Part 17

_London_, as a City only, and as its Walls and Liberties live it out, might, indeed, be viewed in a small Compass; but, when I speak of _London_, now in the Modern Acceptation, you expect I shall take in all that vast Mass of Buildings, reaching from _Black Wall_ in the _East_ to _Tothill Fields_ in the _West_; and extended in an unequal Breadth, from the Bridge, or River, on the _South_, to _Islington North_; and from _Peterburgh House_ on the Bank Side in _Westminster_, to _Cavendish Square_, and all the new Buildings by, and beyond _Hanover Square_, by which the City of _London_, for so it is still to be called, is extended to _Hyde Park Corner_ in the _Brentford Road_, and almost to _Maribone_ in the _Acton Road_, and how much farther may it spread, who knows? New Squares, and new Streets rising up every Day to such a Prodigy of Buildings, that nothing in the world does, or ever did, equal it, except old _Rome_ in _Trajan's_ time, when the walls were Fifty Miles in Compass, and the Number of Inhabitants Six Millions Eight Hundred Thousand Souls.

It is the Disaster of _London_, as to the Beauty of its Figure, that it is thus stretched out in Buildings, just at the pleasure of every Builder, or Undertaker of Buildings, and as the Convenience of the People directs, whether for Trade, or otherwise; and this has spread the Face of it in a most straggling, confus'd Manner, out of all Shape, uncompact, and unequal; neither long nor broad, round or square; whereas the City of _Rome_, though a monster for its Greatness, yet was, in a manner, round, with very few Irregularities in its Shape.

At _London_, including the Buildings on both Sides the Water, one sees it, in some Places, Three Miles broad, as from _St. George's_ in _Southwark_, to _Shoreditch_ in _Middlesex_; or Two Miles, as from _Peterburgh House_ to _Montague House_; and in some Places, not half a Mile, as in _Wapping_; and much less, as in _Redriff_ [Rotherhithe].

We see several Villages, formerly standing, as it were, in the County and at a great Distance, now joyn'd to the Streets by continued Buildings, and more making haste to meet in the like Manner; for Example, 1. _Deptford_, This Town was formerly reckoned at least Two Miles off from _Redriff_, and that over the Marshes too, a Place unlikely ever to be inhabited; and yet now, by the Encrease of Buildings in that Town itself, and by the Docks and Buildings-Yard on the River Side, which stand between both the Town of _Deptford_, and the Streets of _Redriff_ (or Rotherhith as they write it) are effectually joyn'd, and the Buildings daily increasing; so that _Deptford_ is no more a separated Town, but is become a Part of the great Mass, and infinitely full of People also; Here they have, within the last Two or Three Years, built a fine new Church, and were the Town of Deptford now separated, and rated by itself, I believe it contains more People, and stands upon more Ground, than the City of _Wells_.

The Town of _Islington_ on the _North_ side of the City, is in like Manner joyn'd to the Streets of _London_, excepting one small Field, and which is in itself so small, that there is no Doubt, but in a very few years, they will be intirely joyn'd, and the same may be said of _Mile-End_, on the _East_ End of the Town.

_Newington_, called _Newington Butts_, in _Surrey_, reaches out her Hand _North_, and is so near joining to _Southwark_, that it cannot now be properly called a Town by itself, but a Suburb to the Burrough, and if, _as they now tell us is undertaken_, _St. George's Fields_ should be built with Squares and Streets, a very little Time will shew us _Newington_, _Lambeth_, and the _Burrough_, all making but one _Southwark_.

Westminster is in a fair Way to shake Hands with Chelsea, as _St. Gyles's_ is with _Marybone_; and Great _Russel_ Street by _Montague House_, with _Tottenham Court_: all this is very evident, and yet all these put together are still to be called _London_: Whither will this monstrous City then extend? and where must a Circumvallation or Communication Line of it be placed?

A PETITION AGAINST THE EXCISE BILL (1733).

The equitable distribution of taxation is a problem which no financial minister has ever solved to the satisfaction of all the interests in the country, and Walpole, one of the ablest of financiers, was unable to effect an adjustment of the burden which would please everybody. In the reign of William III. a land-tax had been imposed to meet the expenses of the French war, and this was alleged to press heavily and unfairly on the country gentry, who demanded that the wealthy trading interests should pay more. Walpole tried a salt-tax, which, of course, was very hard on the poorer classes; and in 1733 he proposed to turn the Customs levied at the ports on wine and tobacco into an excise levied on these articles in the possession of the traders. His reason was that owing to the prevalence of smuggling the Customs did not produce as much as they ought, and he thought that the excise duties would be more efficiently collected. The proposal was violently opposed; it was stated that the necessary inspection of warehouses was a violation of liberty, and Walpole was forced to give way. The citizens of London shared the general hatred of the measure, and set forth their reasons in a petition to the House of Commons.

=Source.=—Document quoted by Maitland, vol. i., p. 560.

Your petitioners observe in the votes of this Honourable House, that a Bill has been brought in, pursuant to the resolutions of the sixteenth day of March, for repealing several subsidies, and an impost now payable on tobacco of the British plantations, and for granting an Inland-duty in lieu thereof.

That they presume therefore, in all humility, by a respectful application to this Honourable House, to express, as they have already done in some measure by their representation to their members, the universal sense of the City of London, concerning any further extension of the laws of excise.

That the burden of taxes already imposed on every branch of trade, however cheerfully borne, is severely felt; but that your petitioners apprehend this burden will grow too heavy to be borne, if it be increased by such vexatious and oppressive methods of levying and collecting the duties, as they are assured, by melancholy experience, that the nature of all Excises must necessarily produce.

That the merchants, tradesmen, and manufacturers of this Kingdom have supported themselves under the pressure of the excise-laws now in force, by the comfortable and reasonable expectation, that laws, which nothing but public necessity could be a motive to enact, would be repealed in favour of the trade of the nation, and of the liberty of the subject, whenever that motive should be removed, as your petitioners presume it effectually is, by an undisturbed tranquillity at home, and a general peace so firmly established abroad.

That, if this expectation be entirely taken away; if the Excise laws, instead of being repealed, are extended to other species of merchandizes not yet excised, and a door opened for extending them to all; your petitioners cannot, in justice to themselves, to the merchants, tradesmen, and manufacturers of the whole kingdom, and to the general interest of their country, conceal their apprehensions, that the most fatal blow which ever was given, will be given on this occasion to the trade and navigation of Great Britain; that great spring, from which the wealth and prosperity of the public flow, will be obstructed; the mercantile part of the nation will become not only less able to trade to advantage, but unwilling to trade at all; for no person, who can enjoy all the privileges of a British subject out of trade, even with a small fortune, will voluntarily renounce some of the most valuable of those privileges, by subjecting himself to the laws of excise.

That your petitioners are able to shew, that these their apprehensions are founded both on experience and reason; and therefore your petitioners most humbly pray, That this Honourable House will be pleased to hear them by their Counsel against the said bill.

LONDON STREETS (1741).

We have abundant evidence from many sources as to the deplorable condition of the streets of London down to comparatively recent times. It is somewhat surprising that this neglect should continue, while the danger was thoroughly understood. In the days of the Plague, John Evelyn was fully aware of the horrible conditions, and strongly inveighed against the nuisances of smoke and dirt. It was recognised that the existence of these filthy conditions had contributed to the spread of the Plague, and that there was an ever-present danger so long as these conditions remained; and yet, in spite of this knowledge, we find it possible for an indictment such as this to be made as late as 1741:

=Source.=—Speech by Lord Tyrconnel, January 27, 1741, quoted by Maitland, vol. i., p. 593.

The filth, Sir, of some parts of the town, and the inequality and ruggedness of others, cannot but in the eyes of foreigners disgrace our nation, and incline them to imagine us a people, not only without delicacy, but without Government—a herd of barbarians, or a colony of Hottentots. The most disgusting part of the character given by travellers, of the most savage nations, is their neglect of cleanliness, of which, perhaps, no part of the world affords more proofs than the streets of London, a city famous for wealth, commerce, and plenty, and for every other kind of civility and politeness; but which abounds with such heaps of filth, as a savage would look on with amazement. If that be allowed, which is generally believed, that putrefaction and stench are causes of pestilential distempers, the removal of this grievance may be pressed from motives of far greater weight than those of delicacy and pleasure; and I might solicit the timely care of this assembly, for the preservation of innumerable multitudes; and intreat those who are watching against slight misfortunes, to unite their endeavours with mine, to avert the greatest and most dreadful calamities.

Not to dwell, Sir, upon dangers which may perhaps be thought only imaginary, I hope that it will be at least considered how much the present neglect of the pavement is detrimental to every carriage, whether of trade or pleasure, or convenience; and that those who have allowed so much of their attentions to petitions relating to the roads of the kingdom, the repair of some of which is almost every session thought of importance sufficient enough to produce debates in this House, will not think the streets of the capital alone unworthy of their regard. That the present neglect of cleansing and paving the streets is such as ought not to be borne; that the passenger is everywhere either surprised and endangered by unexpected chasms, or offended and obstructed by mountains of filth, is well known to everyone that has passed a single day in this great City; and, that this great grievance is without a remedy, is a sufficient proof that no magistrate has, at present, power to remove it; for every man's private regard to his own ease and safety would incite him to exert his authority on this occasion.

THE LOYALTY OF THE LONDON MERCHANTS (1743).

The position of the mercantile interests on occasions of political or dynastic complications is made quite clear by the following letter. The merchants of London were in no way influenced by the sentimental or other considerations which induced a number of Englishmen to support a Stuart Pretender at a time when the country had experienced half a century of steady and prosperous government, free from the difficulties which had always been associated with the Stuart monarchs; and the protestations of personal loyalty to George II. may be understood to signify a determination to adhere to the established system of aristocratic government, and to run no risk of a return to the disturbances and distractions which marked the seventeenth century.

=Source.=—Document quoted by Maitland, vol. i., p. 634.

We, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the merchants of your City of London, having observed, by your Majesty's most gracious message to your parliament, that designs are carrying on by your Majesty's enemies, in favour of a popish pretender, to disturb the peace and quiet of these your Majesty's kingdoms, think it our indispensable duty, not to omit this opportunity of expressing our just resentment and indignation at so rash an attempt.

We have too lively a sense of the happiness we enjoy in our religion and liberties under your Majesty's mild and auspicious reign, and of the flourishing condition of our trade and commerce, even in the midst of war, under your paternal care and vigilance, not to give your Majesty the strongest assurance of our highest gratitude for such invaluable blessings; nor can we doubt, but by the blessing of God upon your Majesty's arms, and the unanimous support of your faithful subjects, the attempts of your enemies will recoil upon themselves, and end in their own confusion.

We therefore humbly beg leave to declare to your Majesty our unshaken resolution, that we will, on this critical conjuncture, exert our utmost endeavours for the support of public credit, and at all times hazard our lives and fortunes, in defence of your Majesty's sacred person and government, and for the security of the protestant succession in your Royal Family.

THE GORDON RIOTS (1780).

The Gordon Riots were the most formidable popular rising of the eighteenth century. In 1778 a Bill, brought forward by Sir George Savile, for the relaxation of some of the harsher penal laws against Catholics, passed almost unanimously through both Houses. Protestant associations were formed in Scotland; a leader was found in Lord George Gordon, a silly young man of twenty-eight years of age, and the agitation spread to England. Mobs collected in London, and interfered with the House of Commons; as they realised their strength, they proceeded to various excesses, destroying Catholic churches and the houses of prominent Romanists. The original objects of the agitation were entirely lost sight of in the disturbances, which were merely the unreasoning ravages of a wild mob. For five days the City was terrorised by the rioters, who were at length dispersed by the military authorities.

=Source.=—Boswell's _Life of Johnson_.

While Johnson was thus engaged in preparing a delightful literary entertainment for the world, the tranquillity of the metropolis of Great Britain was unexpectedly disturbed by the most horrid series of outrages that ever disgraced a civilised country. A relaxation of some of the severe penal provisions against our fellow subjects of the Catholic communion had been granted by the legislature, with an opposition so inconsiderable, that the genuine mildness of Christianity, united with liberal policy, seemed to have become general in this island. But a dark and malignant spirit of persecution soon showed itself, in an unworthy petition for the repeal of the wise and humane statute. That petition was brought forward by a mob, with the evident purpose of intimidation, and was justly rejected. But the attempt was accompanied and followed by such daring violence as is unexampled in history. Of this extraordinary tumult, Dr. Johnson has given the following concise, lively, and just account in his "Letter to Mrs. Thrale."

"On Friday, the good Protestants met in Saint George's-Fields, at the summons of Lord George Gordon, and marching to Westminster, insulted the Lords and Commons, who all bore it with great tameness. At night the outrages began by the demolition of the Mass-house by Lincoln's Inn. An exact journal of a week's defiance of government I cannot give you. On Monday, Mr. Strahan, who had been insulted, spoke to Lord Mansfield (who had, I think, been insulted too) of the licentiousness of the populace; and his lordship treated it as a very slight irregularity. On Tuesday night they pulled down Fielding's house, and burnt his goods in the street. They had gutted, on Monday, Sir George Savile's house, but the building was saved. On Tuesday evening, leaving Fielding's ruins, they went to Newgate to demand their companions, who had been seized demolishing the chapel. The keeper could not release them but by the Mayor's permission, which he went to ask; at his return he found all the prisoners released, and Newgate in a blaze. They then went to Bloomsbury, and fastened upon Lord Mansfield's house, which they pulled down; and as for his goods, they totally burnt them. They have since gone to Caenwood, but a guard was there before them. They plundered some Papists, I think, and burnt a mass-house in Moorfields the same night.

"On Wednesday I walked with Dr. Scot to look at Newgate, and found it in ruins, with the fire yet glowing. As I went by, the Protestants were plundering the Sessions House at the Old Bailey. There were not, I believe, a hundred; but they did their work at leisure, in full security, without sentinels, without trepidation, as men lawfully employed in full day. Such is the cowardice of a commercial place. On Wednesday they broke open the Fleet, and the King's Bench, and the Marshalsea, and Wood St. Compter, and Clerkenwell Bridewell, and released all the prisoners.

"At night they set fire to the Fleet, and to the King's Bench, and I know not how many other places; and one might see the glare of conflagration fill the sky from many parts. The sight was dreadful. Some people were threatened. Mr. Strahan advised me to take care of myself. Such a time of terror you have been happy in not seeing.

"The King said in Council 'that the magistrates had not done their duty, but that he would do his own'; and a proclamation was published directing us to keep our servants within doors, as the peace was now to be preserved by force. The soldiers were sent out to different parts, and the town is now (June 9) at quiet.

"The soldiers are stationed so as to be everywhere within call: there is no longer any body of rioters, and the individuals are hunted to their holes, and led to prison; Lord George was last night sent to the Tower. Mr. John Wilkes was this day in my neighbourhood, to seize the publisher of a seditious paper.

"Several chapels have been destroyed, and several inoffensive Papists have been plundered, but the high sport was to burn the gaols. This was a good rabble trick. The debtors and the criminals were all set at liberty; but of the criminals, as has always happened, many are already retaken; and two pirates have surrendered themselves, and it is expected that they will be pardoned.

"Government now acts again with its proper force; and we are all under the protection of the King, and the law. I thought that it would be agreeable to you and my master to have my testimony to the public security; and that you would sleep more quietly when I told you that you were safe.

"There has, indeed, been a universal panic, from which the King was the first that recovered. Without the concurrence of his ministers, or the assistance of the civil magistrates, he put the soldiers in motion, and saved the town from calamities, such as a rabble's government must naturally produce.

"The public has escaped a very heavy calamity. The rioters attempted the Bank on Wednesday night, but in no great number; and, like other thieves, with no great resolution. Jack Wilkes headed the party that drove them away. It is agreed that if they had seized the Bank on Tuesday, at the height of the panic, when no resistance had been prepared, they might have carried irrecoverably away whatever they had found. Jack who was always zealous for order and decency, declares that if he be trusted with power, he will not leave a rioter alive. There is, however, now no longer any need of heroism or bloodshed; no blue riband is any longer worn.

"Such was the end of this miserable sedition, from which London was delivered by the magnanimity of the Sovereign himself. Whatever some may maintain, I am satisfied that there was no combination or plan, either domestic or foreign; but that the mischief spread by a gradual contagion of frenzy, augmented by the quantities of fermented liquors, of which the deluded populace possessed themselves in the course of their depredations."

THE TRADE OF LONDON IN 1791.

The following account of London's trade at the end of the eighteenth century is, of course, concerned with the manufacturing and commercial activity of the whole country as well as with the particular work of London; but the City was the chief port and centre of a trade which had grown with marvellously rapid strides. The mechanical inventions in the textile industries, the phenomenal growth of manufactures at this time, the stimulus given to English trade by the disturbances on the Continent, all assisted in an amazing development of commerce, of which London was the centre.

=Source.=—_The British Directory_, 1791.

The commerce of the world being in perpetual fluctuation, we can never be too watchful, not only for preserving what we are now in possession of, but for availing ourselves of the mistakes or negligences of other nations, in order to acquire new branches of it. Who could have imagined, three hundred years ago, that those ports of the Levant, from whence, by means of the Venetians, England, and almost all the rest of Christendom, were supplied with the spices, drugs, etc., of India and China, should one day come themselves to be supplied with those very articles by the remote countries of England and Holland, at an easier rate than they were used to have them directly from the East; or that Venice should afterwards lose to Lisbon the lucrative trade of supplying the rest of Europe with them; or lastly, that Lisbon should afterwards lose the same to Amsterdam; or that Amsterdam and Haerlem should gradually lose, as in great part they have done, their famous and fine linen manufactures to Ireland and Scotland? At present, our woollen manufacture is the noblest in the universe; and second to it is our metallic manufacture of iron, steel, tin, copper, lead, and brass, which is supposed to employ upwards of half a million of people. Our unmanufactured wool alone, of one year's produce or growth, has been estimated to be worth two millions sterling; and, when manufactured, it is valued at six millions more, and is thought to employ upwards of a million of our people in its manufacture; whereas in former times all our wool was exported unmanufactured, and our own people remained unemployed. Even within the three last centuries, the whole rental or value of all the lands and houses in England did not exceed five millions; but by the spirited exertions of the City of London, seconded by the merchants of the principal trading towns in the country, the rental of England is now estimated at twenty millions per annum, or more; of which vast benefit our nobility, gentry, and landholders begin to be fully sensible, by the immense increase in the value or fee-simple of their lands, which has gradually kept pace with the increase and value of our commercial intercourse with foreign nations, of which the following are at present the most considerable: