CHAPTER VII.

_CONQUEST OF PERU._

1529-1542.

Pizarro, on his return to Spain, found the Emperor Charles V. at Toledo, and met with a gracious reception. The court listened with eagerness to his adventures by sea and land, and examined with interest the products of _Peru_ which he had brought with him. His tales of the wealth which he had witnessed were the more readily believed in consequence of the experiences of another Spaniard whom he now met at court, the famous conqueror of _Mexico_. Yet affairs in Spain progressed with proverbial slowness, and it was not until the expiry of a year from the date of his arrival in the country, that the capitulation was signed defining the powers of Pizarro.

[Sidenote: 1529.]

By this agreement he was granted the right of discovery and conquest in _Peru_, or New Castile, with the titles of Captain-general of the province and _Adelantado_, or lieutenant-governor. He was likewise to enjoy a considerable salary, and to have the right to erect certain fortresses under his government, and, in short, to exercise the prerogatives of a viceroy. Almagro was merely appointed commander of the fortress of _Tumbez_, with the rank of _Hidalgo_; whilst Father Luque became bishop of the same place. Luque was likewise to be “protector of the Indians,” with a yearly salary, which, like those of his associates, was to be derived from the revenues of the country to be conquered.

Pizarro, on his part, was bound to raise within six months a force of two hundred and fifty men; whilst the government on theirs engaged to furnish some assistance in the purchase of artillery and stores. Ruiz received the title of Grand Pilot of the Southern Ocean; Pedro de Candia, who had accompanied Pizarro, was named chief of artillery; and the other eleven companions who had remained with him on the desolate island were created _Hidalgos_ or gentlemen. Liberal provisions were inserted in the agreement, to encourage emigration to _Peru_, and Pizarro was enjoined to observe the standing regulations for the good government and protection of the natives of America. “It is but justice to the Spanish Government,” says Prescott, “to admit that its provisions were generally guided by a humane and considerate policy, which was as regularly frustrated by the cupidity of the colonist and the capricious cruelty of the conqueror.” But what, it may be asked, is the justification of the Spanish government in undertaking or sanctioning the conquest of _Peru_ at all; in attacking an inoffensive people, and disposing of their country by anticipation? Had the Peruvians been let alone, there would have been no occasion to provide for their protection; and however desirable might be their conversion, to effect this by the sword might be sanctioned by the Koran, but certainly not by the New Testament.

It may be remarked that whilst Pizarro was required to carry out with him a specified number of ecclesiastics, he was at the same time strictly prohibited from permitting the presence of lawyers in the new settlements. On the whole, the terms of this arrangement did not tend to increased belief in the probity of Pizarro, who had strictly bound himself, whilst acting as their envoy, to proceed with perfect fairness in securing the interests of his associates; but it is absurd to look in the records of a transaction, which was one of spoliation and knavery from beginning to end, for anything in the shape of probity.

[Sidenote: 1530.]

This solemn engagement having been completed to the satisfaction of the new knight of Santiago, he found time to pay a flying visit to his native town, Truxillo, where he was awaited by four half-brothers, who were to play a prominent part in _Peru_; of these four, three were Pizarros, of whom one only, Hernando, who was his senior, was legitimate. The fourth was the illegitimate son of Francisco Pizarro’s mother. Three of them were, like himself, to meet a violent death in _Peru_. He found no small difficulty in complying with the terms of the agreement within the specified time. He, however, contrived to start from Seville in January 1530, his brother Hernando following him to the _rendezvous_ at _Gomera_ in the Canaries; and in due time he reached the port of _Nombre de Dios_, where he was joined by Luque and Almagro. The latter of these was to no slight extent disappointed at the position which had been assigned to him. Pizarro excused himself as best he might, declaring that he had done what he could; that the government objected to divided authority; and that the country before them was large enough for both.

[Sidenote: 1531.]

A new element had now entered into the confederation which had undertaken the conquest of _Peru_. Hernando Pizarro had everything to gain from the exclusive supremacy of his brother, and at the outset almost caused a rupture between him and Almagro. The latter indeed had gone so far as to enter into negotiations for the purchase of vessels, in order to prosecute the expedition without the aid of the Pizarros; but from this course he was dissuaded by the representations of Luque. This temporary reconciliation having been effected, no time was lost in preparing for the voyage. Three vessels were provided to replace those left on the opposite side of the Isthmus; a force was mustered of about one hundred and eighty men, with twenty-seven horses; and Pizarro, early in January 1531, sailed the third and last time for the coast of _Peru_. Previously to his departure, a sermon had been preached to the little force by one of the Dominicans selected for the mission; mass was performed, and the Holy Communion was administered to each of the soldiers setting out on this crusade--a crusade inspired by zeal for riches rather than religion, and directed not against aggressive Saracens, but inoffensive Americans, whose only crime was to possess wealth.

Leaving his colleague Almagro to gather recruits, Pizarro steered for _Tumbez_. Contrary winds, however, compelled him to anchor in the Bay of _St. Matthew_, where he resolved to disembark his forces and advance along the coast. The march was not easy, for the streams were full and had to be crossed where they were widest. Pizarro’s buoyant spirit, however, overcame every difficulty. At the first considerable hamlet the natives were taken by surprise, and much plunder, including many emeralds, fell into the hands of the Spaniards. The gold and silver ornaments were deposited in a common heap; the royal fifth was deducted for the crown, and the rest was distributed among the officers and soldiers. This usage prevailed throughout the conquest, and any one infringing it incurred the penalty of death. Pizarro now sent back to _Panamá_ the vessels which had accompanied him so far along the coast, and which took away a considerable quantity of gold, the sight of which might allure recruits.

During the remainder of the march to the bay of _Guayaquil_ the Spaniards suffered sorely, as well from a fatal epidemic as from the intense heat of the sun. They had, however, no resistance to encounter from the natives, who, alarmed at their proceedings, fled to the forest on their approach. When he had reached the vicinity of _Tumbez_, Pizarro determined to halt for a time on the small island of _Puná_, where an arbitrary act of punishment on his part ere long involved him in a fierce struggle with the islanders. Here as elsewhere Spanish discipline prevailed against enormous odds; yet he was not sorry to be relieved from his harassing situation by the arrival of two vessels bringing some horses and a hundred recruits, with which, in addition to his former force, he felt himself in sufficient strength to re-cross to the continent and resume his aggressive operations.

The inhabitants of _Tumbez_ did not this time receive the Spaniards with their previous cordiality. On the contrary, one of the _balsas_ bearing them was seized, and three persons were borne into the adjacent woods and massacred. Pizarro on entering the town was astonished to find it not only deserted, but almost entirely demolished. A few substantial buildings only--and these despoiled of their ornaments--remained to mark the site of the government of Almagro and of the bishopric of Luque! Pizarro, having despatched a small party in pursuit of the fugitives, was so fortunate as to get possession of the governor of the place, from whom he received the explanation that the dilapidated condition of the town was the result of a fierce contest with the inhabitants of _Puná_. He likewise learned that the two followers whom he had left on his former visit had perished. One of these, however, had bequeathed him a scroll, which Pizarro obtained from an unsuspecting native, and on which were written the words: “Know, whoever you may be that may chance to set foot in this country, that it contains more gold and silver than there is iron in Biscay.” This intelligence, however, encouraging as it was, was not sufficient to restore the spirits of the soldiers, who had fully counted on the spoils of _Tumbez_.

[Sidenote: 1532.]

Pizarro felt the pressing necessity of giving active employment to his soldiers, but at the same time he dreaded to advance further into the interior without complete information. He took a middle course. Leaving behind part of his men, he himself with the remainder reconnoitered the interior. In May a detachment under his own command kept advancing on the more level region, whilst a smaller body skirted the slopes of the _Andes_ under Hernando de Soto, a cavalier afterwards renowned as the discoverer of the Mississippi, and whose portrait is to be seen in the Rotunda of the Capitol at Washington. The Spanish leader, being awakened to the necessity of not unnecessarily provoking the hostility of the natives, maintained strict discipline, and enjoined his men to abstain from all acts of violence. By lenient conduct he soon effaced the previous unfavourable impressions respecting him, and he was welcomed in the villages beneath the _Cordilleras_. Proclaiming everywhere that he came in the name of the Pope and of the king of Spain, the simple natives involuntarily saw themselves become subjects of the latter, as a preliminary to being members of the faith of which the former was the head.

After a month spent in exploration, Pizarro fixed on the valley of _Tangarala_ as the site of his new settlement. This rich locality, traversed by streams navigable from the sea, was distant thirty leagues from _Tumbez_, and thither he ordered the men he had left there to repair. No sooner had they arrived than preparations were made for building the settlement. Timber and stone abounded, and ere long _San Miguel_ could boast a church, a magazine, a hall of justice, and a fort. A municipal government was organized; the neighbouring lands were divided amongst the residents; and each colonist had a number of natives assigned to him as labourers,--this last measure being held to tend to their initiation in the true faith. Luque, “the protector of the Indians,” had been left behind at _Panamá_.

This important operation having been effected, Pizarro caused the gold and silver which he had robbed to be melted down. After a fifth had been deducted for the crown, the soldiers were persuaded to relinquish their share for the present, and it was sent back to _Panamá_ to pay the shipowners and the outfitters of the expedition. The chief had meanwhile gained important information respecting the empire of _Peru_. That unhappy land had recently been the subject of contest between two brothers, and the victor and his forces were now encamped at a distance of ten days’ march from _San Miguel_. Pizarro judged that on the whole it was better to lead his men on active service rather than to allow their ardour to be damped whilst waiting for further reinforcements. This force was indeed a small one with which to attempt the conquest of a powerful empire. It consisted of about a hundred and seventy men, after deducting fifty for the defence of his settlement. But no one can accuse Pizarro of irresolution. He determined to strike directly at the _Inca_, and in September quitted _San Miguel_ at the head of his available men.

The Peruvian empire was now resting after an internal struggle between the sons of Huayna Capac, the conqueror of _Quito_, and who had left the two kingdoms of his empire to his sons Huascar and Atahualpa. Five years later the brothers went to war with each other, and their two years’ contest had but recently been decided in favour of the latter, who had now assumed the scarlet _borla_ or diadem of the _Incas_. On leaving _San Miguel_, Pizarro and his band marched through primeval forests, broken here and there by barren shoots of the _Andes_. The country was as fertile as it was lovely, and was cultivated with no mean skill. Wherever the Spaniards came to, they were received by the natives with unsuspecting hospitality, which for their own sake they were careful not to abuse. In every considerable place a royal _caravanserai_, or resting-place for provisions, was found, in which the _Inca_ was wont to lodge on his royal progresses. Halting on the fifth day, Pizarro found that his band numbered one hundred and seventy-seven, of which sixty-seven were horsemen. Of these, however, nine, being faint-hearted or lukewarm, were permitted to return to _San Miguel_. The rest volunteered to follow their captain whithersoever he might lead them.

Again resuming his march, Pizarro neared the _Andes_. De Soto was despatched in advance to reconnoitre, but on the eighth day he returned, accompanied by an envoy from the _Inca_. The Peruvian had brought with him some valuable gifts for Pizarro, whom Atahualpa welcomed to his country and invited to visit him at his camp. The march was now resumed, and the Spanish leader sent forward one of his Indians to the royal camp across the mountains with instructions to observe and report upon the route, and more particularly if the passes were guarded. After three days’ further march the base of the _Andes_ was reached, and Pizarro had now the final choice before him of proceeding to the south along a broad and level road to _Cuzco_, the southern capital, or of climbing the steep and narrow way across the _Cordilleras_, to the camp of Atahualpa. As was to be expected from his daring character, he chose the latter.

The difficulties of the Spaniards’ march over mountain paths which had been constructed for the passage of no animal of greater burden than the _llama_, may be easily imagined by those who may have travelled in Northern Turkey, Asia Minor, or Persia. To miss one’s footing was in many places to ensure being dashed to pieces over the precipices beneath; and had their progress been opposed, Pizarro’s little band must have been repulsed or annihilated, more especially as there were some strong works of stone commanding angles of the road. As it was, however, the Spaniards and their horses contrived to toil up the steep ascent and at length reached the crest of the _Cordillera_, where the cold was so great that the men were glad of the protection of tents and the warmth of fires. Here Pizarro was rejoined by one of the messengers whom he had sent forward, and who informed him that the road was unguarded, and that an embassy from the _Inca_ was on its way to his camp. The Peruvian envoy renewed the greetings of his master, who again invited Pizarro and his companions to _Caxamalca_, which place he reached on the evening of the 15th of November 1532.

[Sidenote: 1532.]

Notwithstanding the lateness of the hour, Pizarro forthwith despatched his brother Hernando, together with De Soto and a party of horsemen, to the _Inca’s_ camp. They were received with politeness, and Atahualpa deigned to promise a visit to the Spaniards on the morrow, upon which De Soto and his companions returned to give to their comrades such an account of the state and military strength of the Peruvian monarch as filled them with dismay. At this critical moment the master spirit of Pizarro asserted its supremacy. Matters had now arrived at such a pass that all must be staked on the hazard of the die. Going amongst his men, he exhorted them not to be downcast, since from their marvellous successes hitherto they were manifestly under the special protection of the heavenly powers, and hence the numbers against them mattered nothing. He then summoned a council of officers and unfolded to them for the first time his project, which was nothing more or less than to seize the _Inca_. What follows is so far beyond ordinary credulity that it would not be ventured on by a writer of fiction unless he were to suppose supernatural agency.

When the morning broke of Saturday the 16th of November, the Spaniards were called to arms by the trumpet’s sound, and were acquainted by their leader with his daring plan, which was to be executed on that very day. They were then carefully stationed within the spacious buildings of _Caxamalca_, so as to be hidden from view until the signal should sound for their appearance. Everything, said Pizarro, depended on concert, coolness, and celerity. Nothing was overlooked by the indefatigable chief, even to the horses being furnished with bells, to add to the confusion of the Peruvians. Mass was of course performed, and the God of battles was impiously invoked in favour of the treacherous brigands. It was not, however, till late in the day that any movement was visible in the Peruvian camp; and when Atahualpa and his troops at length neared _Caxamalca_, the _Inca_ sent a message to Pizarro that in consequence of the lateness of the hour he would encamp on the open for the night and pay his visit on the following morning.

His message, as we may well believe, disturbed the Spanish leader to no slight extent; but he was a man of many resources, amongst which treachery was by no means the least conspicuous. His men had been under arms all day, and their powers might be tried too far. He therefore returned a message to the effect that he had prepared an entertainment for the _Inca_ for that evening, and he trusted he might not be disappointed in his coming. Deceived by these smooth words, the unsuspecting monarch at once gave orders for a change of plan, and leaving his warriors on the plain, came on to _Caxamalca_ with an unarmed guard, sending on in advance a messenger to Pizarro to excuse the simplicity of his visit.

Shortly before sunset the van of the royal procession reached _Caxamalca_, and as the leading files entered the great square, where not a Spaniard was to be seen, the Dominican, Valverde, afterwards bishop of _Cuzco_, came forward with a bible and a crucifix, and attempted to explain to the astonished Peruvian the intricate doctrine of the Trinity; ranging, as we are told, from the creation of man to the representative of the Prince of the Apostles. To what must have sounded to him, hearing it as he did for the first time under these strange circumstances, as incomprehensible, the _Inca_ replied with disdain that his god, pointing to the sinking sun, lived in the heavens above them, upon which he threw the bible to the ground. This indignity to the sacred volume scandalized Valverde, who, picking it up and hastening to Pizarro, urged him no longer to delay in giving the appointed signal. Thereupon the chief waved his scarf; the signal-gun was fired; and the Spaniards, springing like tigers from their lair, rushed upon their prey. Some thousands of unarmed Peruvians had entered with the _Inca_, but they were utterly powerless against the butchers who assailed them. The gates of the town had been closed on their entry; but by mere force of numbers they burst through the frail walls, and thus many of them escaped. A fierce struggle, however, raged round the golden litter of the _Inca_, whose person it was Pizarro’s object to secure alive, and in effecting which he himself received the only wound of which the Spaniards could boast on that shameful day, the glory of which undoubtedly rests with the Peruvians. Some thousands of them fell--all or most unarmed--through their devotion to their monarch, whom as a captive Pizarro was enabled to entertain at the feast to which he had invited him.

Some thoughtless persons have instituted a parallel, founded on numbers alone, between the attack on the Peruvians by Pizarro’s band and the defence of Thermopylæ against the Persians by the immortal three hundred. A more insulting comparison was never imagined. Leonidas and his band devoted themselves to the defence of their country, of freedom and civilization, and were sure to meet death from an overwhelming armed force. The Spaniards, on the other hand, can claim no more sympathy or respect than can a band of modern Greek brigands, who are alike entitled with them to the praise belonging to enterprise, temperance, patient endurance of severe hardship, and the most constant observance of religious duties. As to personal danger, the Spaniards engaged in the slaughter of the unarmed Peruvians attending the capture of the _Inca_ incurred no more risk than does the butcher amongst so many sheep.

It must be confessed, however, that, its moral aspect apart, the seizure of Atahualpa was a master-stroke of policy. Such was the sacredness in which his person was regarded, that with his capture the whole activity of his government collapsed. Holding this hostage, the Spaniards were omnipotent; for the slightest attempt at a rising or rescue would have at once cost the _Inca_ his life. Whilst the prisoner of the Spaniards, he held his court in captivity, and was treated by the highest lords and officers of his realm with the ceremonious deference which formed part of the innermost being of all who owned his theocratic sway. But notwithstanding the respectful treatment which the _Inca_ was permitted to enjoy, he could not but pine in his captivity, and his mind bent itself to the means of obtaining his freedom. He was the more anxious in this respect, as he feared his lately defeated elder brother Huascar would turn his confinement to account by bribing his jailers to place him at liberty and set him upon the Peruvian throne.

Under these circumstances, the captive _Inca_ one day offered to Pizarro to purchase his liberation at the cost of filling the room in which he stood to his own height--the apartment was seventeen feet by twenty-two--in gold, and the adjoining smaller room twice full with silver, which offer was accepted, two months being given for the execution of the compact. The _Inca_ had not deceived himself in his forebodings as to the conduct of Huascar, who indeed made overtures to the Spaniard, offering a still larger bribe than had his brother. He was, however, in the hands of the latter, who, on learning his proceedings through his creatures, gave orders that he should be put to death. Meanwhile the _Inca’s_ ransom was being collected, but ere it had reached _Caxamalca_ the situation of affairs became materially changed by the unexpected arrival of Almagro with a reinforcement of about a hundred and seventy men. With these Pizarro now found himself in force to proceed to the south and complete the subjugation of the country. But the question presented itself, What was to be done with the _Inca_? To set him at liberty would manifestly be to restore cohesion to a government which had collapsed, and thus to undo what had already been effected. If, on the other hand, they should detain him in captivity, the force requisite to guard so precious a hostage would seriously cripple the operations of the conquerors.

In this trying position the Spaniards were at no loss for an excuse for a line of conduct which might justify the measure on which their chief had resolved. In the face of their experience and of all probabilities, a general Peruvian rising was invented; and notwithstanding that the _Inca_ had paid a ransom estimated as equivalent to three million and a half pounds sterling, he was put upon his trial on charges the most absurd, and respecting which, as the circumstances stated had occurred before their arrival, the Spaniards had in any case no pretence of jurisdiction. These, however, had involved themselves so deeply that they had scarcely a choice but to wade on through crime to crime. The _Inca_ was condemned to death, and, to keep up the grim farce to the end, his sentence was finally commuted from being burnt alive to strangulation, on condition of his professing himself a Christian. The Dominican Valverde, who had consented to his execution, has the credit of this conversion.

The death of the _Inca_ proved, as was to be expected, the signal for disorders throughout _Peru_. The late monarch had, indeed, by his own proceedings at the time of his victory over his brother, paved the way for such a result; for he had given orders to exterminate all members of the Imperial house. The Peruvian empire, with its civilization, which it had cost so much to build up, and which was perhaps equivalent to that of Japan, was now at an end. The provinces remote from _Cuzco_ lost no time in shaking off their allegiance. Early in September, Pizarro and his followers, by this time amounting to about five hundred men, set out for the Peruvian capital, taking with them a younger brother of Atahualpa, whom they set up as the nominal _Inca_. Their march was a severe one; and at _Xauxa_ they had to encounter the opposition of a numerous but impotent force. From this moment their progress was disputed; and it might have fared hardly with De Soto, who was sent on in advance, had he not, while encompassed by the Peruvians after a desperate engagement in the _Sierra_, received timely succour from Almagro. At _Xauxa_ Pizarro left a small garrison of forty men, who were to guard the treasure, which he did not think it prudent to take with him on the march.

[Sidenote: 1533.]

An agreeable surprise now awaited Pizarro in the arrival of _Manco_, the brother of Huascar, and who was the rightful heir to the Peruvian crown. No event could have happened better suited to the Spanish interests. The prince’s petition for protection was at once accorded, and he accompanied the invaders to _Cuzco_, which city was entered on the 15th of November. It had already been to a considerable extent denuded of its treasures, which had gone to form part of the ransom of Atahualpa, but it still formed a prize well worth the grasping, containing as it did, together with its suburbs, some five-and-twenty thousand houses. _Cuzco_ was a populous, well-built and well-regulated city, with houses of stone, wholly or in part, and with long, regular streets, crossing one another at right angles, and meeting in the great square, which through them communicated with the high-roads of the empire. Through the capital ran a river of pure water, the banks of which for twenty leagues were faced with stone, and which was crossed at intervals by bridges.

Here, as usual, almost the first care of the Spaniards, after their arrival, was to collect the treasure, which was computed to amount to about six hundred _pesos_ of gold and two hundred and fifteen marks of silver. Pizarro’s next object was to set up a civil government, and with this view the young _Inca_ was crowned, with the formalities which would have been observed had he really been destined to power, whilst at the same time Spanish _alcaldes_ and _regidores_ were appointed, two of the latter being Pizarro’s brothers. But all was not tranquil in _Peru_, and Almagro had soon to take the field to reduce one of the two generals of the late _Inca_, who, when defeated by him on this occasion, retreated to _Quito_, where he defied the Spaniards until he was assassinated by his troops. Soon afterwards Pizarro had the good fortune to purchase from the governor of _Guatemala_, for the consideration of a hundred thousand gold pieces, a fleet of twelve vessels, great and small, with forces, stores and ammunition.

_Peru_ was now, in all seeming, conquered, and the governor’s next concern was to select a suitable situation for the future capital of this vast colony. After much consideration, he decided on a spot about six miles from the mouth of the river _Rimac_, almost in the latitude of _Cuzco_, and on which, with wonderful rapidity, arose the beautiful city of _Lima_. Pizarro was now somewhat advanced in years, and the development of the new city in its delightful situation formed the immediate interest of the remainder of his life, he throwing into this object the same vigour by which he had been ever distinguished in exploration or in war.

It will be remembered that Pizarro’s elder brother, Hernando, had been despatched to Spain to announce the progress of his countrymen and the capture of the _Inca_. He was graciously received by the emperor, who manifested great interest as well in the fabrics and other products which he had brought with him as in the gold and silver, for which he had more immediate occasion. The adventurers who had returned with him had likewise such a tale to tell that he was at no loss for volunteers to return with him to _Peru_. He likewise brought back for his brother a patent for the rank of marquis, with the permission to extend his government seventy leagues to the south; and for Almagro the permission to discover and occupy the country for two hundred leagues still further, he himself having been named a knight of _St. Iago_. It so happened that no one could tell at this time the exact latitude of _Cuzco_, and consequently it was an open point whether it fell within the dominions allotted to Pizarro or within the grant of Almagro, a point which was not long in producing civil war amongst the conquerors. This was, however, for a time deferred, and Almagro consented to set out for the conquest of _Chili_.

[Sidenote: 1535.]

Notwithstanding occasional hostile encounters at different points, the success of the Spaniards had been so uniform that almost the last occurrence which they looked for was a general rising of the inhabitants of _Peru_. They were, consequently, correspondingly astonished when, the _Inca_ Manco having made his escape from _Cuzco_, his subjects rose at his orders as one man to resist the Spanish yoke and, if possible, to exterminate the invaders. In all directions the Spaniards were assailed, and many of them, who, in full belief of their security, had settled upon isolated properties throughout the country, were without difficulty cut off by the natives. But their grand effort was directed to the reduction of _Cuzco_, where the Spaniards under Hernando Pizarro were besieged for months. Although the numbers of the latter did not exceed two hundred besides a thousand native auxiliaries, they had, in the course of the siege, to undergo the trials of famine; besides which they were to be deemed fortunate in that they were not enveloped in the flames to which the city was consigned by the stratagem of the besiegers. They were reduced to terrible straits, and being cut off from all communication from outside the walls, were alike without the hope of succour and the knowledge of a place of refuge. Pizarro indeed had sent no fewer than four expeditions to their assistance, but these had been either repulsed or annihilated.

[Sidenote: 1535.]

From this desperate position they were at length relieved by the necessities of the besiegers. It was now the month of August--six months from the commencement of the siege,--and the _Inca_ Manco, whose multitudinous host was already straitened for provisions, saw that if his followers should not return to their fields at the sowing season, a famine would be the result. He accordingly gave orders that the greater part of his troops should return to their homes, to re-assemble when their agricultural labours were over. This measure, which was perhaps necessary for the Peruvians, was to the Spaniards a reprieve from death. With energy sharpened by apprehension and hunger, their foraging parties now scoured the neighbourhood for provisions, and, with the buoyancy naturally following such depression and long inaction, Hernando Pizarro was not slow in assuming the offensive. He even made a bold attempt, by a vigorous attack in the dead of night, to secure the _Inca’s_ person. This was defeated, and he was pursued by the Peruvians to before the walls of _Cuzco_; but with the necessity which compelled him to order his warriors to exchange their swords for the ploughshare, the _Inca_ lost the latest hope which remained to his countrymen of expelling the Spanish invaders.

Almagro’s march, undertaken with the object of taking possession of his future government of _Chili_, was of the most arduous that could be conceived. The cold which he and his men encountered in the passes of the _Andes_ was intense, whilst the straits to which both Spaniards and their attendant Indians were reduced by hunger were so great that the former were glad of the carcases of the horses which fell victims to the climate, whilst the latter were forced to feed on the bodies of their comrades who fell. The accounts, too, received from the exploring expedition which had been sent on in advance, held out no immediate prospect of plunder; so that under these circumstances it was not difficult for his advisers to persuade Almagro to retrace his way to _Cuzco_. With the remembrance of his recent passage through the mountain defiles, he this time determined to follow the coast; but he had avoided one set of difficulties to encounter another, perhaps as great, for his route led across the great desert of _Atacama_. On reaching the town of _Arequipa_, Almagro learned for the first time the revolt of the Peruvians, and he was so fortunate, whilst on his way to _Cuzco_, as to inflict on the _Inca_ a final defeat.

But before he could obtain possession of that city he had to encounter yet another foe. It was too important a prize to be yielded up without a struggle. Negotiations, it is true, took place between Almagro and the brothers of Pizarro who were in command; but in the end recourse was had to arms, with the result that the former remained master of the city of the _Incas_, whilst Hernando Pizarro and his brother were his prisoners.

[Sidenote: 1537.]

These successes of Almagro did not fail to rouse the jealousy of Pizarro, but in the end mediation between them was listened to, and Hernando was liberated on a solemn agreement that there should be no more strife between them. Scarcely, however, had Hernando reached his brother’s camp than they at once set on foot a hostile expedition against Almagro, of which Hernando Pizarro was to take command. Almagro was too weak to place himself at the head of his own troops, the command of whom he deputed to Orgoñez. A fierce engagement took place between them and those of his rival within sight of _Cuzco_. Pizarro was victorious, and after the battle, in which Orgoñez, after performing prodigies of valour, fell, Almagro himself became a prisoner. He had injured too deeply the pride of Hernando Pizarro to be forgiven; the same farce of a mock trial which had been played in the case of Atahualpa now took place upon Pizarro’s confederate. The trial was a waste of time, as the sentence was a foregone conclusion, and the veteran Almagro had to submit to the same traitor’s death which had been inflicted on the _Inca_. But he was not to be unavenged. His position had been too prominent to make it possible that the circumstances of his fate should escape inquiry, and Hernando Pizarro, who took an abrupt departure for Spain, where his riches might avail him, had to undergo an imprisonment of twenty years.

[Sidenote: 1541.]

The civil war which had occurred in _Peru_ drew the attention of the Spanish Government to that country, and a member of the Royal Audience of Valladolid was sent out in the capacity of a royal judge, holding certain co-ordinate powers with Pizarro, and with a warrant to assume the government in the case of his death. He reached _Peru_ at the close of 1541. The affairs of the colony urgently demanded his presence, for the _Inca_ Manco meanwhile kept up a desultory war from the fastnesses of the _Cordilleras_, from which the Spaniards found it impossible to dislodge him, whilst the natives throughout the country, seeing the Spaniards engaged in war amongst themselves, were more unsettled than ever. The governor now attempted to remedy this state of things by establishing provincial settlements. One of these sprang up at _Guamanga_ and another in the mining district of _Charcas_, called the _Villa de la Plata_, whilst the city of _Arequipa_ was founded by the sea. Pizarro continued to display his wonted energy as a governor, encouraging commerce with the colonies north of _Peru_, and facilitating measures for internal intercourse. Husbandry was stimulated by the importation of European grains, which he had the satisfaction to see thrive in a country whose soil and climate were so productive and varied. But the chief object of attention was the development of the mines, the produce of which very soon attracted European immigrants in numbers. Their arrival enabled Pizarro to send out two important expeditions in opposite directions--the one to _Chili_ under Valdivia, the other under his brother Gonzalo, from his government of _Quito_, which region had been conquered by Benalcazar, towards the unknown country to the east. The latter expedition was destined to lead to results which those who sent it out were far from foreseeing.

[Sidenote: 1540.]

Gonzalo Pizarro proceeded on his mission with ardour, and in a short time mustered three hundred and fifty Spaniards and four thousand Indians, one hundred and fifty of the former being mounted. At the commencement few difficulties presented themselves, but they had no sooner become involved in the ranges of the _Andes_ than dearth, hunger, intense cold, and hardships and incessant toil awaited them at every stage. As they descended the eastern slopes the cold of the mountains was exchanged for tropical heat and a deluge of tropical rains. Some months of this depressing labour brought them at length to the land of cinnamon-trees (_Canelas_), of which they were in search. The precious bark lay before them covering forests of trees; but in the absence of the means of transport it was useless. They were lured onwards by fabulous accounts of a land of gold before them; but the rumours proved illusive, and they found themselves at every step still further entangled in primeval forests of stupendous growth, the exuberance of the vegetation being such as to defy the imagination of any but those who have witnessed it. Their condition was now pitiable in the extreme. Their provisions and livestock were consumed, and they were reduced to feed upon the carcases of the thousand dogs which they had brought with them, many of them destined for hunting the natives. When this source of food too was gone, they had to content themselves with such herbs and roots as the forest afforded.

If anything can mitigate the horror with which we look on the cruelties exercised by the Spanish conquerors of America, it is the fact that if they never spared others, they were equally unsparing of themselves. They shrank from no exposure, fatigue, or danger, and were as enterprising as they were remorseless.

Gonzalo Pizarro, setting out once more from a valley where he had halted, came to a deep river, the _Napo_, which it was necessary for him to cross. Its narrowest breadth was twenty feet, and the banks were precipitous, and some two hundred fathoms in height. His men succeeded in laying a beam across, and in traversing this bridge of _Al Sirath_, one soldier fell into the hell beneath. The others proceeded, through marshes and by swamps and lakes, until their provisions were expended. On the river’s banks they determined to construct a raft which might support the sick and convey the whole party from the one bank to the other as occasion might seem to render prudent. The bits and stirrups of the horses’ harness supplied nails for the raft; the forest furnished gum in place of pitch, and the garments of the soldiers were used instead of oakum. The vessel thus constructed conveyed the sick and the stores, while the main body of the expedition followed on foot the course of the stream, through thickets, caves, plantations, and inundated fields. Gonzalo Pizarro would have belied his name had he not strewed his track with mementoes of his cruelty. Whether or not the chiefs of the tribes by which he passed received him well, their inevitable fate was to be carried along with him, although he observed a distinction between such as had given him a friendly welcome and such as had not, by placing only the latter in chains. But one day these _caciques_--the chained as well as the unchained--took the opportunity of leaping into the river, thinking the risk of death preferable to the tender mercies of a Pizarro. By this time more than one thousand Peruvians of the party had perished, and as by the native accounts they were not more than eighty leagues from the junction between the stream and a great river, Orellana was ordered to proceed in the vessel to the point of meeting, taking with him fifty men. In the course of three days Orellana reached the point where the _Coca_ joins the _Napo_, where, finding no provisions, he urged upon his men the necessity of proceeding down the river, leaving Pizarro to his fate. A youthful knight of Badajoz, whose chivalrous ideas revolted against this act of treachery, was left alone by the water’s side, to subsist as best he might until the arrival of Pizarro.

[Sidenote: 1541.]

On the last day of the year 1541 this voyage was commenced, and to such straits were the explorers reduced ere it ended, that they had recourse to boiling their leathern girdles and their shoes, to eat with the herbs upon which they had to subsist. At length the sound of a drum was heard, and four canoes were seen, when Orellana, landing his men, attacked the Indians with the impetuosity of wolves. The plunder of their property supplied the explorers for the present with food, and a further stock was obtained for the voyage. By means of an Indian language some verbal intercourse took place between Orellana and his hosts, and from this arose the name by which the river they were descending was destined to be ever afterwards known. Further down the stream--so the Indians said--there was a country inhabited by a tribe of female warriors. The Spaniards made themselves another boat and descended the river, passing by the mouths of numerous affluents and through the territories of many _caciques_. They landed at several places, and formally took possession of them for their monarch. They had at length to fight a battle, in which, it was affirmed, ten or twelve females took part. These women, of whom, according to the priest of the explorers, the Spaniards slew seven or eight, were tall and well formed; they were of fair complexion; they wore but a girdle; and they fought with desperation.

[Sidenote: 1542.]

This voyage extended until the 26th of August 1542, when the triumphant Spaniards emerged at the mouth of the river, and courageously committed their frail barques to the currents and waves of the sea. Steering northwards, they desired to reach the island of _Cubagua_. The newly discovered river was at first named after _Orellana_, but soon afterwards took its enduring name from the real or imaginary female warriors,--“The _Amazons_.”

[Sidenote: 1542.]

To return to Gonzalo Pizarro: After in vain awaiting during several miserable weeks the return of Orellana, Gonzalo determined to set out on the same journey by land; but two months were expended in toiling through the forest ere they reached the spot of the junction of the _Napo_ with the _Coca_, which distance had been accomplished by Orellana by water in three days. There they found Vargas, who had been set on shore, and from him they learned that they had been deserted by their comrades. Their situation was now indeed deplorable, but they did not give way to despair, and after a toilsome return march, which occupied more than a year, a portion of the wayworn band arrived again at _Quito_. Their absence had extended over two years and a half. Their horses were no more; their clothing was replaced by the skins of wild animals; and they themselves from civilized beings had become transformed into wild men of the woods, with wasted frames, blackened faces, and tangled locks. Of the four thousand Indians who had accompanied them, one-half of the number alone returned, whilst the three hundred and fifty Spaniards were now represented by eighty.

There is but one more event to be recorded in order to complete this sketch of the origin of Spanish _Peru_. Among men of such hot blood and of such lawless manners as were the conquerors, it was scarcely probable that the followers of Almagro would await tamely whatever retribution for his death might be exacted in Spain; and in order that Almagro’s youthful son might be the more harmless, he was deprived by Pizarro in great part of his property, and likewise of the government of _Chili_. A conspiracy against the life of the marquis was the result, and the news of an appointment of a colleague with Pizarro in the government gave confidence to his enemies. The arrival of this officer being delayed by severe weather, the conspirators resolved no longer to await for public justice, but to take the law into their own hands. A band of eighteen formed themselves into a committee for its execution. They attacked Pizarro in his palace, and, after a desperate defence on his part and on that of the friends who surrounded him, consigned him to the fate which formed the appropriate close of his stormy career.