out of harmony with Republicanism. [Cheers.] But our Democratic friends are under limitation. They have a short calendar of sense, and they must omit from the history of those whose names are on their calendar the best achievements of their lives. I do not know what the party is preserved for. Its history reminds me of the boulder in the stream of progress, impeding and resisting its onward flow and moving only by the force that it resists.

I want to read a very brief extract from a most notable paper--one that was to-day in the Senate at Washington read from the desk by its presiding officer--the "Farewell Address of Washington;" and while it is true that I cannot quote or find in the writings of Washington anything specifically referring to ballot-box fraud, to tissue ballots, to intimidation, to forged tally-sheets [cheers], for the reason that these things had not come in his day to disturb the administration of the Government, yet in the comprehensiveness of the words he uttered, like the comprehensive declarations of the Holy Book, we may find admonition and guidance, and even with reference to a condition of things that his pure mind could have never contemplated. Washington said: "Liberty is indeed little less than a name where the Government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of factions, to confine each member of society within the limits prescribed by the law, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of persons and property." If I had read that to a Democratic meeting they would have suspected that it was an extract from some Republican speech. [Laughter.] My countrymen, this Government is that which I love to think of as my country; for not acres, or railroads, or farm products, or bulk meats, or Wall Street, or all combined, are the country that I love. It is the institution, the form of government, the frame of civil society, for which that flag stands, and which we love to-day. [Applause.] It is what Mr. Lincoln so tersely, yet so felicitously, described as a government of the people, by the people, and for the people; a government of the people, because they instituted it--the Constitution reads, "We, the people, have ordained;" by the people, because it is in all its departments administered by them; for the people, because it states as its object of supreme attainment the happiness, security and peace of the people that dwell under it. [Applause.]

The bottom principle--sometimes it is called a corner-stone, sometimes the foundation of our structure of government--is the principle of control by the majority. It is more than the corner-stone or foundation. This structure is a monolith, one from foundation to apex, and that monolith stands for and is this principle of government by majorities, legally ascertained by constitutional methods. Everything else about our government is appendage, it is ornamentation. This is the monolithic column that was reared by Washington and his associates. For this the War of the Revolution was fought, for this and its more perfect security the Constitution was formed; for this the War of the Rebellion was fought; and when this principle perishes the structure which Washington and his compatriots reared is dishonored in the dust. The equality of the ballot demands that our apportionments in the States for legislative and congressional purposes shall be so adjusted that there shall be equality in the influence and the power of every elector, so that it shall not be true anywhere that one man counts two or one and a half and some other man counts only one half.

But some one says that is fundamental. All men accept this truth. Not quite. My countrymen, we are confronted by this condition of things in America to-day; a government by the majority, expressed by an equal and a free ballot, is not only threatened, but it has been overturned. Why is it to-day that we have legislation threatening the industries of this country? Why is it that the paralyzing shadow of free trade falls upon the manufactures and upon the homes of our laboring classes? It is because the laboring vote in the Southern States is suppressed. There would be no question about the security of these principles so long established by law, so eloquently set forth by my friend from Connecticut, but for the fact that the workingmen of the South have been deprived of their influence in choosing representatives at Washington.

But some timid soul is alarmed at the suggestion. He says we are endeavoring to rake over the coals of an extinct strife, to see if we may not find some ember in which there is yet sufficient vitality to rekindle the strife. Some man says you are actuated by unfriendly feelings toward the South, you want to fight the war over again, you are flaunting the bloody shirt. My countrymen, those epithets and that talk never have any terrors for me. [Applause.] I do not want to fight the war over again, and I am sure no Northern soldier--and there must be many here of those gallant Michigan regiments, some of which I had the pleasure during the war of seeing in action--not one of these that wishes to renew that strife or fight the war over again. Not one of this great assemblage of Republicans who listen to me to-night wishes ill to the South. If it were left to us here to-night the streams of her prosperity would be full. We would gladly hear of her reviving and stimulated industry. We gladly hear of increasing wealth in those States of the South. We wish them to share in the onward and upward movement of a great people. It is not a question of the war, it is not a question of the States between '61 and '65, at all, that I am talking about to-night. It is what they have been since '65. It is what they did in '84, when a President was to be chosen for this country.

Our controversy is not one of the past; it is of the present. It has relation to that which will be done next November, when our people are again called to choose a President. What is it we ask? Simply that the South live up to the terms of the surrender at Appomattox. When that great chieftain received the surrender of the army of Northern Virginia, when those who had for four years confronted us in battle stacked arms in total surrender, the terms were simply these: "You shall go to your homes and shall be there unmolested so long as you obey the laws in force where you reside." That is the sum of our demand. We ask nothing more of the South to-night than that they shall cease to use this recovered citizenship which they had forfeited by rebellion to oppress and disfranchise those who equally with themselves under the Constitution are entitled to vote--that and nothing more.

I do not need to enter into details. The truth to-day is that the colored Republican vote of the South, and with it and by consequence the white Republican vote of the South, is deprived of all effective influence in the administration of this Government. The additional power given by the colored population of the South in the Electoral College and in Congress was more than enough to turn the last election for President, and more than enough to reverse--yes, largely more than reverse--the present Democratic majority of the House of Representatives. Have we not the spirit to insist that everywhere north and south in this country of ours no man shall be deprived of his ballot by reason of his politics? There is not in all this land a place where any rebel soldier is subject to any restraint or is denied the fullest exercise of the elective franchise. Shall we not insist that what is true of those who fought to destroy the country shall be true of every man who fought for it, or loved it, like the black man of the South did [applause]--that to belong to Abraham Lincoln's party shall be respectable and reputable everywhere in America? [Cheers.]