Part 12

It is worthy of observation, that every year, upon St. Bartholomew's Day, when the fair is held, it is usual for the mayor, attended by the twelve principal aldermen, to walk in a neighbouring field, dressed in his scarlet gown, and about his neck a golden chain, to which is hung a golden fleece, and besides, that particular ornament which distinguishes the most noble order of the garter. During the year of his magistracy he is obliged to live so magnificently, that foreigner or native without any expense, is free, if he can find a chair empty, to dine at his table, where there is always the greatest plenty. When the mayor goes out of the precincts of the city, a sceptre, a sword and a cap are borne before him, and he is followed by the principal aldermen in scarlet gowns, with gold chains; himself and they on horseback. Upon their arrival at a place appointed for that purpose, where a tent is pitched, the mob begin to wrestle before them, two at a time; the conquerors receive rewards from the magistrates. While we were at this show, one of our company, Tobias Salander, doctor of physic, had his pocket picked of his purse, with nine crowns du soleil, which, without doubt, was so cleverly taken from him by an Englishman who always kept very close to him, that the doctor did not in the least perceive it....

The Mint for coining money is in the Tower. It is to be noted that when any of the nobility are sent hither, on the charge of high crimes such as treason, they seldom or never recover their liberty.... On coming out of the Tower we were led to a small house close by, where are kept variety of creatures, viz.—three lionesses; one lion of great size, called Edward VI. from his having been born in that reign; a tiger; a lynx; a wolf excessively old—this is a very scarce animal in England, so that their sheep and cattle stray about in great numbers, free from any danger. Near to this Tower is a large open space; on the highest part of it is erected a wooden scaffold, for the execution of noble criminals; upon which, they say, three princes of England, the last of their families, have been beheaded for high treason.

The next thing worthy of note is the Royal Exchange, so named by Queen Elizabeth, built by Sir Thomas Gresham, citizen, for public ornament and the convenience of merchants. It has a great effect, whether you consider the stateliness of the building, the assemblage of different nations, or the quantities of merchandise....

The streets in this city are very handsome and clean; but that which is named from the goldsmiths who inhabit it surpasses all the rest; there is in it a gilt tower, with a fountain that plays. Near it, on the farther side, is a handsome house built by a goldsmith and presented by him to the city. There are besides to be seen in this street, as in all others where there are goldsmiths' shops, all sorts of gold and silver vessels exposed to sale, as well as ancient and modern metals, in such quantities as must surprise a man the first time he sees and considers them.

LONDON AND ULSTER (1609).

The growth of colonisation which marked the beginning of the seventeenth century is one of the most notable features of our commercial history, and the plantation of Ulster was in accordance with the new spirit. This province had become depopulated and almost entirely forfeited to the Crown, by reason of the frequent rebellions which had occurred there during the previous century. On the presentation of the following report a charter was received by the Corporation of London, granting powers to raise a sum of money and take measures for the plantation of the province. The first arrangement was that the bulk of the land should be assigned to the twelve great livery companies, while the City of Derry and the town of Coleraine should be handed over to a society which was formed by City merchants for the purpose of exploiting the new colony.

=Source.=—_Calendar of State Papers (Ireland)_, 1608-1610, p. 207.

The late ruined city of Derry, situate upon the river of Lough Foyle, navigable above Derry, and another place near the Castle of Coleraine, situate on the river Ban, navigable with small vessels only, by reason of the bar a little above Coleraine, seem to be the fittest places for the City of London to plant.

2. With small charges, these places (especially Derry) may be made impregnable.

3. His Majesty offers to grant to these two places charters of incorporation; the whole territory betwixt them, however, which is above 20 miles in length, bounded by the sea on the north, by the Ban on the east, and the river Derry or Lough Foyle on the west (out of which 3,000 acres or more may be allotted to each of the towns for their commons), to be planted with such undertakers as the City of London shall think fit, paying only for the same the easy rent of the undertakers.

4. These towns to have the benefit of all the customs on goods imported or exported, as also tonnage and poundage, and the great and small customs, for 21 years, paying yearly 6s. 8d. Irish as an acknowledgment.

5. That His Majesty would be pleased to buy from the possessors the salmon fishing of the Ban and Lough Foyle, and bestow the same upon these towns.

6. Also license for free export of all goods growing on their own lands.

7. That the Admiralty jurisdiction in the coasts of Tyrconnell now supposed to be in the Lord Deputy by the Lord High Admiral's grant, may be transferred to them for 21 years.

_The Land Commodities which the North of Ireland affords._

1. The country is well watered, and supplied with fuel either of trees or turf.

2. It supplies such abundance of provisions as may not only sustain the plantation, but may furnish provisions yearly to the City of London, especially for their fleets, as beeves, pork, fish, rye, peas, and beans, and in some years will help the dearth of the city and country about, and the storehouses appointed for the relief of the poor.

3. It is fit for breeding of mares and for cattle, and thence may be expected store of hides, tallow, &c.

4. The soil is suited for English sheep, and if need were, wool might be had cheaply out of the West of Scotland.

5. It is fit in many parts for madder, hops, and woad.

6. It affords fells of red deer, foxes, sheep and lambs, cony, martens, squirrels, etc.

7. It grows hemp and flax better than elsewhere, and thus might furnish materials for canvas, cables, cordage and such like requisites for shipping. Also for thread, linen cloths, and stuffs made of linen yarn, which is finer there and more plentiful than in all the rest of the kingdom.

8. Timber, stone, lime, and slate, and building materials are to be had, and the soil is good for making bricks and tiles.

The goodliest timber in the woods of Glanconkein and Melleitragh may be had, and may compare with any in his Majesty's dominions, and may be brought to the sea by Lough Eagh and the Ban. Fir masts of all sorts may be had out of Loughnaber in Scotland (not far from the north of Ireland) more easily than from Norway.

9. All materials for building of ships (except tar) is there to be had in great plenty, and in countries adjoining.

10. There is wood for pipe staves, hogshead staves, barrel staves, hop staves, clap boards, wainscot, and dyeing ashes, glass and iron work; copper and iron ore are there found abundantly.

11. The country is fit for honey and wax.

_The Sea and River Commodities._

1. The harbour of Derry is very good, and the roads at Portrush and Lough Swilly (not far distant from Derry) tolerable.

2. The sea fishings are plentiful of all manner of fishes, especially herrings and eels. Yearly, after Michaelmas, above seven or eight score of sail of the King's subjects and strangers are there for loading, beside an infinite number for fishing and killing.

3. There are great fishings in the adjacent islands of Scotland, where many Hollanders do fish all the summer, and plentifully vent their fishes into Spain and within the Straits.

4. Much train and fish oil may be made upon the coast.

5. As the sea yieldeth fish, so the coast affords abundance of sea fowl, and the rivers great store of fresh fishes, more than any of the rivers of England.

6. There be store of good pearls upon the coast, especially within the river of Loughfoyle.

7. These coasts are ready for traffic with England and Scotland, and lie open and convenient for Spain and the Straits, and fittest and nearest to Newfoundland.

_The Profits that London shall receive by this Plantation._

If multitudes of men were employed proportionally to these commodities, many thousands would be set at work, to the great service of the King, the strength of his realm, and the advancement of several trades. It might ease the city of an insupportable burthen of persons, which it might conveniently spare, all parts of the city being so surcharged that one tradesman is scarce able to live by another; and it would also be a means to free and preserve the city from infection, and consequently the whole kingdom, which of necessity must have recourse hither, and being pestered and closed up together can never otherwise or very hardly avoid infection.

These colonies may be a means to utter infinite commodities from London to furnish the whole North of Ireland and Isles of Scotland, which may be transported by means of the river Ban and Loughfoyle into the counties of Coleraine, Donegal, Tyrone, Armagh, and Antrim.

The city of Dublin being desolate by the slaughter of the Easterlings, who were the ancient inhabitants thereof, was given by King Henry the Second to the city of Bristol to be inhabited, which, without any charge to the King, Bristol performed, whose posterity continues there to this day.

The plantation, thus performed to the eternal commendation of Bristol, was not the least cause of civilizing and securing that part of the country.

It were to be wished this noble precedent were followed by the City of London in these times, with so much the more alacrity as they excel Bristol in ability and means. And so much the rather, since the commodities which the City of London will reap hereby far surpass the profits which could redound to Bristol by the other.

THE DEMANDS OF CHARLES I. (1626).

At the very outset of his reign Charles I. had to face an angry and discontented City; the late King had shown little respect for the ancient liberties of London, and the citizens were prepared to find the same attitude on the part of his successor. The Parliament of 1626 refused to grant supplies until grievances had been redressed, and Charles dissolved it, determining to raise money without its help. He began by calling on the City for £100,000, which was refused. There had been a severe outbreak of the Plague, and London was in a somewhat impoverished condition. Next came the demand for men and ships for the projected expedition to Cadiz. The citizens complied with obvious reluctance, and Charles's habitual disregard of their feelings gradually estranged their affections and caused them later to give their hearty support to the Parliamentary cause.

=Source.=—Rushworth's _Collections_, i. 415.

His Majesty demanded of the City of London the Loan of an Hundred thousand pounds. But the peoples excuses were represented to the Council Table by the Magistrates of the City. Immediately the Council sent a very strict command to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, wherein they set forth the enemies strong preparations as ready for an invasion, and the Kings great necessities, together with his gracious and moderate proposals in the sum required, and the frivolous pretences upon which they excuse themselves: Wherefore they require them, all excuses being set apart, to enter into the business again, and to manage the same, as appertaineth to Magistrates so highly entrusted, and in a time of such necessities, and to return to his Majesty a direct and speedy answer, that he may know how far he may rely upon their faith and duty; or in default thereof, may frame his counsels as appertaineth to a King in such extreme and important occasions.

Lord Mayor and Commonalty of London petitioned the Council for an abatement of the twenty ships rated upon them, unto ten ships and two pinnaces, alleging disability; whereunto the Council gave this following answer, That the former commandment was necessary, the preservation of the State requiring it; and that the charge imposed on them was moderate, as not exceeding the value of many of their private estates: That petitions and pleadings to this command, tend to the danger and prejudice of the Commonwealth, and are not to be received: That as the commandment was given to all in general, and every particular of the City; so the State will require an account both of the City in general, and of every particular.

And whereas they mention precedents, they might know, that the precedents of former times, were obedience, not direction; and that precedents were not wanting for the punishment of those that disobey his Majesty's commands, signified by that Board, which they hope shall have no occasion to let them more particularly understand.

Hereupon the Citizens were glad to submit, and declared their consent to the King's demands, and by petition to the Council had the favour to nominate all the officers of those twenty ships, the captains only excepted, the nomination of whom appertained to the Lord High Admiral of England.

THE KEEPING OF THE SABBATH (1629).

The following Order of the Lord Mayor is an example of that Puritan spirit which exercised such a powerful influence on the lives of Englishmen during the first half of the seventeenth century. During Elizabeth's reign many serious and earnest attempts were made to effect certain changes in the doctrines and practices of the Established Church, with the idea of introducing a "purer" form of worship and ceremonial; and the Puritan spirit generally, although open to the charge of narrowness and intolerance, was based upon a sincere desire to bring the law of God into closer touch with life. It was characterised by a hearty hatred of that moral laxity and freedom which the Roman Church had frequently permitted, and consequently much of its activity appeared to depend upon various prohibitions and restrictions in matters of conduct, which frequently proved very irksome to those who did not sympathise with the Puritan ideals. London contained a strong Puritan element, and the Order for the better keeping of the Lord's Day well illustrates the typical activities of the City and the attitude of its rulers.

=Source.=—Rushworth's _Collections_, part ii., p. 22.

Whereas I am credibly informed, that notwithstanding divers good Laws provided for the keeping of the Sabbath-day holy, according to the express commandment of Almighty God, divers inhabitants and other persons of this City, and other places, having no respect of duty towards God, and his Majesty, or his Laws, but in contempt of them all, do commonly and of custom greatly profane the Sabbath-day, in buying, selling, uttering and vending their wares and commodities upon that day for their private gain: also innholders suffering markets to be kept by carriers, in most rude and profane manner, in selling victuals to hucksters, chandlers, and all other comers: also carriers, carmen, cloth-workers, water-bearers, and porters carrying of burdens, and watermen plying their fares; and divers others working in their ordinary callings: and likewise, that I am further informed, that vintners, alehouse-keepers, tobacco and strong-water sellers, greatly profane the Sabbath-day, by suffering company to sit drinking and bibbing in their houses on that day; and likewise by cursing and swearing and such-like behaviour, contrary to the express commandment of Almighty God, his Majesty's Laws in that behalf, and all good government: For the reformation whereof, I do hereby require, and in his Majesty's name straightly command all his Majesty's loving subjects whatsoever, and also all constables, head-boroughs, beadles, and all other officers whatsoever, to be aiding and assisting to J. S. the bearer hereof, in finding out and apprehending all and every such person and persons, as shall be found to offend in any of these kinds; and them and every of them to bring before me, or some other of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace, in answer to all such matters as shall be objected against them, and to put in good security for their good behaviour. Whereof fail you not, as you or any of you will answer at your peril.

_April 20, 1629._

THE CITY'S PETITION TO CHARLES I. (1640).

The arbitrary government of Charles I. during the "eleven years' tyranny" sorely tried the loyalty of the citizens of London. We find that they were, as a rule, quite disposed to support the King's government, so long as their interests were safeguarded and their privileges maintained. But they could not tolerate the illegal exactions and unreasonable demands of the King without vigorous protest. The Petition of 1640 is particularly interesting as embodying the grievances which affected not only the trading and commercial interests of the capital, but indirectly the welfare of the whole country. It is pointed out that the ship-money had not been applied to its proper purpose of protecting the coasts and the merchant fleets, while royal interference continually hampered trade. The prevalent ill-feeling against Roman Catholics finds expression, and the Petition in general shows that the City was experiencing considerable difficulty in sustaining its position of loyal respect for the monarch.

=Source.=—Rushworth's _Collections_, part ii., p. 1263.

MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN.

Being moved with the duty and obedience, which by the laws your petitioners owe unto your sacred Majesty, they humbly present unto your princely and pious wisdom the several pressing grievances following, viz.

1. The pressing and unusual impositions upon merchandize, importing and exporting, and the urging and levying of Ship-money, notwithstanding both which, merchant ships and goods have been taken and destroyed both by Turkish and other pirates.

2. The multitude of monopolies, patents, and warrants, whereby trade in the City, and other parts of the kingdom is much decayed.

3. The sundry innovations in matters of religion.

4. The Oath and Canons lately enjoyned by the late Convocation, whereby your petitioners are in danger to be deprived of their Ministers.

5. The great concourse of Papists, and their inhabitations in London, and the Suburbs, whereby they have more means and opportunities of plotting and executing their designs against the Religion established.

6. The seldom calling, and sudden dissolutions of Parliaments, without the redress of your Subjects grievances.

7. The imprisonment of divers Citizens for non-payment of Ship-money, and impositions; and the prosecution of many others in the Star-Chamber, for not conforming themselves to Committees in Patents of Monopolies, whereby trade is restrained.

8. The great danger of your sacred person is exposed unto in the present War, and the various fears that seized upon your petitioners and their families by reason thereof; which grievances and fears have occasioned so great a stop and distraction in trade, that your petitioners can neither buy, sell, receive nor pay as formerly, and tends to the utter ruin of the inhabitants of this City, the decay of navigation, and clothing, and the manufactures of this kingdom.

Your humble petitioners conceiving, that the said grievances are contrary to the Laws of the kingdom, and finding by experience that they are not redressed by the ordinary course of Justice, do therefore most humbly beseech your most sacred Majesty, to cause a Parliament to be summoned with all convenient speed, whereby they may be relieved in the premises.

And your Petitioners and loyal Subjects shall ever pray, &c.

LONDON UNDER THE EARLY STUARTS (1642).

The following passage from Clarendon's _History_ states very clearly the relations between Charles I. and the City in 1642, when the King's general attitude was anything but conciliatory, and London was definitely attaching itself to the Parliamentary cause. The royal policy was not in the least calculated to induce a friendly feeling on the part of the metropolis; neither Charles nor his father appeared to have realised the immense importance of gaining the good-will of the citizens, and Clarendon quite fairly and impartially sets forth the facts when he refers to the wealth of the City, and the unjust treatment which it experienced at the hands of the first Stuart monarchs.

=Source.=—Clarendon's _History of the Great Rebellion_, iv. 178.

The city of London, as the metropolis of England, by the situation the most capable of trade, and by the not [un]usual residence of the Court, and the fixed station of the courts of justice for the public administration of justice throughout the kingdom, the chief seat of trade, was by the successive countenance and favour of princes strengthened with great charters and immunities, and was a corporation governed within itself; the mayor, recorder, aldermen, sheriffs, chosen by themselves; several companies incorporated within the great incorporation; which, besides notable privileges, enjoyed lands and perquisites to a very great revenue. By the incredible increase of trade, (which the distractions of other countries, and the peace of this, brought,) and by the great license of resort thither, it was, since the access of the crown to this King, in riches, in people, in buildings, marvellously increased, insomuch as the suburbs were almost equal to the city; a reformation of which had been often in contemplation, never pursued, wise men foreseeing that such a fulness could not be there without an emptiness in other places, and whilst so many persons of honour and estates were so delighted with the city, the government of the country must be neglected, besides the excess and ill husbandry that would be introduced thereby. But such foresight was interpreted a morosity, and too great an oppression upon the common liberty; and so, little was applied to prevent so growing a disease.

As it had these, and many other, advantages and helps to be rich, so it was looked upon too much of late time as a common stock not easy to be exhausted, and as a body not to be grieved by ordinary acts of injustice; and therefore it was not only a resort in all cases of necessity for the sudden borrowing great sums of money, (in which they were commonly too good merchants for the Crown,) but it was thought reasonable upon any specious pretences to avoid the security that was at any time given for money so borrowed.