Part 2

Nonsuch appears to have been one of the earliest instances of this type of work in England. Le Neve, who saw the house when half destroyed, describes them as done in plaster-work made of rye-dough [_sic_], very costly. “There are,” says Evelyn, “some mezzorelievos as big as life—the story of ye heathen Gods, emblems, compartments, &c.” On the garden front were represented the labours of Hercules. There is evidence that these reliefs were painted, and to enhance further the richness of the whole design the faces of the half-timber work were covered with gilded scales of lead or slate nailed on, after the fashion still to be seen in many Continental towns.

Apart from the abstract question of taste, it can easily be imagined that a building so adorned must have presented an appearance of extreme sumptuousness, and while it is impossible to regard it quite as a serious essay in architecture, yet as an example of a rare exotic grafted on an alien stem it is of extraordinary interest.

It can only be compared in the history of English art with that lordly pleasure-house which King Henry VIII. erected near Guisnes in the Calais pale on the occasion of the Field of the Cloth of Gold. That a marked similarity existed between the two buildings is evident from the minute description of the Guisnes palace to be found in Hall’s Chronicle.

The existing remains of the palace consist solely of the base of a chalk wall, faced with red brick in Old English bond, some 275 ft. in length and lying at right angles to the great avenue leading from the London Road. In all probability this formed a part of the wall surrounding the privy garden, and the main building lay rather to the north of it, on the axis of the avenue.

Some little distance to the west of the house was a building known as the Banqueting House. It is described in the Parliamentary Survey as “one structure of timber building of quadrangular form pleasantly situated upon the highest part of the said Nonsuch Park commonly called ‘the Banquetting House’ being compassed round with a brick wall the four corners whereof represent four half moons or fortified angles.” The house itself was three stories high, with a lantern above and a balcony placed “for prospect” at each of the four corners.

Considering the material, it is not surprising that it has quite disappeared; but the artificial platform upheld by brick retaining walls is in existence. The “fortified angles” which caught the eye of the Parliamentary Commissioner are still preserved, and, with them, remains of the double flight of stone steps leading up to the entrance.

“The Banquet House” figures largely in Elizabethan literature, though its origin and date of introduction are somewhat obscure. There can be little doubt that it was due to one of those vagaries of fashion, combined with the sixteenth-century passion for the new and strange, which attempted to transplant a custom from its native southern soil to the uncongenial air of England. The fashion once started, however, held its place with remarkable tenacity, and received its final form under the hand of Sir Christopher Wren and his school in the Orangeries at Kensington and Richmond.

The example at Nonsuch is one of the earliest in this country to which a definite date can be assigned. It is mentioned as a completed building in the first year of Edward VI., and consequently must have formed part of the original work of Henry VIII. and his Italian advisers.

A document preserved at Loseley Place contains an inventory of goods received for furnishing the Banqueting House in 1547. They include nine Turkey carpets and one carpet of green satin embroidered upon with sundry of the king’s beasts, antique heads, grapes and birds, &c. Evidently the interior decoration of Nonsuch fell little short of the exterior in magnificence.

One other building deserves a passing mention. “The Standing” in the park was used by Elizabeth as a convenient vantage ground from which to view the hunting. No trace of it remains, but, fortunately, a complete structure of this class is still standing in the Hunting Lodge in Epping Forest, and it too is associated with the name of this queen. The upper stories of the timber framing were left open between the studding or uprights, forming a convenient gallery from which to view the sport.

Fragments of the destroyed palace found their way to Gaynsford Hall, Carshalton, to Durdans by Epsom, and to the vicarage at Ewell; but these houses have since been rebuilt and all the authentic remains of the most remarkable of Tudor buildings lie buried beneath the turf of Nonsuch Park. The archæologist is apt to think that monastic houses and feudal castles are alone worthy of his attention; but the recovery of the ground plan of Nonsuch would be an achievement of even greater architectural value, while its wealth of historic associations places it far above them all in sentimental interest.

—A. W. C.

THE FORTUNE THEATRE, LONDON (1600)

II.

THE FORTUNE THEATRE, LONDON.

The original contract, dated 1599–1600, for the building of the “Fortune” Theatre was brought under my notice by Mr. William Archer, the well-known author and dramatic critic, to whose friendly criticism and help this article chiefly owes its inspiration. The document is preserved at Dulwich College, and was transcribed by J. O. Halliwell Phillipps in his _Outlines of the Life of Shakespeare_, and it is from his transcript that the quotations below are taken. Apart from its interest to architects of the present day, as illustrative of building methods of over 300 years ago, the contract has considerable value in the light it throws upon that most controversial of all topics—the form of the Elizabethan stage. It is not my intention here to consider in detail any of the theories heretofore advanced, but I wish in as brief a space as possible to place before the reader just sufficient of the available _data_ to enable him to understand the reconstruction of the Fortune Theatre which has been attempted in the accompanying plans.

The sources from which these _data_ have been drawn fall naturally into two classes. The first, which has as yet by no means been exhausted, although used almost exclusively by the literary critics, is to be found in the internal evidence which the plays of the period afford, partly in their text, but chiefly in their stage directions. The second is to be found in the contemporary evidence of descriptions or drawings made while the theatres still existed, of which the most important are the “Fortune” and “Hope” contracts, the early maps, and the remarkable drawing reproduced here of the interior of the Swan Theatre preserved in the commonplace book of a certain Van Buchell, at the Utrecht University Library, and purporting to be drawn from a sketch by a traveller named Johannes de Witt, who visited London about the year 1600. The interpretation of this latter evidence falls as naturally into the province of the architect as that of the former belongs to the sphere of the literary and dramatic critic.

Everyone familiar with Visscher’s beautiful drawing of London in the year 1616 will remember seeing in the foreground, on the south side of the Thames, three buildings resembling amphitheatres in form, marked respectively (reading from east to west), the “Globe,” the “Bear Garden,”[8] and the “Swan.” The correctness of the two former inscriptions may very reasonably be questioned, but I do not think there is any ground for doubting the veracity of the drawing, since two theatres existed on Bankside in 1616—the Rose (1592) and the Hope (1614), besides the more celebrated Globe, which lay probably beyond the limit of the map. The Swan is correctly placed, as we know by its position in Paris Garden. But whether depicted or not, the Globe Theatre of 1616 could not be Shakespeare’s Globe, which was erected in 1598–9 and burnt down in 1613, and it is important to bear this in mind in considering the “Fortune” contract, which definitely states that the new theatre is to follow the pattern of the “late erected plaie-howse on the Banck ... called the Globe.” There are many other early maps both anterior and subsequent to Visscher which show the Bankside theatres, but their examination and collation are not as yet sufficiently advanced to give us any trustworthy information, although a valuable step towards this end has already been taken by Dr. William Martin. (_Vide_ _Home Counties Magazine_, Vol. IX.)

[8] The “Bear Garden” was pulled down in 1613, and the Hope Theatre erected “neere or uppon the saide place where the same game place [the Bear Garden] did heretofore stande.”

The “Fortune” document itself consists of rather more than a mere contract, and possesses somewhat the character of a specification, being not unlike the hasty compromise between the two which has been known to be indulged in even in these days of careful architectural practice. The portion which bears on the actual form of the building reads as follows:—

This Indenture made the eighte daie of Januarye 1599, and in the twoe and fortyth yeare of the reigne of our sovereigne ladie Elizabeth, by the grace of God Queene of England, Fraunce and Irelande, defender of the faythe, &c., betwene Phillipp Henslowe and Edwarde Allen of the parishe of Sainte Saviours in Southwark, in the countie of Surrey, gentlemen, on th’ one parte, and Peeter Streete cittizein and carpenter of London on th’ other parte.——Witnesseth that, whereas the saide Phillipe Henslowe and Edward Allen the daie of the date hereof have bargayned, compounded and agreed with the saide Peter Streete for the erectinge, buildinge, and settinge upp of a newe howse and stadge for a plaie-howse, in and uppon a certeine plott or parcell of grounde appoynted oute for that purpose, Scytuate and beinge nere Goldinge Lane in the parishe of Sainte Giles withoute Cripplegate of London; to be by him the said Peeter Streete, or somme other sufficyent woorkmen of his provideinge and appoyntemente, and att his propper costes and chardges, for the consideracion hereafter in theis presentes expressed, made, erected, builded, and sett upp in manner and forme followeinge; that is to saie, the frame of the saide howse to be sett square, and to conteine fowerscore foote of lawfull assize everye waie square withoute, and fiftie five foote of like assize square everye waie within, with a good suer and stronge foundacion of pyles, bricke, lyme, and sand, bothe withoute and within, to be wroughte one foote of assize att the leiste above the grounde; and the said frame to conteine three stories in heighth, the first or lower storie to conteine twelve foote of lawfull assize in heighth, the seconde storie eleaven foote of lawfull assize in heigth, and the third or upper storie to conteine nyne foote of lawfull assize in height. All which stories shall conteine twelve foote and a half of lawfull assize in breadth throughoute, besides a juttey forwardes in eyther of the saide twoe upper stories of tenne ynches of lawfull assize; with fower convenient divisions for gentlemens roomes, and other sufficient and convenient divisions for twoepennie roomes; with necessarie seates to be placed and sett as well in those roomes as througheoute all the rest of the galleries of the saide howse; and with suche like steares, conveyances and divisions, withoute and within, as are made and contryved in and to the late erected plaie-howse on the Banck, in the saide parishe of Sainte Saviours, called the Globe; with a stadge and tyreinge-howse to be made, erected and sett upp within the saide frame; with a shadowe or cover over the saide stadge; which stadge shal be placed and sett, as alsoe the stearecases of the saide frame, in suche sorte as is prefigured in a plott thereof drawen; and which stadge shall conteine in length fortie and three foote of lawfull assize, and in breadth to extende to the middle of the yarde of the saide howse; the same stadge to be paled in belowe with good stronge and sufficyent newe oken bourdes, and likewise the lower storie of the saide frame withinside, and the same lower storie to be alsoe laide over and fenced with stronge yron pykes; and the saide stadge to be in all other proporcions contryved and fashioned like unto the stadge of the saide plaiehowse called the Globe; with convenient windowes and lightes glazed to the said tyreinge-howse. And the saide frame, stadge, and stearecases to be covered with tyle, and to have sufficient gutter of lead, to carrie and convey the water frome the coveringe of the saide stadge, to fall backwardes. And alsoe all the saide frame and the stairecases thereof to be sufficyently enclosed withoute with lathe, lyme and haire. And the gentlemens roomes and twoepennie roomes to be seeled with lathe, lyme, and haire; and all the flowers of the saide galleries, stories and stadge to be bourded with good and sufficyent newe deale bourdes of the whole thicknes, wheare neede shal be. And the saide howse and other thinges before mencioned to be made and doen, to be in all other contrivitions, conveyances, fashions, thinge and thinges, effected, finished and doen, accordinge to the manner and fashion of the saide howse called the Globe; saveinge only that all the principall and maine postes of the said frame, and stadge forwarde, shal be square and wroughte palasterwise, with carved proporcions called satiers to be placed and sett on the topp of every of the same postes; and saveinge alsoe that the saide Peter Streete shall not be chardged with anie manner of paynteinge in or aboute the saide frame, howse or stadge, or anie parte thereof, nor rendringe the walls within, nor seelinge anie more or other roomes than the gentlemens roomes, twoepennie roomes and stadge, before remembred. Nowe theereuppon the saide Peeter Streete dothe covenaunte, promise and graunte for himself, his executors and administrators, to and with the said Phillipp Henslowe and Edward Allen and either of them, and the ’xecutors and administrators of them, and either of them by theis presentes, in manner and forme followeinge, that is to saie; that he the said Peeter Streete, his executors or assignes, shall and will, at his or their owne propper costes and chardges, well, woorkmanlike and substancyallie make, erect, sett upp and fully finishe in and by all thinges, accordinge to the true meaninge of theis presentes, with good, strong and substancyall newe tymber and other necessarie stuff, all the saide frame and other woorkes whatsoever in and uppon the saide plott or parcell of grounde, beinge not by anie aucthoretie restrayned, and haveinge ingres, egres and regres to doe the same, before the fyve and twentith daie of Julie next commeinge after the date hereof; and shall alsoe, att his or theire like costes and chardges, provide and finde all manner of woorkemen, tymber, joystes, rafters, boordes, dores, boltes, hinges, brick, tyle, lathe, lyme, haire, sand, nailes, leede, iron, glasse, woorkmanshipp and other thinges whatsoever, which shal be needeful, convenyent and necessarie for the saide frame and woorkes and everie parte thereof; and shall alsoe make all the saide frame in every poynte for scantlinges lardger and bigger in assize than the scantlinges of the timber of the saide newe erected howse called the Globe....

The remainder of this interesting document sets forth the conditions under which the contractor is to be paid the sum of £440 “of lawfull money of Englande,” the total cost of the works. In the absence of the “plott” or plan mentioned in the document, we are fortunate in having the main dimensions of the theatre so precisely laid down for us,[9] and it is an easy matter to put them on paper. But beyond these main dimensions of height and area we have really little indication of the arrangement of the stage, or the disposition of the main features of the theatre. We have, therefore, to draw our inferences from other sources, and see that their application does not clash with the terms of the specification.

[9] The “Hope” contract referred to above is a document second only in interest to the one under consideration. Its deficiency, however, in omitting all dimensions, prevents any satisfactory attempt at reconstruction. The theatre was to be built on the model of the Swan, and to be of similar “large compasse, forme, wideness and height.”

It must be first remembered that the prototype of the Elizabethan public theatres was the old galleried innyard, of which London itself possessed some of the finest examples in the land. In these inns the companies of players first gave their performances, and several names of the early theatres are reminiscent of these first associations. The Fortune was, as far as we know, the only theatre that was square on plan like the inns themselves. With the help of their analogy and of our main dimensions we are therefore able to construct the “frame” itself fairly safely, with its three tiers of open galleries supported, towards the “yard,” with posts, “wrought pilaster-wise,” adorned with carved satyrs—if thus we may interpret the description. But how is the yard entered? Various documents bearing on the disputes between proprietors and players regarding the profits of the theatres, make it almost certain that the main body of the public entered at one door into the yard, each person making the same payment, and that those who wished could then proceed to the galleries, where an extra sum was exacted from them by the “gatherers,” who made a circuit of these parts of the house, probably hence described as the “twopennie-rooms.” There was one other door, the “tyring-house door,” or stage door, through which privileged members of the public were also admitted, but whether these went thence to the gentlemen’s rooms in the galleries or whether they were accommodated with seats on the stage itself, is still a matter of much controversy.[10]

[10] These and many other points regarding the Shakespearian Stage have been ably discussed by Mr. W. J. Lawrence in his two volumes entitled _The Elizabethan Playhouse and other Studies_.

The staircases themselves are our next difficulty. It is quite clear from the Fortune contract that some of these were within the yard, since their roofs are distinctly specified, but their position must remain the subject of conjecture. I am inclined to think that they would be circular stairs placed in the angles of the yard nearest the entrance, but in the accompanying plan they are shown on each side of the stage, thus making use of a space for which any other purpose is not easily conceived, and obviating the obstruction of view which the first-named positions would entail. For information on this point we naturally turn to the Swan drawing, but meet with some disappointment, for the indication of “ingressus” there appears to suggest an impracticable staircase, unless it were a temporary access from the arena to the first tier of seats. This may be so, as it is known that the Swan was used for wild beast shows as well as theatrical performances, and indeed the whole appearance of the stage and _mimorum ædes_ suggests a temporary or movable character.

So far our task has been comparatively simple, but the stage itself, its “shadow” or roof, and the buildings behind, afford a problem which is far from having been as yet finally solved. I have, however, followed Mr. Archer’s views in these drawings, and must refer the reader to his and Mr. Lawrence’s writings on the subject for more detailed information. The following will indicate the idea in outline.

The contract specifies that the stage is to be 43 ft. wide and to extend to the centre of the yard; it also definitely mentions the “shadowe or cover” which is to be tiled, and provided with a lead gutter brought back to the rear of the stage. This latter direction certainly points to a roof similar to that shown in the “Swan” drawing, and it is reasonable to suppose that in like manner it was supported by independent columns. The lords’ boxes or minstrels’ gallery,[11] in the centre of which is the upper stage, again merely follows Van Buchell’s sketch, which is corroborated by such stage directions as that in Marston’s _Antonio’s Revenge_ (v. 2): “while the measure is dancing, Andrugio’s ghost is placed betwixt the music-houses.” This upper stage fulfilled such separate functions as Juliet’s balcony, Christopher Sly’s point of vantage in _The Taming of the Shrew_, or the battlements of Angiers in _King John_. But in the Swan Theatre there is no sign of an “inner” or rear stage beneath this gallery, and it is here that we are bound to fall back upon the literary evidence. I will quote Mr. Archer’s own words. Writing of a book by Dr. Wegener on the subject he says: “Especially as it seems to me, does he establish beyond dispute the fact that Elizabethan dramatists habitually counted on and employed that rear stage which does not appear in the Swan drawing. It served by turns as a bedroom, a cave, a shop, a study, a counting-house, a tomb. It could be curtained off, and Wegener believes that it could also be shut off by folding or sliding doors; but on this point his evidence is scarcely conclusive. That the upper stage was immediately over the rear stage is proved by the situation in Marlowe’s _Jew of Malta_, in which Barabas is caught in the trap he had planned for Calymath. He says to Ferneze:—

“‘Now as for Calymath and his consorts, Here have I made a dainty gallery, The floor whereof, this cable being cut, Doth fall asunder, so that it doth sink Into a deep pit past recovery.’”

[11] John Melton, in his _Astrologaster: or the Figre Caster_ (1620), speaking of a visit to “the Fortune in Golding-lane,” says: “There indeed a man may behold shagge-hayr’d deuills runne roaring ouer the stage with squibs in their mouthes, while drummers make thunder in the tyring-house, and the twelve-penny hirelings make artificial lightning in their heauens.”

Ferneze, however, is so shocked by the atrocious plan that he cuts the cable while Barabas, instead of his intended victim, is on the trap door. At the same moment the curtains of the rear stage are opened and a boiling cauldron is revealed, into which Barabas is precipitated. It is manifest that this cauldron must have been on the inner stage. Indeed the evidence for a rear stage is even stronger than Wegener represents it to be. He says that we have no explicit mention of this stage region; forgetting, it would seem, the direction in Greene’s _Alphonsus, King of Arragon_, ‘Let there be a brazen head set in the middle of _the place behind the stage_ out of which cast flames of fire.’”[12]

[12] _Tribune_, Aug. 10, 1907.

“It is no exaggeration to say that the great majority of plays contain evidence of the use of the rear stage, either as a curtained recess or as an open corridor, supplementing the two doors by providing two additional entrances. In many plays it is alternately a curtained recess and a corridor. The plays are very few in which no use at all seems to have been made of it.”[13]