CHAPTER V.

CONCLUSION.

§ 1. General survey.

The causes which lead to the keeping of slaves, and those which prevent it, have been divided by us into internal and external causes. These terms do not perhaps quite answer the purpose, but we cannot find other terms which would express our meaning better, without requiring a prolix circumlocution. We think, however, that it is clear what we mean by these terms. Slavery cannot exist, where there are no internal causes requiring it, i.e. where there is no use, economic or non-economic, for slave labour. A tribe will not keep slaves, even though its coercive power would enable it to do so, if there is no employment for them; in such case positive internal causes fail. The same obtains, where definite internal causes are found, which make slave labour useless [1605]. The positive internal causes may also be called motive-forces. Slaves will not be kept, even where the best opportunities of procuring them exist, if there is no motive-force which requires the keeping of slaves, i.e. if they are not wanted.

But though, where motives for keeping slaves fail, no external causes will give rise to slavery,—even when there are such motives, slavery will not exist, if there are no external causes rendering it possible, i.e. if there is no opportunity of procuring and retaining slaves. Where neither capture or purchase of aliens, nor enslavement of members of the tribe is practicable, or where the slaves can very easily escape, slaves cannot be kept, though there might be much use for them [1606].

The principal internal cause which prevents the rise of slavery, or where slavery exists, tends to make it disappear, is the dependence of subsistence upon closed resources. The most important result of our investigation seems to us the division, not only of all savage tribes, but of all peoples of the earth, into peoples with open, and with closed resources. Among the former labour is the principal factor of production, and a man who does not possess anything but his own strength and skill, is able to provide for himself independently of any capitalist or landlord. There may be capital which enhances the productiveness of labour, and particularly fertile or favourably situated grounds the ownership of which gives great advantage; but a man can do without these advantages. Among peoples with closed resources it is otherwise. Here subsistence is dependent upon material resources of which there is only a limited supply, and which accordingly have all been appropriated. These resources can consist in capital, the supply of which is always limited; then those who own no capital are dependent on the capitalists. They can also consist in land. Such is the case when all land has been appropriated; then people destitute of land are dependent on the landowners.

Where subsistence depends on closed resources, slaves may occasionally be kept, but slavery as an industrial system is not likely to exist. There are generally poor people who voluntarily offer themselves as labourers; therefore slavery, i.e. a system of compulsory labour, is not wanted. And even where there are no poor men, because all share in the closed resources, the use of slaves cannot be great. Where there are practically unlimited resources, a man can, by increasing the number of his slaves, increase his income to any extent; but a man who owns a limited capital, or a limited quantity of land, can only employ a limited number of labourers. Moreover, as soon as in a country with closed resources slaves are kept, they form a class destitute of capital, or land, as the case may be; therefore, even when they are set free, they will remain in the service of the rich, as they are unable to provide for themselves [1607]. The rich have no interest to keep the labourers in a slave-like state. It may even be their interest to set them free, either in order to deprive them of such rights over the land as they may have acquired in the course of time, or to bring about a determination of the wages of labour by the law of supply and demand, instead of by custom. They will thus, without any compulsion except that exercized by the automatic working of the social system, secure a larger share in the produce of labour than they got before by compulsion.

Among peoples with open resources everybody is able to provide for himself; therefore free labourers do not offer themselves, at least not for employment in the common drudgery, the rudest and most despised work. There may be, and indeed there often are, skilled labourers whose work is highly valued and well paid; such people think it more profitable to earn their livelihood by means of their peculiar talents, than in the common way. A striking instance of this is the priest, whom we may call a skilled labourer performing non-economic labour; his remuneration, both in material goods and in influence and consideration, is greater than the income of a common agriculturist. But there are no labourers in the modern sense of proletarians, destitute of everything and obliged to seek employment in whatever work they can find. If therefore a man wants others to perform the necessary drudgery for him, and cannot impose it upon his wife, or wives, or other female dependents (either because women hold a high position, or because there is more mean work to be done than the women can possibly manage), he must compel other men to serve him; and this compulsion will often assume the form of slavery.

In the first Part we have said that a slave is a man who is the property of another. We can now see the practical meaning of this definition. In slave countries labourers are held as property, and valued as such. If an employer loses a labourer, his income is lessened by it; if his labourer runs away, he eagerly tries to recover him. In countries with closed resources it is quite the reverse [1608]. The labourers are not held as property, because they are not valued. If a labourer leaves his service, the employer knows that there are many others ready to take his place. Here it is not the employer who prevents his labourers from escaping, but the employed who try to prevent the employer from dismissing his workmen. We are, of course, aware that labour is always an indispensable factor of production; yet in many countries, e.g. in modern Western Europe, an employer does not care to keep a particular labourer in his service [1609]. We must, however, bear in mind that this rule, in its strictest sense, applies only to unskilled labour. Qualified labourers are often highly valued and able to secure great advantage, because their number is limited. It is therefore that the helpless state of people destitute of material resources appears more clearly in agricultural than in manufacturing countries.

This difference between countries with open and with closed resources goes far to explain why slavery (and serfdom, which is also a form of compulsory labour) has gradually disappeared in civilized Europe, whereas in thinly peopled countries it maintained itself much longer, and even now is sometimes introduced under some disguise (“labour trade”, convict labour and similar expedients used in the tropics). In Western Europe unskilled labourers can always be had without compulsion, whereas the qualities required in skilled labourers cannot develop under a compulsory régime.

Always and everywhere have men been inclined to burden their fellow-men with heavy and disagreeable work rather than perform it themselves; and the strong have succeeded in imposing this work on the weak. Among some savage tribes it is the weaker sex who perform the drudgery; but in the course of progress the work that has to be done soon becomes too much for the women to manage. Then subjection of males arises, which presents itself in various forms, as subjugation of conquered tribes, or of the common people by the king and nobility, but often also as slavery or serfdom. Finally, when indispensable resources have been appropriated, the meanest labour is imposed upon those who are destitute of land and capital. There is now no longer a personal, but an impersonal compulsion. Lange remarks: “In former times the marauding minority of mankind, by means of physical violence, compelled the working majority to render feudal services, or reduced them to a state of slavery or serfdom, or at least made them pay a tribute. Nowadays the dependence of the working classes is secured in a less direct but equally efficacious manner, viz. by means of the superior power of capital; the labourer being forced, in order to get his subsistence, to place his labour power entirely at the disposal of the capitalist. So there is a semblance of liberty; but in reality the labourer is exploited and subjected, because, all the land having been appropriated, he cannot procure his subsistence directly from nature, and, goods being produced for the market and not for the producer’s own use, he cannot subsist without capital. Wages will rise above what is wanted for the necessaries of life, where the labourer is able to earn his subsistence on free land, which has not yet become private property. But wherever, in an old and totally occupied country, a body of labouring poor is employed in manufactures, the same law, which we see at work in the struggle for life throughout the organized world, will keep wages at the absolute minimum” [1610].

Little credit is given at present to the opinion expressed in the last sentence, all economists being aware that the wages, not only of the skilled, but even of the unskilled workmen are in many cases above the bare minimum. But this much seems true, that in countries, where all the land is held as private property, labour is at a discount. We may even say, though it sounds strange, that generally labour is much more at a disadvantage in countries where slavery does not exist, than in slave countries. In slave countries labourers are naturally independent; therefore he who wants to make another work for him, must enslave him and resort to all possible means of retaining him in his service. Hence the strange compound of severity and indulgence that has so often been observed among slave-owners. In countries with closed resources the landlord or capitalist has a natural advantage over his labourers; he need neither use severity nor indulgence to maintain his position.

The condition of the working classes in modern Europe in many respects certainly is not better than that of the slaves in countries of lower civilization. We cannot deny the truth of the remark made by the intelligent chief of the Fulbe, whom Hecquard met on his travels in West Africa. “We often” says Hecquard “talked about our mode of government and the relation of the different classes in European society. He did not attach any value to the legal equality of the citizens and asked me how my countrymen got on without slaves. His conclusion was that with us the domestics and the poor classes in general were the slaves of the rich, because the latter could, by refusing to give them work, reduce them to starvation in a country, where nothing is given gratuitously” [1611].

We have seen that slavery cannot exist to any considerable extent among peoples with closed resources. But even among peoples with open resources it is not always found. Slaves perform the drudgery for their masters; therefore they are not wanted where little drudgery has to be done, or in other terms, slavery is not likely to exist where subsistence is difficult to acquire. Where men subsist by highly skilled labour, there can be little use for slaves; for the slaves cannot be made to perform such labour; and the little unskilled labour that is wanted is not profitable enough to admit of the keeping of slaves, who would have to be fed by the produce of their masters’ work. This is the principal reason why slavery hardly ever occurs among hunters, and one of the reasons why the Eskimos do not keep slaves.

We find thus that, generally speaking, the keeping of slaves is economically profitable to peoples with open resources among which subsistence is easily acquired, and to such peoples only. But there are several secondary causes, internal and external, which bring about that slaves are sometimes kept by peoples with closed resources, or by peoples among which subsistence is difficult to procure, and that on the other hand slavery is sometimes absent where resources are open and subsistence is easy to acquire.

Among the secondary internal causes we have noted in the first place the condition of women. There is no use for slaves, where all disagreeable work can be, and is performed by the weaker sex; Australian and Melanesian women supply the place of slaves. On the other hand, where the women hold a high position, and the men are desirous of relieving them of a part of their task, slavery is likely to arise sooner than otherwise would be the case.

Commerce probably exists among all savages. Even the Australian tribes mutually exchange rare kinds of earth for painting their bodies, and similar objects. But commerce has only a social importance, where the articles exchanged are manufactured goods in the widest sense, including e.g. fish and agricultural products, in a word all articles the production of which requires a considerable amount of labour. Then the freemen who devote themselves to commercial pursuits want others to perform the common labour for every-day subsistence; moreover the preparing of the articles of trade requires more labour than would otherwise be wanted. And last, but not least, commerce leads to the development of wealth and luxury; slave labour is now wanted to provide the owner not only with the necessaries, but with the comforts of life. Commercial tribes in the widest sense,—including 1º tribes which exchange native produce for foreign manufactures, 2º tribes which themselves produce and export manufactured goods in the common, restricted, sense, 3º tribes which carry on a transit-trade,—are therefore far more likely to keep slaves than self-sufficing tribes.

We have seen that subjection of women is sometimes a substitute for slavery. Another substitute is subjection of tribes as such. This subjection occurs only, so far as savages are concerned, where peculiar circumstances render it possible: among pastoral tribes, which subject their neighbours to whom they are superior in military qualities, and in Oceania, where the limited area prevents the conquered from receding. Where a tribe subjected as such pays a tribute to the conquerors and performs services for them, there is not so much need for enslavement of individuals belonging to the vanquished tribe.

People who live from hand to mouth have less use for slaves than those who preserve food for the time of scarcity. The preparing of this food may require much labour which is very fit to be performed by slaves. We have seen that such is especially the case on the North Pacific Coast of North America.

Slaves are sometimes kept for non-economic purposes.

Warfare plays a great part in savage life, and we have found that the requirements of warfare sometimes prevent, but in other cases further the rise of slavery. Many savage tribes increase their population by introduction of foreign elements. This may be done for two reasons: men are wanted either for labourers or for warriors [1612]. In the former case the introduction of aliens leads to slavery in its most general form of extratribal slavery. When warriors are wanted, slavery is not the most appropriate form; adoption of foreigners, such as was for instance practised by the Iroquois, answers the purpose better, because a man who enjoys the common privileges of a member of the tribe is more reliable in war than a slave. In such case militarism may prevent the rise of slavery, because all available men are wanted in war and have therefore to be placed on a level with the tribesmen. But where superior military qualities of a tribe render the employment of slaves in warfare (most often in the lower ranks of the army) possible, slaves are sometimes kept mainly for military purposes, especially where prejudices of race or colour prevent the tribe from adopting the foreigners. Then militarism furthers the growth of slavery; for slaves would perhaps not be wanted, if they did not serve as warriors.

Slaves may also be kept as a mere luxury. The possession of many slaves, like other property, everywhere tends to give the owner influence and reputation. Yet he most often also derives material profit from his slaves, namely from the total number of them, even where some of them do not perform productive labour. Only in a few cases does the sole use of slaves appear to consist in augmenting their owners’ influence and reputation. This occurs among some pastoral tribes, where the rich are able to support a large number of unproductive labourers. But here the military use of slaves has perhaps co-operated in establishing slavery.

In the beginning of this paragraph we have spoken of external causes.

It is quite possible that a tribe does not keep slaves, though they would be very useful. The non-existence of slavery in such cases is due to external circumstances. It may be that the coercive power of the tribe is not sufficiently developed to admit of the keeping of slaves. It may also be that slavery does not exist, because it has not yet been invented: people may have always been accustomed to deal otherwise with their prisoners than by enslaving them, and so the idea of making slaves may never have entered their minds. The coercive power is strongest where men live in fixed habitations (though several tribes of pastoral nomads also keep slaves), and in large groups, and are accustomed to preserve food. The slave-trade has considerable influence. It increases the coercive power by rendering escape of slaves more difficult; and by making a tribe acquainted with the institution of slavery and providing it with an easy means of acquiring slaves it often overcomes the vis inertiae. The slave-trade may go far to account for the very frequent occurrence of slavery among savages who have long maintained relations with superior races, though due allowance must be made for the influence of the general intercourse with such races, especially in furthering the commercial development. Another external cause is the neighbourhood of inferior races, the influence of which, as we have seen, clearly appears among pastoral tribes. It is easier for Hamitic and Semitic nations to keep Negroes in a state of subjection than people of their own race.

GENERAL RECAPITULATION.

Furthering the growth Hindering the of slavery. growth of slavery. I. Internal causes. A. General: 1. Open resources and 1. Closed subsistence easy to resources. acquire. 2. Subsistence difficult to acquire. B. Secondary, economic: 1. A high position of 1. Female labour women. serving as a 2. Commerce. substitute for 3. Preserving of food. slave labour. 2. Subjection of tribes as such. C. Secondary, 1. Militarism (where 1. Militarism non-economic: slaves are employed (especially where in warfare). foreigners are adopted). 2. Slaves kept as a luxury. II. External causes: 1. Fixed habitations. 2. Living in large groups. 3. Preserving of food. 4. The slave-trade. 5. The neighbourhood of inferior races.

Preserving of food and militarism occur twice, because they work in different directions.

We have arranged the separate causes within each group in the order in which we have found them. If we had arranged them according to their relative importance, they would have been enumerated in another order. Thus among the external causes the slave-trade comes last, though its influence is greater than that of the other external causes [1613].

§ 2. Outlines of a further investigation of the early history of slavery.

We have viewed slavery as an industrial system, and inquired under what economic and social conditions this system can exist. This investigation we believe has led to valuable conclusions. But slavery (even if we confine ourselves to slavery among savages) may be viewed under many more aspects. We have not made any further study of the subject; but having collected many ethnographical materials, we have become acquainted with a great number of details which may afford subjects of further investigation. We shall give here an enumeration of various points connected with slavery, though we do not claim that it is in any way complete: it would probably appear on closer scrutiny that many additions could be made to it. We shall mention the various points in short sentences, often in the form of inquiries.

I. The different ways in which people become slaves.

There are:

1º Slaves by birth; 2º Free-born people who become slaves.

In connection with the former point it may be inquired what is in each case the status of children born of two slaves, of a male slave and a free woman, of a female slave and a free man, and especially of a female slave and her master. This inquiry will enable us to find, whether and to what extent slaves are merged in the general population. [1614]

The manners in which free-born people become slaves may be distinguished according as slaves are acquired from without or within the limits of the tribe. This reminds us of the distinction we have made between extratribal and intratribal slavery. We may inquire then which of these two forms of slavery appears first. If we should find that extratribal is older than intratribal slavery (which does not seem unlikely), we might examine the economic and social conditions under which intratribal slavery can exist.

Extratribal slaves become such by:

1º Capture in war or kidnapping. Here a wide field of research opens itself. Captives, when they are not enslaved, are killed (eaten, sacrificed), or exchanged after peace has been concluded, or ransomed by their countrymen, or adopted into the tribe of the captors. It may be inquired whether any of these modes of treatment can have gradually led to enslavement of the captives (e.g. captives are first adopted, and gradually differentiated from the born members of the tribe: or they are first eaten, then preserved to be eaten later on and in the meantime set to work, and finally employed as slaves and no longer eaten) [1615]. Several of these modes of treatment coexist with slavery (e.g. some captives are sacrificed and the rest kept as slaves; or slaves are occasionally sacrificed); does this only occur in the early stages of slavery, and indicate that slavery has not yet fully developed? When is slavery an object, and when is it only an incident of warfare? A remarkable phenomenon, worth a close investigation, is the occurrence of extratribal slavery or adoption of aliens together with a preventive check on population (infanticide, abortion) [1616]. When captives are enslaved, it is worth inquiring in what manner they are distributed among the captors; this will have a strong influence on the division of wealth.

2º Purchase. The prices paid for different classes of slaves show what slaves are most desired (men or women, people of different ages or nationalities). The slaves sold have often been captured by the sellers; but it also occurs that people are sold by their countrymen, especially criminals. Here we may notice the influence of the slave-trade on penal law; people are probably often sold abroad, who otherwise would have been killed or expelled from the community.

Intratribal slaves become such (so far as we know) in the following ways:

1º For non-payment of a debt. Here the general treatment of debtors and the extent to which the rights of creditors are acknowledged by the community are worth examining. Debtor-slaves have often, but not always, a right to become free by paying off the debt [1617]. In some cases the creditor does not keep the debtor as a slave, but recovers his money by selling him abroad [1618].

2º As a punishment, either directly, or when the wergild is not paid. This subject might be treated in connection with Professor Steinmetz’s investigations of early penal law. Criminals often become slaves of the chief or king; a study of this matter would lead to an inquiry into political institutions at large.

3º By marrying a male or female slave. Here we may inquire where and to what extent connubium between free people and slaves exists.

4º By offering themselves as slaves, or selling themselves. In the former case it has always carefully to be inquired whether such persons become slaves or voluntary servants; the latter is quite possible, and the terminology of our informants not always reliable, as we have seen when speaking of Oceania. When they really become slaves, there are probably open resources. It is then worth inquiring what can be the reason why, while resources are open and so everybody is able to provide for himself, there are people who throw themselves upon the mercy of men of power.

5º Finally, orphans and other helpless persons are sometimes enslaved.

II. The different ways in which people cease to be slaves.

1º Redemption. Here the question presents itself, where slaves, or certain categories of slaves, have a right to be redeemed. [1619]

2º Emancipation. Where, and under what social conditions does this custom prevail, and where is it of frequent occurrence? What are the motives that induce the master to set his slave free? Emancipation as a substitute for sacrifice [1620].

3º Adoption. Connected with this is the fact, that in some countries slaves sometimes succeed to their masters’ goods [1621]. Here we may ask whether or not such adoption and right of inheritance are only found in early stages and have to be regarded as survivals of adoption of aliens.

4º Marriage of a slave with a free person, especially of a female slave with her master.

5º Dedication to a god. Slaves can sometimes become free by devoting themselves to some deity [1622]. Further details; power of the priesthood; compare the influence of the church in the Middle Ages.

In whatever way slaves become free, the position of the liberti deserves a separate consideration. Are they on a level with free-born men, or do they form a separate class? Do their descendants gradually become merged in the general population?

III. Treatment of slaves by their masters.

1º Is the general treatment stated to be good or bad? Where the former and where the latter?

2º Slaves are often stated to be looked upon and treated as members of the master’s family. What does this mean? Where does it occur?

3º Difference between freemen and slaves in food, clothing, etc. Slaves forbidden to wear the same dress and ornaments as freemen [1623].

IV. Legal status of slaves [1624].

1º Is the master’s power over his slave unlimited? Very often it is not. Connection with the development of the power of government.

2º Rights of the slaves with regard to marriage and family. Connubium with freemen: see above. Are slave-marriages legally acknowledged, or do they entirely depend on the master’s pleasure? Do the masters apply any principles of selection in mating the slaves? When the parents are slaves belonging to different masters, to which master do the children belong? Has the master full rights over his female slaves in a sexual respect?

3º Right of property. Are the rights of slaves to their earnings (peculium) recognized? When the slave dies, who succeeds to the peculium?

4º Have contracts made by slaves legal force?

5º Punishment of slaves by their masters [1625].

6º Protection of slaves by penal law. When a slave has been killed, is a wergild paid as for a freeman, or is only the price of the slave restored to the master? Similarly with regard to lesser injuries. Are those who commit any offence against the slave punished by the government? If so, is any exception made for the master? Is the master responsible for any damages caused by his slave?

7º Sometimes the master may not sell the slave without his consent.

8º It may also be that the slave, if ill-treated by his master, has a right to be sold. In some cases the slave can change his master by causing some slight damage to the new master or his goods. This formality has probably originated from the delivering up of the slave to the injured person for some real damage [1626].

9º Has the slave any public rights, does he share in government matters?

V. The attitude of public opinion towards slaves.

1º Are slaves despised? Details. Do the slaves receive a regular burial, or are their corpses thrown away?

2º External signs of slavery (mutilations, dress different from that of freemen) [1627]. Are these signs only intended clearly to show the difference of status, or to make fugitive slaves easy to recognize?

3º Are ill-treatment and sale of slaves discountenanced by public opinion? [1628]

4º Is there any instance among savages of slavery being considered a status contra naturam?

VI. Different kinds of slaves.

Slaves can be distinguished according to

1º their nationality,

2º the manner in which they have become slaves (difference between extratribal and intratribal slaves, between native-born and newly-acquired slaves) [1629],

3º the work imposed upon them (outdoor and indoor slaves, familia rustica and familia urbana).

What are the practical consequences of these distinctions? [1630]

VII. Slave labour.

Slaves sometimes perform

1º the same work as freemen, or 2º the same as free women, or 3º the same as the lower classes.

4º If some kind of work is performed by slaves only, what is its character? (Drudgery as opposed to noble work).

5º Is the work for which slaves are employed despised [1631]?

6º Amount of work. Are the slaves over-worked? Are they supervised? Are they kept at work by any compulsory means (flogging, etc.)?

7º Do the slaves live in their master’s house?

VIII. Serfdom.

Does it ever exist among savages? Are there instances of the coexistence of slavery and serfdom? In what manner do people become serfs?

IX. Number of slaves.

1º What is, in each case, the number of the slaves, and their proportion to the general population?

2º What is, in each case, the numerical proportion of the sexes among the slaves?

3º Do the slaves form a separate class of people?

4º Are the slaves an integral part of the wealth of their owners?

5º In some cases only certain classes (e.g. the nobility) are entitled to keep slaves [1632].

X. Happiness or unhappiness of slaves.

Is it considered a great evil for one’s self or one’s friends to fall into slavery? [1633] Instances of suicide to escape from slavery [1634]. In many cases it is not slavery as such, but sale to distant regions that is felt as a great calamity. We may mention here the curious phenomenon of people captured and enslaved by the enemy or sold abroad, being on their return despised or even repelled by their former countrymen [1635].

XI. Consequences of slavery.

1º Influence of slavery on the social organization of the tribe. A slave-owner, having labour forces at his command and being supported by a body of followers, is more likely to attain wealth and consideration than the other freemen. And as in those countries, where the slave trade is developed, the keeping of slaves may soon become a privilege of the rich [1636], slavery furthers the divergence of the rich and the poor, of the nobles and the common people.

2º Connected with this is the influence of slavery on the development of the military principle. The ruling classes, having learned to command their slaves, are more capable of commanding the people.

3º Influence of slavery on the laws and customs regulating marriage, and on sexual morality at large. Female slaves serving as concubines [1637].

4º Influence of slavery on the condition of free women. When there are many domestic slaves, free women are no longer overtaxed with work [1638].

5º Influence of slavery on warfare. As soon as captives are regularly enslaved, the cruel modes of treating captives which may have formerly existed disappear. On the other hand, when the procuring of slaves becomes an object of warfare, war becomes much more frequent than before [1639].

6º Influence of slavery on the development of the political power of the tribe. Slavery “creates a set of persons born to work that others may not work, and not to think in order that others may think. Therefore slave-owning nations, having time to think, are likely to be more shrewd in policy, and more crafty in strategy” [1640].

7º Slavery has a great influence on morality at large, in a good as well as in a bad sense.

Slavery has played a great part in the education of mankind. Ingram rightly remarks that “slavery discharged important offices ... by forcing the captives, who with their descendants came to form the majority of the conquering community, to a life of industry in spite of the antipathy to regular and sustained labour which is deeply rooted in human nature, especially in the earlier stages of the social movement, when insouciance is so common a trait, and irresponsibility is hailed as a welcome relief” [1641].

Moreover, slavery affords to the higher classes a leisure, that enables them to reach the higher grades of culture, which would be inaccessible to them, if they had to work for their daily wants [1642].

A bad effect of slavery is that manual labour is identified with slave labour and so discredited [1643].

Other bad effects of slavery are mentioned by Ingram. The habit of absolute rule corrupts the masters. Slavery often engenders cruelty, or at least harshness. The slaves are demoralized, because their education is neglected and they do not live in normal family relations. Slavery moreover prevents “the development of the sense of human dignity, which lies at the foundation of morals” [1644].

8º Influence of slavery on the intermingling of races. “The blending of types” says Brinton “was greatly accelerated in early days by the institution or human slavery” [1645].

9º Selective influence of slavery. Ferrero’s theory: slavery has greatly furthered the survival of the industrious type of man [1646]. Ripley, speaking of colonial slavery, remarks: “Such an institution exercises a selective choice upon the negro; for the survivors of such severe treatment will generally be a picked lot, which ought to exhibit vitality to a marked degree, all the weaklings having been removed” [1647]. High death-rate among slaves, even in primitive culture [1648].

XII. Development of slavery.

Though we have not systematically investigated this subject, our studies have brought us into closer connection with this than with any of the points mentioned above. We shall therefore briefly state our impressions on the development of slavery, without, of course, claiming for the following remarks the value of a theory.

Slavery very probably first appears in the form of extratribal slavery, and originates from the adoption of captives, especially captive children. This is also Powell’s opinion. According to him captive children were originally adopted and treated by the captors entirely as their own children. “This is not yet slavery. If the captive belongs to a tribe of hereditary enemies who have from time immemorial been designated by some opprobrious term, as cannibals, liars, snakes, etc.—then it may be that the captive is doomed to perpetual younger brotherhood, and can never exercise authority over any person within the tribe, though such person may be born after the new birth of the captive. This is the first form of slavery. Usually, though not invariably, the captives adopted are children” [1649]. Whether the first slaves were really captives belonging to a tribe of hereditary enemies, we do not know; but Powell expresses himself very appropriately, when he says that the slaves are “doomed to perpetual younger brotherhood”. In the early stages of culture slaves are on the whole leniently treated, and there is little difference between young slaves and free children. But the slave always remains a “younger brother”. He never becomes the head of a family; and when the master who educated him dies, he becomes the subject of the master’s child, who has been the companion of his childhood. The slave does not count among the full-grown men of the tribe; he is not allowed to bear arms, he has no voice in government matters; though a member, he is an inferior member of the household in which he lives.

This is the first stage of differentiation between freemen and slaves.

The slaves are children captured in war [1650], their number is small. The slave, who is nearly on a level with the children, is wanted for much the same reason why children are so eagerly desired among most agricultural savage tribes: the larger the family, the more food can be produced; for land is still abundant. Slaves and freemen perform the same kind of work, with the exception perhaps of some domestic occupations, which are more and more left to the slaves.

Gradually the number of slaves increases. The slave-trade greatly furthers the growth of slavery. The keeping of slaves is more and more confined to the chiefs and principal men. Where slaves are captured in war it is the leading men who secure most of the spoils; and where slaves are purchased it is only the rich who can give a good price for them. The ruling classes are the great slave-owners, and these men are naturally inclined to leave all the common work to their slaves, reserving for themselves only the noble pursuits of warfare and government. The difference between the slaves and their owners becomes thus greater than it was before. The common people come to distrust and hate the slaves, whom they regard as the tools of the aristocracy. And the differentiating process we have described here is always going on: the more slaves a man owns, the greater his wealth; and the greater a man’s wealth the better will he be able to procure slaves. The common people are continually sinking in the social scale, and in the course of time many of them are reduced to slavery for non-payment of money they have borrowed from the rich.

The further development of slavery can proceed in two different ways.

In some countries, where oil, cotton, and similar products are exported, slavery assumes enormous proportions. The large plantations can best be worked with slaves; and as manufactured goods are imported, slave labour serves not only to feed the master, but to provide him with the luxuries of life; the wants of the slave-owners, and accordingly the possible extent of slavery, become practically unlimited. This slave system, as we have seen, exists in some parts of the West Coast of Africa, and bears a close resemblance to that which till far into the 19th century was carried on in the Southern States of North America.

Where cereals are grown and agricultural produce is not exported on a very large scale, the course of things is different. An increase of slaves above a certain number is of little use to the owner. When he has slaves enough to provide him with a large quantity of food and other necessaries for the use of himself and his family and personal servants, he does not want more slaves. The agricultural produce they could furnish would not be worth the pains of supervising them. The slaves (except a few who are kept for domestic services) are soon allowed to live rather independently, bound only to provide fixed quantities of agricultural produce and perform occasional services. And when the use of money becomes general, these slaves often contract with their masters to pay a yearly tribute in money instead of the services and payments in kind. The slaves become serfs. And gradually the whole of the lower orders are merged in this servile class. Ancient slaves, members of subjected communities, helpless persons who seek the protection of a powerful chief, all become the subjects and dependents of the ruling nobles. Such was the social system of the early Middle Ages, that in the course of time was entirely overturned through the progress of manufactures and commerce and the gradual appropriation of the whole of the land [1651].

LIST OF AUTHORITIES.

ABBREVIATIONS.

A. R. B. E. = Annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the secretary of the Smithsonian Institution.

Bijdr. = Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië, uitgegeven door het Koninklijk Instituut voor de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië.

I. A. E. = Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie.

J. A. I. = Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland.

M. D. S. = Mitteilungen aus den deutschen Schutzgebieten.

N. Z. G. = Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsch Zendelinggenootschap.

Pet. = Dr. A. Petermann’s Mitteilungen aus Justus Perthes’ Geographischer Anstalt.

R. E. = Revue d’Ethnographie.

Smithson. Rep. = Annual report of the board of regents of the Smithsonian Institution.

T. A. G. = Tijdschrift van het Koninklijk Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig Genootschap.

Tijds. = Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde. Uitgegeven door het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen.

Z. E. = Zeitschrift für Ethnologie.

Z. Erd. = Zeitschrift für allgemeine Erdkunde (Berlin).

Z. G. Erd. = Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin (Fortsetzung der Z. Erd.).

Z. V. R. = Zeitschrift für vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft.

Adair, J., Geschichte der Amerikanischen Indianer. 1782.

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d’Albertis, New Guinea. 1880.

Allison, Mrs. S. S., Account of the Similkameem Indians of British Columbia. J. A. I. XXI (1892).

Amira, K. von, Recht, in Paul’s Grundriss der Germanischen Philologie. Vol. III.

Andersson, Ch. J., Reisen in Südwest-Afrika bis zum See Ngami. 1858.

Andree, R., Die Anthropophagie. 1887.

Angas, J. F., Savage Life and Scenes in Australia and New Zealand. 1847.

Angus, H. C., A year in Azimba and Chipitaland. J. A. I. XXVII (1897).

Arcin, A., La Guinée française. 1907.

Ashley, W. J., Economic history and theory. Vol. I 1888, Vol. II 1893.

Azara, F. de, Voyages dans l’Amérique méridionale. 1809.

Bagehot, W., Physics and politics. New edition. 1896.

Bakkers, J. A., De eilanden Bonerate en Kalao. Tijds. XI.

—— De afdeeling Sandjai. Tijds. XL

—— Het leenvorstendom Boni. Tijds. XV.

—— Tanette en Barroe (Celebes). Tijds. XII.

Bancroft, H. H., The native races of the Pacific States of North America. Vol. I Wild tribes. 1875.

Bartram, W., The Creek and Cherokee Indians, 1789, ed. by Squier in Transact. of the American Ethnol. Society. 1853.

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Bastian, A., Die Rechtsverhältnisse bei verschiedenen Völkern der Erde. 1872.

—— Geographische und ethnologische Bilder. 1873.

Batchelor, J., The Ainu of Japan. 1892.

Baumann, O., Durch Massailand zur Nilquelle. 1894.

Baumstark, Die Warangi. M. D. S. XIII.

Beardmore, E., The natives of Mowat, Daudai, New Guinea. J. A. I. XIX (1890).

Bell, J. S., Journal d’une résidence en Circassie, trad. p. Louis Vivien. 1841.

Bennett, A. L., Ethnographical notes on the Fang. J. A. I. XXIX.

Bérenger-Féraud, L. J. B., Les peuplades de la Sénégambie. 1879.

Beschrijving van het landschap Pasir. Bijdr. LVIII.

Beuster, Das Volk der Vawenda. Z. G. Erd. XIV (1879).

Bibra, E. von, Reise in Süd-Amerika. 1854.

Bieger, Ph., Een doodenfeest te Rendé, op Soemba. N. Z. G. XXXIV.

Bink, Tocht van den zendeling—naar de Humboldtsbaai. T. A. G. 2nd Series XI.

Blumentritt, F., Begleitworte zu meiner Karte der Insel Mindanao. Z. G. Erd. XIX (1884).

—— Beiträge zur Kenntnis der Negritos. Z. G. Erd. XXVII (1892).

—— Die Bungianen. Ausland 1893.

—— Die Kianganen. Ausland 1891.

—— Die Maguindanaos. Ausland 1891.

—— Die Sitten und Bräuche der alten Tagalen. Manuscript des P. Juan de Plasencia. 1589. Z. E. XXV.

—— Über die Staaten der philippinischen Eingeborenen in den Zeiten der Conquista. Mitteilungen der Geogr. Gesellschaft in Wien. 1885.

—— Versuch einer Ethnographie der Philippinen. Ergänzungsheft 67 zu Pet. 1882.

Boas, F., Die Tsimschian. Z. E. XX.

—— The Central Eskimo. A. R. B. E. VI.

—— The social organisation and the secret societies of the Kwakiutl Indians (From the report of the U. S. National Museum for 1895). 1897.

Bodenstedt, Die Völker des Kaukasus. 1885.

Boers, J. W., De Koeboes. Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch-Indië. 1838.

Boggiani, G., I Caduvei. 1895.

Bonaparte, Prince Roland, Les habitants de Suriname. 1884.

Bonney, F., On some customs of the aborigines of the Darling River. J. A. I. XIII (1884).

Bonwick, Daily life and origin of the Tasmanians. 1870.

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Borie, Notice sur les Mantras, tribu sauvage de la péninsule Malaise. Tijds. X.

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Bourke, J. G., On the border with Crook. 1892.

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Brett, W. H., The Indian Tribes of Guiana. 1868.

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Brinton, D. G., The Lenape and their legends, in Brinton’s Library of aboriginal American Literature.

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Brough Smyth, R., The aborigines of Victoria. 1878.

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Brunner, H., Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte.

Bücher, K., Die Wirtschaft der Naturvölker. 1898.

Buchholz, R., Reisen in West-Afrika. 1880.

Bülow, W. von, Das ungeschriebene Gesetz der Samoaner. Globus LXIX (1896).

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Cameron, V. L., Across Africa. 1877.

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Capello, H., and R. Ivens, From Benguella to the Territory of Yacca. I 1882.

Cardi, Le Comte C. N. de, Ju-Ju Laws and Customs in the Niger Delta. J. A. I. XXIX.

Carey, H. C., The past, the present and the future. 1848.

Carver, J., Travels through the interior parts of North America in the years 1766, 1767 and 1768. 1779.

Casalis, E, Les Bassoutos ou vingt-trois années de séjour et d’observation au sud de l’Afrique. 1859.

Castro, A. de, Résumé historique de l’établissement portugais à Timor. Tijds. XI.

Cessac, Léon de, Renseignements ethnographiques sur les Comanches. R. E. I.

Chaillé Long, C., Central Africa. Naked truths of naked people. 1876.

Chalmers, J., Toaripi. J. A. I. XXVII (1898).

Chamberlain, A. F., The child and childhood in folk-thought. 1896.

Chantre, E., Recherches anthropologiques dans le Caucase. IV 1887.

Charlevoix, De, Histoire de la Nouvelle France. 1744.

Christian, F. W., Exploration in the Caroline Islands. The Geographical Journal, Vol. 13 (1899).

Clercq, F. S. A. de, Bijdragen tot de kennis der residentie Ternate. 1890.

—— De West- en Noordkust van Nederlandsch Nieuw-Guinea. T. A. G. 2nd series X.

Codrington, R. H., On social regulations in Melanesia. J. A. I. XVIII (1889).

—— The Melanesians. 1891.

Coll, C. van, Gegevens over land en volk van Suriname. Bijdr. LV.

Collins, D., An account of the English Colony in New South Wales. 1798.

Colquhoun, Among the Shans. 1885.

Compiègne, De, L’Afrique équatoriale: Gabonais, Pahouins, Gallois. 1875.

—— L’Afrique équatoriale: Okanda, Bangouens, Osyeba. 1875.

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Cooper, T. T., The Mishmee Hills. 1873.

Copway, G., The traditional history of the Ojibway nation. 1850.

Coquilhat, C., Sur le Haut Congo. 1888.

Corre, A., Les Sérères de Joal et de Portadal. R. E. II.

Coudreau, H., Chez nos Indiens: quatre années dans la Guyane française (1887–1891). 1893.

Crantz, D., Historie van Groenland. 1767.

Croce, B., Materialismo storico ed economia Marxistica. 1900.

Cunningham, W., The growth of English industry and commerce. I Early and Middle Ages. 1890. II Modern times. 1892.

—— Western Civilization in its economic aspects (Ancient times). 1898.

Curr, E. M., The Australian race.

Dale, G., An account of the principal customs and habits of the Natives inhabiting the Bondei country. J. A. I. XXV (1896).

Dall, W. H., Alaska and its resources. 1870.

Dalton, E. T., Descriptive ethnology of Bengal. 1872.

Danks, B., Marriage Customs of the New Britain Group. J. A. I. XVIII (1889).

Dargun, L., Ursprung und Entwicklungsgeschichte des Eigenthums. Z. V. R. V.

Darwin, Ch., Journal of a voyage round the world. 1889.

—— The Descent of Man and Selection in Relation to Sex. Revised edition. Chicago and New York.

Dawson, J., Australian aborigines. 1881.

Delden, E. Th. van, Verslag over den toestand van het landschap Gloegoer VI Kota. Tijds. XXVII.

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Dewall, H. von, Matan, Simpang, Soekadana, de Karimata-eilanden en Koeboe. Tijds. XI.

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Dimitroff, Z., Die Geringschätzung des menschlichen Lebens. 1891.

Dinter, B. C. A. J. van, Eenige geographische en ethnographische aanteekeningen betreffende het eiland Siaoe. Tijds. XLI (1899).

Dobrizhoffer, M., Historia de Abiponibus. 1784.

Dodge, R. I., Die heutigen Indianer des fernen Westens. 1884.

Donselaar, W. M., Aanteekeningen over het eiland Saleijer. N. Z. G. I.

—— Aanteekeningen over het eiland Savoe. N. Z. G. XVI.

Doughty, Ch. M., Travels in Arabia Deserta. 1888.

Duloup, G., Huit jours chez les M’Bengas. R. E. II.

Dupont, E., Lettres sur le Congo. 1889.

Dijk, P. A. L. E. van, Nota over de landstreek in de Toba-landen, bekend onder den naam van Habinsaran. T. A. G. 2nd series IX.

—— Rapport betreffende de Si Baloengoensche landschappen. Tijds. XXXVII.

—— Rapport over de Loeboe-bevolking in de onderafdeeling Groot-Mandheling en Batang Natal. Bijdr. XXXVIII.

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Eastman, Mrs. M., Dahcotah. 1849.

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—— Über die Botocudos der brasilianischen Provinzen Espiritu santo und Minas Geraes. Z. E. XIX.

Eliot, J., Asiatick Researches III. 1807.

Elliott, H. W., An arctic Province. Alaska and the Seal Islands. 1886.

Ellis, A. B., The Ewe-speaking peoples of the Slave Coast of West Africa. 1890.

—— The Tshi-speaking peoples of the Gold Coast of West Africa. 1887.

—— The Yoruba-speaking peoples of the Slave Coast of West Africa. 1894.

Ellis, W., Polynesian researches. Second edition.

—— Three visits to Madagascar. 1859.

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—— Reise nach West-Sibirien im Jahre 1876. 1879.

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Fison and Howitt, Kamilaroi and Kurnai.

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Forster’s J. R., Bemerkungen aus seiner Reise um die Welt. 1783.

Fraser, J., The aborigines of New South Wales. 1892.

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Fremont and Emory, Notes of travel in California. 1849.

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Further papers relative to the exploration of British North America.

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Geiseler, Die Oster-Insel, Eine Stätte prähistorischer Kultur in der Südsee. 1883.

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Graafland, N., De Minahassa. 1867.

—— —— Eenige aanteekeningen op ethnographisch gebied ten aanzien van het eiland Rote. N. Z. G. XXXIII.

Grabowsky, F., Der Tod, das Begräbnis, das Tiwah oder Todtenfest. I. A. E. II.

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Grupp, G., Die Anfänge der Geldwirtschaft. Zeitschrift für Kulturgeschichte IV and V.

Guiral, L., Les Batékés. R. E. V.

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Guppy, H. B., The Solomon Islands and their natives. 1887.

Haarhoff, B. J., Die Bantu-Stämme Süd-Afrikas. 1890.

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Hagen, La colonie de Porto-Novo et le Roi Toffa. R. E. VI.

Hagen et A. Pineau, Les Nouvelles-Hébrides. R. E. VII.

Hagen, B., Unter den Papuas in Deutsch-Neu-Guinea. 1899.

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—— Eenige aanteekeningen aangaande de bewoners der N. Westkust van Nieuw-Guinea, meer bepaaldelijk de stam der Noefooreezen. Tijds. XXXI and XXXII.

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NOTES

[1] Montaigne, Essais, Book I Chapter XXX and Book II Chapter X.

[2] Ingram, p. VII. In our notes we always mention the name of the book referred to in the shortest way possible. The full titles will be found in our list at the end of the volume.

[3] Ibid., pp. 7–9.

[4] Ibid., p. XII.

[5] Ingram, p. 261.

[6] In the second Chapter and in the continuation of this we shall meet with more instances of this metaphoric (sometimes rather dangerous) use of the term “slavery”.

[7] Bastian, Rechtsverhältnisse, p. 14.

[8] Spencer, Pol. Inst., p. 291.

[9] Ingram, p. 262.

[10] Lippert, II p. 534.

[11] Sohm, p. 106.

[12] Letourneau, p. 492.

[13] Schmoller, Grundriss I p. 339.

[14] E. Meyer, Die Sklaverei im Altertum, p. 11.

[15] Jhering, II p. 167.

[16] This view is also held by Wagner and Puchta, whose ample expositions we shall make use of in the next paragraph.

[17] Wagner remarks that this is the main function of bondage in general (Unfreiheit). Wagner, pp. 374–376, 382.

[18] Puchta, II pp. 82, 83. Wagner (pp. 382, 395) arrives at the same conclusion, but does not state it so clearly.

[19] Sohm, p. 106.

[20] Letourneau, passim; Spencer, Pol. Inst. p. 291.

[21] Bancroft, p. 349.

[22] Letourneau, p. 27.

[23] Idem, p. 45.

[24] Schurtz, Katechismus, p. 139.

[25] Ratzel, Völkerkunde, II p. 66.

[26] Curr asserts that, if the husband killed his wife, “her death would be avenged by her brothers”. But the information we get about the several tribes makes it probable, that this is not true regarding the majority of Australian tribes.

[27] Literature referred to in surveying the state of the Australian wife. On the Dieri: Gason in Frazer’s Notes, p. 170; Powell’s Creek: The Stationmaster, ibid. pp. 177, 178; Victoria River Downs Station: Cranford, ibid. p. 181; Queensland and S. Australia: Matthews, ibid. pp. 187, 188; S. Australia: Eylmann, pp. 129, 130, 131; Moreton Bay: Lang, pp. 337, 338; Herbert River: Lumholtz, pp. 100, 160–164, 213; N. S. Wales: Fraser, pp. 2, 26–28, 35; Wilkes, II p. 205; River Darling (N. S. Wales): Bonney p. 129; Cammarray: Collins, pp. 559–562; Kurnai: Fison and Howitt, pp. 204, 206; N. W. Central Queensland: Roth, pp. 141, 176, 181; W. Victoria: Dawson, pp. 27, 28, 33–37; Port Lincoln: Woods, p. 223; S. Australia: Angas, I pp. 82, 93; S. W. Australia: Salvado pp. 313, 314, 349; King George Sound: Browne, Die Eingeborenen Australiens, pp. 450, 451; Moore River District: Oldfield, pp. 248–251; Central Australia: Spencer and Gillen, Native tribes, pp. 50, 93, 102, 558; Spencer and Gillen, Northern tribes, p. 33; Eyre II p. 322; Willshire, in Frazer’s Notes, pp. 183, 184; Port Darwin, etc.: Foelsche, ibid. p. 194; Tasmania: Bonwick, Tasmania, pp. 56, 62, 66, 68, 73; Ling Roth, Tasmania, pp. 125, 46; Australia in general: Curr, I pp. 106–110; Brough Smyth, I pp. 76, 79–82, 85, 86; Bonwick, Austr. Natives, p. 205; Thomas, pp. 151, 174, 177.

[28] Hore, p. 11.

[29] Pinart, pp. 44, 45.

[30] Steinmetz, Strafe, II p. 45.

[31] Darwin, Descent of Man, p. 593.

[32] See Ploss, II pp. 333, 334, and Steinmetz, Das Verhältniss zwischen Eltern und Kindern, p. 613.

[33] Lippert (II p. 535) distinguishes the wife, as mistress of the household, from the slave, who has no share in the authority wielded by the master. This may be true, but it is only a small portion of the truth.

[34] Meyer, Die Sklaverei im Altertum, p. 18.

[35] Carey, p. 275. See also Wuttke and Maine, as quoted by Steinmetz, Strafe, II pp. 180, 181.

[36] Chamberlain (p. 116) justly remarks: “Much too little has been made of the bright side of child-life among the lower races.”

[37] Steinmetz, Strafe, II pp. 179–253, see especially p. 252, and his article on: “Das Verhältniss zwischen Eltern und Kindern bei den Naturvölkern.”

[38] Steinmetz. Strafe, II p. 190 (after Bancroft).

[39] Ibid., p. 194 (after Krause).

[40] Ibid., p. 196 (after Zu Wied).

[41] Ibid., p. 199 (after Burckhardt).

[42] Ibid., p. 201 (after Von Middendorf).

[43] Ibid., p. 196.

[44] Sohm, p. 363.

[45] Puchta, II p. 384. As this is not the place to enter into a systematic description of the treatment of children among savages, we have confined ourselves to mentioning the results of Steinmetz’s investigations. Yet we will quote here one ethnographical record, that clearly shows the high degree of development of the patria potestas possible among savages. “In Flores the sons even of rich families, as long as their father lives, at public feasts are dressed like slaves, and also at his funeral; this being apparently the external sign of a strict patria potestas, which remains in force till the funeral; until then the son is the father’s slave.” Von Martens, p. 117.

[46] Viz. as long as the child is really a child. Savage children are generally much sooner full-grown than those of civilized nations; see Steinmetz, Strafe, II pp. 215—217.

[47] See Lippert, II p. 535.

[48] Tanner, pp. 8–17, 114; see also p. 315.

[49] Bastian, Rechtsverhältnisse, pp. 15, 15 note 2, 187, 187 note 2. Post (Ethn. Jur., I p. 358) also speaks of subjects being the slaves of the king.

[50] Ingram, p. 3. Schurtz also remarks that pariah artisans, though despised, are not slaves. (Das afrikanische Gewerbe, p. 142).

[51] Goldstein, pp. 354, 355.

[52] See for instance Hutter, pp. 270, 271.

[53] Siegel, pp. 328–330.

[54] Brunner, I pp. 101, 102.

[55] Schröder, p. 41. He states that these Hörigen were also called lati or aldio (l.c., p. 40); so they are the same class as those described by Brunner.

[56] Gasquet, II, pp. 281, 282.

[57] Puchta II p. 97.

[58] Ingram, p. 262.

[59] Spencer, Ind. Inst., p. 472.

[60] Letourneau, pp. 423, 355, 356. In a letter we received from Mr. A. C. Kruyt, it is remarked that among the Dyaks and the Toradja of Celebes a slave in some cases rises to the position of a serf; he is then no longer continually in the service of his master, but only has to work at definite periods.

[61] Mr. Westermarck observes: “According to a common definition of slavery, the slave is the property of his master, but this definition is hardly accurate. It is true that even in the case of inanimate property the notion of ownership does not involve that the owner of a thing is always entitled to do with it whatever he likes; a person may own a thing and yet been prohibited by law from destroying it. But it seems that the owner’s right over his property, even when not absolute, is at all events exclusive, that is, that nobody but the owner has a right to the disposal of it. Now the master’s right of disposing of his slave is not necessarily exclusive; custom or law may grant the latter a certain amount of liberty, and in such a case his condition differs essentially from that of a piece of property. The chief characteristic of slavery is the compulsory nature of the slave’s relation to his master” (Moral Ideas, I pp. 670, 671).

We are fully aware that a certain amount of liberty is often granted to the slaves. This was also the case in ancient Rome; yet we think the Roman legislators were correct in calling the slaves the property of their masters. For every check, put by custom or law upon the master’s power over his slaves, is foreign to the nature of slavery; in principle the master’s power is unlimited, just as the owner’s power over his property. It is just in this that slavery differs from other relations of a compulsory nature.

[62] Ellis, Tshi-speaking peoples, p. 294.

[63] Puchta, II p. 250; see also Wilken, Pandrecht, pp. 42–44.

[64] Puchta, II p. 264.

[65] Dr. Tönnies, in his review of the first edition of this work, expresses a doubt as to whether slavery in the proper sense exists in every case in which, relying on the often superficial accounts of travellers, we conclude that slavery is present.

The foregoing passage and the whole of the present chapter are, we think, sufficient evidence that we have set ourselves the task of subjecting the accounts of travellers and other writers on savage tribes, on which our conclusions are to be based, to a critical examination. There may be particular instances in which we have failed in this respect; but we believe our conclusions on the whole rest upon a solid basis and Dr. Tönnies’s objection, in corroboration of which he does not adduce a single fact, does not seem to us well founded.

[66] Sometimes, however, children are sold to adoptive parents within the tribe. Such is the case in Greenland; see Crantz I, p. 178. But these are exceptional cases, so, when no particulars are given, we may suppose that the purchased persons become slaves and not adopted children.

[67] See Tylor, Primitive Culture, I pp. 417 sqq.

[68] The distinction between the several stages of culture will be enlarged upon in the second Part.

[69] Hanoteau et Letourneux, La Kabylie et les coutumes Kabyles.

[70] When similar phenomena are found among different peoples, modern ethnology supposes that they have spontaneously originated among each of them, viz. as long as the contrary is not made probable. See Steinmetz, Endokannibalismus, pp. 56, 57, and Darwin, Descent of Man, p. 141.

[71] Rink, p. 5.

[72] Ibid., pp. 24, 25.

[73] Ibid, pp. 24–34.

[74] Crantz I. pp. 178, 186.

[75] Ibid., pp. 211, 215.

[76] Nansen.

[77] Boas, Central, Eskimo, pp.580, 581.

[78] Ribbach, p. 286.

[79] Hall.

[80] Klutschak.

[81] Petitot.

[82] Turner, Ungava District.

[83] Bancroft, p. 65; Elliott.

[84] Ray, p. 44; Murdoch, p. 419.

[85] See Schurtz, Katechismus, p. 268.

[86] Bancroft, p. 92.

[87] Petroff, p. 152.

[88] Petroff, pp. 158, 159.

[89] Bancroft, p. 80; see also Holmberg, I pp. 78, 79.

[90] Krause, p. 152, etc.; Bancroft, p. 108; Dall, pp. 419–421; Petroff, p. 165; Elliott, p. 64; Niblack, p. 252; Holmberg, I pp. 50, 51, II pp. 43–46.

[91] Krause, p. 311; Bancroft, p. 168.

[92] Krause, p. 319; Niblack, p. 252; Boas, Die Tsimschian, pp. 237, 240, 244; Kane, Appendix A.

[93] Boas, Kwakiutl Indians, p. 338.

[94] Krause, p. 321.

[95] Sproat, pp. 89–92; Brown, adventures of John Jewitt, pp. 130, 131.

[96] Bancroft p. 195; Brown, ibid., pp. 19, 28, 35.

[97] Bancroft, p. 217.

[98] Mayne, pp. 242, 275, 253, etc.

[99] Kane, pp. 214, 215; Niblack, p. 252.

[100] Jones, The Kutchin Tribes, p. 325.

[101] Hardisty, p. 316.

[102] Whymper; Kirby; Bancroft.

[103] Mackenzie, I p. 152.

[104] Hearne, II pp. 87, 179.

[105] Bancroft, p. 124.

[106] Bancroft, p. 135.

[107] Allison, p. 316.

[108] Roosevelt; Le Jeune in The Jesuit Relations; Sagard; Mackenzie.

[109] Loskiel, p. 195.

[110] Loskiel; Brinton, The Lenape.

[111] Jesuit Relations, V pp. 31, 55; VI p. 245.

[112] Keating, II p. 168.

[113] Jones, Ojibway Indians, pp. 131, 109.

[114] Kohl, I p. 96.

[115] Carver, pp. 325, 326.

[116] Tanner, pp. 17, 112, 114.

[117] Tanner, pp. 11–16.

[118] Keating; Long, Ojibway Indians; Roosevelt.

[119] McLean, p. 64; Kane, p. 128; Mackenzie.

[120] Dodge, pp. 266, 267.

[121] Reports of Expl., Vol. XII Part I p. 99.

[122] Grinnell, pp. 115, 116, 123.

[123] Grinnell; Möllhausen; Mackenzie; Reports of Expl., Vol. I and Vol. XII Part I; Zu Wied, Nord-Amerika; Schoolcraft.

[124] Maurault, pp. 26—28.

[125] Hoffman, p. 35.

[126] Morgan, Anc. Soc., pp. 80, 69.

[127] Charlevoix, Nouv. France, III p. 245.

[128] Lafitau and Loskiel. Loskiel’s account of the Delawares applies equally to the Iroquois, see Loskiel, p. 1.

[129] Lafitau, II p. 308.

[130] Lafitau, III pp. 264–290; Charlevoix, l.c. pp. 242—252; Loskiel, p. 195; Mrs. Kinzie, pp. 214, sqq.

[131] Powell, Wyandot Gov., p. 68.

[132] Adair, pp. 303, 304, 287.

[133] Roosevelt, I p. 50.

[134] Rochefort, p. 412.

[135] Loskiel, p. 197.

[136] Bartram, p. 38.

[137] Roosevelt, I pp. 63, 64.

[138] Charlevoix, Nouv. France, III pp. 426; see also Lettres édif., XX pp. 132, 133.

[139] Bossu, pp. 241, 245, 249.

[140] Strachey, p. 83.

[141] Ibid., pp. 101, 108.

[142] Histoire de la Virginie, p. 261.

[143] Owen Dorsey, Siouan Soc., p. 215.

[144] Eastman, Dahcotah; Eastman, Indian Wars; Reports of Expl., Vol. I; Möllhausen; Ten Kate, Noord-Amerika; Schoolcraft.

[145] Eastman, Indian Wars, p. 412; Copway, pp. 65, 66; Neill, pp. 340, 526.

[146] Mathews, p. 47.

[147] Owen Dorsey, Omaha Soc., pp. 364, 332.

[148] James, p. 299.

[149] Hunter, Gedenkschriften, pp. 268, 270, 271.

[150] Reports of Expl., Vol. XII Part I p. 76.

[151] Lewis and Clark, I pp. 175, 242; see also pp. 212, 233.

[152] Gibbs, p. 188.

[153] Bancroft, p. 269; McLean, p. 54.

[154] The Flatheads of Fort George, who in Kane’s time kept slaves, are described by him as consisting principally of Chinooks and Klickataats. We are not sure whether these Flatheads are the same as those mentioned by Bancroft and McLean. (See Kane, pp. 173, 175, 181).

[155] Bancroft, p. 240; Kane, pp. 181, 182.

[156] Swan, The Northwest Coast, pp. 166, 167, etc.

[157] Lewis and Clark, II pp. 344, 345, 313, 314.

[158] Bancroft, p. 276.

[159] Ross, as quoted by Bancroft, l.c.

[160] Mackenzie, II pp. 217, 263.

[161] Brancroft, p. 269.

[162] Powers, p. 248.

[163] Kane, pp. 237, 242, 248, 320.

[164] Bancroft, pp. 349, 351.

[165] Powers, pp. 22, 75, 76.

[166] Hubbard, as quoted by Bancroft, p. 348.

[167] Bancroft, p. 360.

[168] This conclusion of ours is strengthened by the following statement of Gibbs, which we have already referred to: “Southward it [slavery] ceases, so far as my observation has gone, with the Siskiou Mountains, which divide Oregon from California.” (Gibbs, p. 188).

[169] Gatschet, pp. 59, 62; see also pp. 60, 16.

[170] Bancroft, p. 349.

[171] Ibid., pp. 388, 381.

[172] Ibid., p. 407.

[173] Boscana, in “Life in California”, pp. 308, 309.

[174] Powers, p. 322.

[175] Bancroft, p. 436.

[176] Bancroft, p. 433; Meline, p. 120.

[177] Bancroft, p. 510.

[178] Ibid., p. 500.

[179] Schoolcraft, I pp. 232, 235.

[180] Gregg, II p. 243.

[181] Cessac, pp. 115, 116.

[182] Ten Kate, Noord-Amerika, pp. 383, 384.

[183] Reports of Expl., Vol. III Part I pp. 22, 31.

[184] Möllhausen, p. 137.

[185] Bancroft, p. 498.

[186] Schoolcraft, V p. 210.

[187] Bourke, pp. 128, 129; Fremont and Emory, p. 150.

[188] Bent, as quoted by Bancroft, p. 510.

[189] Stratton, as quoted by Bancroft, p. 511.

[190] Bancroft, p. 543; see also Meline’s above-quoted statement about the Pueblos.

[191] Parker Winship, p. 548.

[192] Ten Kate. Noord-Amerika; see also Möllhausen, and Reports of Expl., Vol. III.

[193] Bancroft, p. 562.

[194] The names printed in italics contain the clear, the other the more doubtful cases (vide p. 46).

[195] Boudin, pp. 826, 827. Gregg (II p. 195) also states that Negro slaves were to be found among these tribes.

[196] Bartram, p. 38; Schoolcraft, I p. 277.

[197] Roosevelt, I p. 59; Gregg, l.c.

[198] Maccauley, p. 526.

[199] Gregg, II p. 196.

[200] Bancroft, p. 581.

[201] Bancroft, p. 629.

[202] So for instance among the Tlinkits; see Niblack, p. 252.

[203] Bancroft, pp. 656, 663.

[204] Bancroft, pp. 729, 723; Wickham.

[205] Bancroft, pp. 771, 764; Gabb; Pokalowsky, p. 50.

[206] Pinart, see pp. 33, 48.

[207] Rochefort, pp. 430, 478, 512, 480, 489, 477; de la Borde.

[208] Gumilla, II p. 255.

[209] Ling Roth, Hispaniola; see especially p. 272.

[210] Im Thurn; Brett; R. Schomburgk; R. H. Schomburgk; Joest, Guyana; Bonaparte; Goudreau; Vidal; van Coll.

[211] Martius, p. 693.

[212] Gumilla, II p. 254.

[213] Sievers, Sierra Nevada; Reclus; Simons.

[214] De Brettes, pp. 94, 96, 78—80.

[215] Sievers, Des Grafen Josef de Brettes Reisen, pp. 381, 382.

[216] De Lery, pp. 225—242; see especially pp. 225, 236. Stade gives a similar account of the treatment of prisoners, quoted by Andree, pp. 85—88.

[217] D’Evreux, pp. 21, 46, 52—54.

[218] Martius, pp. 71, 74.

[219] Ibid., pp. 206, 207.

[220] Ibid., p. 71.

[221] Ibid., p. 73.

[222] Keane; von Tschudi; Ehrenreich, Botocudos; Zu Wied, Brasilien, II p. 45. Martius (p. 326) apparently relies entirely on Zu Wied.

[223] Azara, II p. 146.

[224] Boggiani, p. 80.

[225] Southey III, pp. 391, 392; Martius, pp. 232, 233, 71.

[226] Colini, in Boggiani, p. 297.

[227] Thouar, pp. 51, 60 sqq.

[228] See Steinmetz, Strafe, I p. 174 note 1.

[229] Azara II, pp. 96, 108–110, 119.

[230] Colini, in Boggiani, p. 316.

[231] Boggiani, pp. 305, 310.

[232] Boggiani, p. 100.

[233] Pohl, p. 163.

[234] Von den Steinen, Unter den Naturvölkern; von den Steinen, Durch Central-Brasilien; Hensel.

[235] Von den Steinen, Durch Central-Brasilien, p. 211.

[236] Ibid., p. 265.

[237] Ehrenreich, Beiträge, pp. 28, 29.

[238] Simson, p. 505.

[239] Ordinaire, pp. 287, 270—273.

[240] Ibid., pp. 308, 309.

[241] Skinner, II pp. 113, 114.

[242] Smyth and Lowe, p. 226.

[243] Azara, II p. 96.

[244] D’Orbigny, I pp. 360, 372.

[245] Ibid., II p. 166.

[246] Ibid., II p. 211.

[247] L. c.

[248] Muratori, pp. 29, 128, 129.

[249] Dobrizhoffer, II pp. 148—152.

[250] Azara, II pp. 145, 132.

[251] Ibid., pp. 159, 157.

[252] D’Orbigny, II p. 89.

[253] Azara, II pp. 15, 19, 20.

[254] Heusser and Claraz.

[255] Azara travelled in South America for 20 years, D’Orbigny for only 7. The former was commissary and commander of the Spanish frontiers in Paraguay; the latter made a journey for scientific purposes, mainly zoölogical.

[256] Azara, II p. 32.

[257] Musters, p. 217; Falkner, pp. 122, 123, 126; Letourneau, p. 123.

[258] Azara, II p. 38.

[259] D’Orbigny, I p. 401.

[260] Molina, p. 74.

[261] Von Bibra; Ochsenius; Smith; Musters.

[262] Hyades et Déniker, p. 242.

[263] Parker Snow; Darwin, Voyage; Vincent; O’Sullivan.

[264] The literature used is the same as that quoted on p. 22, Chapter I, and besides: Howitt, South-East Australia; Stokes; Mitchell; Hale; Grey; Taplin, as quoted by Woods.

[265] Curr; Brough Smyth. Gerland’s survey of Australian social life is much better.

[266] E.g. Grosse and Letourneau.

[267] Comp. Steinmetz’s treatment of the problem of Australian chieftainship, Strafe, II pp. 20–42. See also Spencer and Gillen’s statement that “whilst undoubtedly there is a certain amount in common as regards social organisation and customs amongst the Australian tribes, yet, on the other hand, there is great diversity” (Native tribes, p. 34).

[268] Curr; Brough Smyth; Gerland.

[269] Brough Smyth, I p. 127.

[270] Waitz-Gerland, VI p. 764.

[271] Letourneau (pp. 26, 35) arrives at the same conclusion.

[272] De Rochas, p. 252.

[273] Lambert, pp. 79, 177.

[274] Brainne, p. 239; de Vaux; Legrand.

[275] Glaumont, p. 74.

[276] Elton, p. 98.

[277] Guppy, p. 33.

[278] Verguet, p. 205.

[279] Codrington, The Melanesians, p. 46.

[280] Guppy, pp. 35, 36.

[281] Somerville, New Georgia, pp. 402, 400.

[282] Ribbe, pp. 248, 276.

[283] Woodford, pp. 154, 155.

[284] Parkinson, N. W. Salomo-Inseln, pp. 2 note, 8, 9, 10.

[285] Ribbe, pp. 100, 138, 139, 110.

[286] Guppy. p. 34.

[287] Sorge, in Steinmetz’s Rechtsverhältnisse, p. 414.

[288] Wilkes, III, pp. 81, 108.

[289] Williams, pp. 32, 53.

[290] Seemann, pp. 196, 179, 180.

[291] Waterhouse.

[292] Erskine, pp. 456, 457, 420, 438, 458.

[293] Meinicke, Die Inseln des stillen Oceans, I p. 202.

[294] Hagen and Pineau; Inglis; Somerville, New Hebrides.

[295] Danks; Pfeil, p. 78.

[296] Hahl, p. 77; Parkinson, Dreissig Jahre, pp. 159, 172, 173.

[297] Parkinson, Dreissig Jahre, p. 264; Romilly, Western Pacific.

[298] Parkinson, Dreissig Jahre, pp. 380, 396–398, 443.

[299] Meinicke, Die Torresstrasse, p. 116; Haddon, p. 355. See also Hunt’s Ethnogr. notes on the Murray Islands, Torres Straits, in which no mention is made of slaves.

[300] Bink, p. 325; Krieger, p. 413; Koning.

[301] Robidé, p. 109.

[302] Ibid., p. 262.

[303] Moolenburgh, p. 180.

[304] Robidé, p. 235.

[305] Van der Roest, p. 157.

[306] Goudswaard, pp. 27, 51; see also Ottow and Geissler, pp. 115, 118.

[307] Van Hasselt in Z. E. VIII, pp. 191 sqq.; Van Hasselt in Tijds. XXXI, pp. 583, 584, XXXII, pp 270, 272; De Clercq, Nieuw-Guinea, p. 619.

[308] Rosenberg, Mal. Arch., pp. 454, 456; Robidé, pp. 64, 65, 76, 94, 228; see also Nieuw-Guinea, p. 149.

[309] Rosenberg, Mal. Arch., p. 532; Rosenberg, Nieuw-Guinea, p. 90.

[310] Robidé, p. 242.

[311] Bruijn, pp. 103, 104; Robidé, p. 59.

[312] De Clercq, Nieuw-Guinea, p. 459; Strauch, p. 30.

[313] Robidé, pp. 300, 305, 306.

[314] Nieuw-Guinea, pp. 116, 128.

[315] Ibid., pp. 158, 163.

[316] Thomson, British New Guinea, pp. 52, 63, 157,158.

[317] Turner, Motu; d’Albertis; Beardmore; Romilly, Verandah; Chalmers, see especially p. 326; Guise.

[318] Maclay; Finsch, Samoafahrten, p. 80.

[319] Vetter, p. 91.

[320] Kohler, Das Recht der Papuas, p. 389 (on the authority of Bamler).

[321] Hagen, Unter den Papuas, p. 220; see also Vallentin, p. 634.

[322] See Kunze’s minute description, in which slavery is not mentioned.

[323] Thomson, New Zealand, pp. 149, etc.; Polack, I pp. 35, 36, etc., II pp. 52–59, etc.; Tregear, p. 113; Waitz-Gerland, VI p. 206; Meinicke, Die Inseln des stillen Oceans, I p. 326; Letourneau, pp. 173–182; Weisz, pp. 22, 24, 28, 30; Taylor, pp. 165, 167, 185, 189, 191, etc.; Brown, New Zealand, pp. 29, 30; Yate, pp. 120, 121.

[324] Meinicke, l.c. II. p. 185.

[325] Waitz-Gerland, VI p. 170.

[326] Ibid., pp. 170–185.

[327] Ibid., p. 185.

[328] Mariner, II pp. 153, 349, 350.

[329] Ibid., p. 237.

[330] West, pp. 260, 262.

[331] Waitz-Gerland, VI p. 170.

[332] Meinicke, l.c. II p. 122.

[333] Wilkes, II p. 159.

[334] Turner, Samoa, p. 192.

[335] Krämer, Die Samoa-Inseln, II p. 341.

[336] Gerland; Meinicke; Turner; Von Bülow.

[337] Gardiner, p. 429.

[338] Meinicke, l.c., II p. 148; Waitz-Gerland, VI p. 199.

[339] Ellis, Pol. Res., III p. 95.

[340] J. Wilson, III pp. 127–129.

[341] Moerenhout, II pp. 8, 47.

[342] Ellis, Pol. Res., IV pp. 161, 160, 413.

[343] Wilkes, IV p. 35.

[344] Chamisso, in Kotzebue, p. 149.

[345] Remy, pp. LXI–LXVI, XL.

[346] Meinicke, l.c., pp. 303, 304.

[347] Marcuse, p. 116. On p. 114, however, he states that they spared the lives of their captives only when they intended them to be sacrificed later on to their gods.

[348] Hale, p. 36.

[349] Radiguet, p. 156.

[350] Meinicke, l.c., II p. 254.

[351] Andree, p. 64.

[352] Moerenhout, II p. 31.

[353] Waitz-Gerland, VI p. 216.

[354] Letourneau, p. 183.

[355] Waitz-Gerland, V, 2 p. 194.

[356] Wilkes, I p. 357.

[357] Moerenhout, II p. 191.

[358] Geiseler, pp. 30, 31, 41.

[359] Parkinson, Dreissig Jahre, p. 528.

[360] Meinicke, Die Gilbert- und Marshall-Inseln, p. 409; Waitz-Gerland, V, 2 p. 122.

[361] Hernsheim, p. 80.

[362] Kubary, Die Ebongruppe, pp. 36, 37.

[363] Hager, p. 96.

[364] Senfft, in Steinmetz’s Rechtsverhältnisse, pp. 431, 442, 439, 441, 443.

[365] Krämer, Hawaii etc., p. 430.

[366] Kohler, Das Recht der Marschallinsulaner, Z. V. R. XIV pp. 427, 428, 431.

[367] Krämer, Hawaii etc., pp. 450, 451.

[368] Jung, pp. 67–70.

[369] Christian, p. 144.

[370] Waitz-Gerland V, 2 p. 118.

[371] Ibid., pp. 120, 121.

[372] Kubary, Mortlock-Inseln, p. 246.

[373] Kubary, quoted by Schmeltz and Krause, p. 373.

[374] Gräffe, p. 94.

[375] Krämer, Studienreise, p. 179.

[376] Volkens, Ueber die Karolinen-Insel Yap.

[377] Waitz-Gerland, V, 2 pp. 112–114.

[378] Kubary, Soc. Einr. der Pelauer, p. 72.

[379] Kubary, Die Palau Inseln, p. 232.

[380] Semper, Die Pelau-Inseln, pp. 36, 79.

[381] This is also proved (if any further proof were needed) by Kubary’s detailed description of fishing and agriculture: the former is carried on by the men, the latter by the women; nowhere is any mention made of slaves. Kubary, Industrie der Pelau-Insulaner, pp. 123 sqq., 156 sqq.

[382] Wilkes, pp. 88, 95.

[383] Meinicke, Die Inseln des stillen Oceans, II p. 340.

[384] Waitz-Gerland, V, 2 p. 124.

[385] Parkinson, Gilbertinsulaner, pp. 98, 99, 39.

[386] Parkinson, Gilbertinsulaner, p. 43.

[387] Krämer, Hawaii, etc., p. 333.

[388] Schurtz, Katechismus, p. 230; Waitz-Gerland, V, 2 p. 124.

[389] De Morgan, Exploration, divisions: Linguistique (see especially p. 17), and: Ethnographie; Skeat and Blagden, I p. 515; Vaughan Stevens; Montano; Borie; Favre; Newbold; Hervey.

[390] Brenner, pp. 341, 342; Junghuhn, II pp. 150–152.

[391] Neumann T. A. G. 2nd series, part IV, pp. 26–41.

[392] Heijting, pp. 246–249; “Résumé’s”, pp. 55, 56; Willer, pp. 43–47; see also Meerwaldt, p. 541.

[393] Willer, l.c.

[394] Westenberg, Verslag, p. 76; Westenberg, Nota, pp. 113, 114.

[395] Van Dijk, Si Baloengoen, p. 158; Westenberg, Nota, p. 107; Mededeelingen, etc., pp. 580, 585.

[396] Meerwaldt, p. 541.

[397] Kroesen, Bataklanden, pp. 259, 260.

[398] Ypes, pp. 496–499, 542–545.

[399] Mededeelingen etc., pp. 567, 573, 575.

[400] Meerwaldt, p. 541.

[401] Meerwaldt, l.c.; Van Dijk, Nota, pp. 483, 491; see also Müller, Batak-Sammlung, p. 14.

[402] Van Ophuijsen; Van Dijk, Loeboe.

[403] See Mohnicke; Boers; Forbes, Kubus, and especially Dr. Hagen, who makes use of an extensive literature.

[404] De Groot.

[405] Modigliani, Nias, pp. 520–536; Rosenberg, Mal. Arch., pp. 157–163.

[406] Rosenberg, Mal. Arch.; Rosenberg, Mentawei-eilanden; Mess; Maass; Severijn, Poggi-eilanden.

[407] Rosenberg, Mal. Arch., p. 193.

[408] Kroesen, Anambas, p. 244.

[409] Modigliani, Engano; Oudemans; Severijn, Engano; Rosenberg, Engano; “Verslag eener reis”.

[410] Walland, p. 301; Rosenberg, Mal. Arch., p. 216.

[411] Low, pp. 301, 302.

[412] Schwaner, I pp. 167, 168.

[413] Low, pp. 200, 201; Spencer St. John, I p. 83; Brooke Low, in Ling Roth, Sarawak, II p. 210.

[414] Brooke Low, l.c., pp. 210–213.

[415] Perelaer, pp. 152–160.

[416] Schwaner, I pp. 80, 195; Grabowsky, p. 199.

[417] Grabowsky, l.c.

[418] Treacher, in Ling Roth, l.c., pp. 213, 214.

[419] Nieuwenhuis, Quer durch Borneo, I pp. 58, 59, 65–67.

[420] Nieuwenhuis, l.c. II pp. 95, 96.

[421] Denison, as quoted by Ling Roth, l.c.

[422] Van Prehn, pp. 29–32.

[423] Engelhard, p. 468.

[424] Beschrijving van het landschap Pasir, pp. 541, 542.

[425] Denison, in Ling Roth, p. 210.

[426] Von Dewall, pp. 23, 24.

[427] Ibid., p. 80.

[428] Tromp, Rambai, p. 111.

[429] Graafland, Minahassa, I pp. 285, 286; Riedel, Minahasse, p. 502.

[430] Wilken and Schwartz, pp. 382–384.

[431] Riedel, Holontalo, pp. 65–67.

[432] Riedel, Boeool, pp. 197, 204.

[433] Kruijt, N. Z. G. XXXIX pp. 121–123, 126–128; XL pp. 141, 142; Adriani, pp. 240, 241. See also the description given by Riedel, who calls them Topantunuazu; Riedel, Topantunuazu, pp. 82–84, 90.

[434] Kruijt, Toboengkoe en Tomori, pp. 233, sqq.

[435] Bakkers, Sandjai, p. 287.

[436] van Hasselt, Bangkala, p. 367.

[437] Het landschap Donggala, pp. 520, 521.

[438] Donselaar, Saleijer, pp. 296–299.

[439] Ligtvoet, p. 570.

[440] de Roo, pp. 582–585; see also Bieger, p. 153.

[441] Von Martens, p. 117 (on the whole island); Ten Kate Timorgroep, p. 212 (on Sika); and especially Roos, pp. 488–491 (on Endeh).

[442] Ten Kate, Timorgroep, p. 242.

[443] Bakkers, Bonerate, pp. 248–250; Vink, pp. 340, 341.

[444] De Castro, pp. 484, 485; Forbes, Timor, p. 417. Zondervan mostly relies on De Castro.

[445] Ten Kate, l.c., p. 343.

[446] Donselaar, Savoe, pp. 295, 296.

[447] Graafland, Rote, pp. 364, 365.

[448] Riedel, Rassen, pp. 434 sqq.

[449] Ibid., p. 406.

[450] Ibid., p. 384; Van Hoëvell, Leti, p. 212.

[451] Riedel, Rassen, p. 463.

[452] Ibid., p. 320.

[453] Ibid., p. 346.

[454] Ibid., p. 293; Van Hoëvell, Tanimbar, p. 174; Forbes, Timorlaut, pp. 15, 18.

[455] Riedel, l.c., p. 251; Rosenberg, Mal. Arch., pp. 338, 344.

[456] Riedel, l.c., pp. 226, 228, 231; Van Hoëvell, Kei-eilanden, p. 120; Pleijte, p. 567.

[457] Riedel, l.c., p. 194.

[458] Ibid., p. 154.

[459] Ibid., pp. 101–103; Boot, p. 1171.

[460] Riedel, l.c., p. 49; Van Hoëvell, Ambon, p. 47.

[461] Hickson, p. 141; see also pp. 137, 139, 142; van Dinter.

[462] Riedel, Galela, pp. 64–66.

[463] Campen, p. 285.

[464] Riedel, Rassen, pp. 18, 19; Wilken, Boeroe, p. 3.

[465] Van der Miesen, p. 449.

[466] Blumentritt, Conquista, pp. 53–59; Blumentritt, Tagalen, pp. 12–17.

[467] Schadenberg, Süd-Mindanao, pp. 9, 12, 28; Blumentritt, Mindanao, p. 281.

[468] Blumentritt, Ethnographie, p. 49; Blumentritt, Mindanao, pp. 293, 294.

[469] Blumentritt, Ethnographie pp. 53, 54; Blumentritt, Maguindanaos, p. 891; Jansen, pp. 219, 224, 225.

[470] Schadenberg, Süd-Mindanao, p. 47.

[471] Blumentritt, Mindanao, p. 297.

[472] Blumentritt, Kianganen, p. 132.

[473] Blumentritt, Bungianen.

[474] Venturillo, see especially p. 142; Miller.

[475] Jenks, pp. 136–138; Schadenberg, Nord-Luzon.

[476] Blumentritt, Ethnographie; Meijer, Igorroten; Jagor, Philippines.

[477] See Reed, p. 63; Semper, Philippinen; Mallat; Blumentritt, Negritos; Schadenberg, Negritos.

[478] Schurtz, Katechismus, p. 221.

[479] Sibree, pp. 181, 182; Hartmann, p. 75; Ellis, Madagascar, pp. 146–149.

[480] Sibree.

[481] Hildebrandt, Ambergebirge, p. 276; Grandidier, p. 217.

[482] Veth, IV pp. 410–413.

[483] I, p. 11.

[484] Liefrinck, Nota etc., p. 184.

[485] Waanders, p. 133.

[486] Liefrinck, ibid., p. 185.

[487] Waanders, pp. 107, 123–125; Tonkes, pp. 54–58.

[488] Tonkes, p. 61.

[489] Liefrinck, Slavernij op Lombok, pp. 508, 514, sqq.

[490] Van Eck, p. 356.

[491] Van Hasselt, Volksbeschrijving van Midden-Sumatra, pp. 190, 191.

[492] Willinck, pp. 130–144.

[493] Among the Rejangs: Marsden, pp. 252, 255; in Semindo: Pauw ten Kate, pp. 537–542, Gramberg, pp. 458, 459; in Blalauw: Gramberg, pp. 471, 472; in Palembang: Gersen, pp. 136, 137; Singkel: Rosenberg, Singkel, p. 413, Rosenberg, Mal. Arch., p. 45; Pangkallan: Holle, pp. 382, 383; Labuan-Batu: Neumann, Laboean-Batoe, pp. 478, 479, Korte beschrijving van het landschap Bilu, p. 553; Karintji, Serampas and Sungai Tenang: Klerks, p. 89; Upper Asahan: Van den Bor, p. 410; Batubarah: de Scheemaker, pp. 471–473; Siak: Nieuwenhuijzen, pp. 412–414; the Rokan states: Quast, pp. 416–418. In Glugur “serfdom does not exist: all men have the same human rights” (Van Delden, p. 169). Whether this is the original state of things, or due to Dutch interference, does not appear.

[494] Snouck Hurgronje, De Atjehers, I pp. 21–25. Concerning the West Coast of Atjeh, see also van Langen, pp. 478, 479.

[495] Snouck Hurgronje, Het Gajoland, pp. 62–64.

[496] Matthes, pp. 3, 5, 136, 137, etc. On the Bugis of Tanette and Barru, see also Bakkers, Tanette, p. 257, and on those of Boni: Bakkers, Boni, pp. 60, 98, 153.

[497] Robidé, pp. 53, 218, 221, etc.

[498] De Clercq, Ternate, p. 74.

[499] Saleeby, p. 65.

[500] Colquhoun, p. 189; Harper Parker, pp. 88, 100.

[501] Colquhoun, pp. 189, 258.

[502] St. John, Aracan, pp. 240–242.

[503] Lewin, p. 85.

[504] Colquhoun, p. 77.

[505] Ibid., p. 155.

[506] Mason, p. 159.

[507] Colquhoun, p. 69.

[508] Ibid., pp. 40, 69, 70.

[509] Wehrli, pp. 36, 37; see also Dalton, p. 10; Rowney, p. 167.

[510] Man, pp. 109, 356.

[511] Svoboda, p. 191.

[512] Cooper, p. 238; Dalton, p. 15; Spencer, Descr. Soc., V p. 15.

[513] Shaw, p. 89.

[514] Dalton, p. 58; Eliot, p. 28.

[515] Macrae, p. 188.

[516] Lewin, p. 89.

[517] Dalton, p. 46.

[518] Dalton, p. 45: Stewart and Butler, as quoted by Spencer, l.c., p. 14.

[519] Metz; Spencer, Descr. Soc., V.

[520] Hunter, Rural Bengal, I pp. 200, 202; Dalton, pp. 207–218.

[521] Campbell, pp. 53, 79.

[522] Dalton, p. 114.

[523] Dalton, p. 51; Watt.

[524] Dalton, p. 57.

[525] Ibid., p. 254.

[526] Ibid., p. 230.

[527] Ujfalvy, Aryens, pp. 352, 359; Robertson, pp. 78, 79; Rousselet, p. 223.

[528] Dalton, p. 24. Letourneau (p. 305) is in doubt whether slavery really exists here, first because the Padam Abors are organized in republican and even communistic clans, in which slavery is hardly possible (why?); secondly because the young slaves live together with the young freemen in communal long-houses. This last remark proves that Letourneau is not very familiar with the character of primitive slavery.

[529] Dalton, p. 36.

[530] Grange, as quoted by Spencer, l. c, pp. 7, 11; Godden in J. A. I. XXV p. 184.

[531] Hodgson, as quoted by Spencer, l. c, p. 7.

[532] Sarasin, p. 488.

[533] Pallas, Reise, I p. 338; Boutakoff; Ujfalvy, Expéd. scient., p. 112; Chambers, as quoted by Spencer, Descr. Soc., V p. 15.

[534] Levchine, pp. 341, 354.

[535] Ibid., pp. 305, 331, 368, 369, 399, 502.

[536] Ibid., pp. 347, 430.

[537] Radloff, Aus Sibirien, I p. 526. Finsch (West Sibirien, p. 150) speaks in the same way.

[538] Levchine, p. 305.

[539] Radloff, Beobachtungen über die Kirgisen, p. 168.

[540] Radloff, Aus Sibirien. The Kara Kirghiz are described I pp. 526–534.

[541] Koehne, pp. 458, 459.

[542] Spencer, Descr. Soc., V p. 16.

[543] Pallas, Reise, I pp. 264, 233, 265.

[544] Die Bewohner des schwarzen Irtyschthales, p. 67.

[545] Radloff, Aus Sibirien, II pp. 327–330.

[546] Radloff, l.c., I pp. 270, 286, 287, 293, 295, 312, 315.

[547] Ibid., I p. 320.

[548] Ibid., I pp. 330–343, 353–357, 374–405.

[549] Vambéry, Das Türkenvolk, p. 356.

[550] Ibid., p. 380.

[551] Ibid., p. 410.

[552] Vambéry, Skizzen, p. 64.

[553] Stein; Weil.

[554] Letourneau, p. 227.

[555] Obrutschew, I p. 37.

[556] Ujfalvy, Expéd. scient., p. 84.

[557] Ujfalvy, Aryens, p. 145.

[558] Von Stenin, Kurden, p. 221.

[559] Pallas, Reise, III p. 51.

[560] Ibid., pp. 25, 26.

[561] Ibid., pp. 72–74.

[562] Islawin; Finsch, West-Sibirien.

[563] Von Stenin, Samojeden, see especially p. 187.

[564] Déniker, Les Ghiliaks, p. 309.

[565] Müller, Unter Tungusen und Jakuten.

[566] Sumner, p. 85; see also Müller, l.c.

[567] Laufer, see especially p. 318.

[568] Steller, pp. 356, 293, 235, 235 note.

[569] Hist. de Kamtschatka, II p. 156.

[570] Nordenskiöld, II p. 124.

[571] Erman, pp. 379, 380.

[572] Georgi as quoted by Hildebrand, Recht und Sitte, p. 36; Dall; Hooper; Kennan.

[573] Hist. de Kamtschatka, II p. 218.

[574] Ibid., pp. 82, 223, 239.

[575] Melnikow, pp. 194, 206.

[576] Batchelor, p. 288.

[577] Savage Landor, p. 59.

[578] Hitchcock, p. 467.

[579] Joest, Weltfahrten; St. John, The Ainos; Holland.

[580] Morgan, Ossetes, pp. 374, 377, 408; Klaproth, II pp. 595, 615; Pallas, Neue Nord. Beitr., VII p. 69; Kovalewsky, Coutume contemp., pp. 78, 189, 196, 203, 347.

[581] Bell, I pp. 163, 169 etc., II pp. 97 etc.; Klaproth, I pp. 564–573.

[582] Radde, pp. 425, 426.

[583] Bodenstedt, I p. 283.

[584] See Von Haxthausen; Telfer.

[585] Telfer, p. 113.

[586] Klaproth.

[587] Chantre, IV p. 79.

[588] Ibid., p. 129.

[589] Ibid., p. 136.

[590] Ibid., p. 192.

[591] Burckhardt, I p. 356; see also pp. 158, 175.

[592] Doughty.

[593] Geoffroy, p. 428.

[594] Theal, p. 72.

[595] Tromp, De Kaffers; Macdonald, South African tribes.

[596] Waitz-Gerland, II pp. 391, 398.

[597] Fritsch, pp. 79, 80, 93, 97, 147.

[598] Kropf, pp. 180, 170.

[599] Livingstone, Zambesi, pp. 385, 386.

[600] Fritsch, pp. 145, 146.

[601] Livingstone, Zambesi, pp. 262, 263.

[602] Kerr, I p. 20.

[603] Holub, Süd-Afrika, II pp. 432, 434.

[604] Schurtz, Katechismus, p. 169.

[605] Holub, Süd-Afrika, I p. 432.

[606] Holub in J. A. I. 1881, p. 10.

[607] Conder, p. 89.

[608] Holub, Süd-Afrika, I p. 432.

[609] Casalis, pp. 197, 236.

[610] Passarge, Okawangosumpfland, pp. 704, 705, 710 711.

[611] Livingstone, Zambesi, p. 125; Livingstone, Miss. Trav., pp. 88, 93.

[612] Ibid., p. 235.

[613] Holub, Süd-Afrika, I p. 397.

[614] Joest, Weltfahrten, I p. 253.

[615] Wiese, pp. 188–197; Kerr, II p. 129.

[616] Junod, p. 96.

[617] Beuster, p. 239.

[618] Theal, p. 161.

[619] Galton, p. 142.

[620] Rautanen, in Steinmetz’s Rechtsverhältnisse, pp. 336, 335, 342. The Ondonga are perhaps identical with the Ovampo, see Steinmetz, ibid., p. 326.

[621] Andersson, I pp. 247, 248.

[622] Hahn, Die Ovaherero; Haarhoff.

[623] Fritsch, p. 364; see also Waitz-Gerland, II p. 391.

[624] Viehe, in Steinmetz’s Rechtsverhältnisse, pp. 304, 305, 302.

[625] Kohler, Das Recht der Herero, pp. 311, 312.

[626] Ibid., p. 312.

[627] Livingstone, Zambesi, p. 322; Livingstone, Miss. Trav., p. 597.

[628] Holub, Süd-Afrika, II pp. 331, 348, 350, etc.; Livingstone, Miss. Trav., p. 318; Serpa Pinto, II p. 42.

[629] Holub, Süd-Afrika; Livingstone, Miss. Trav.; Mauch.

[630] Holub, l.c. II p. 241.

[631] Magyar, I pp. 286–290, etc.

[632] Cameron, II pp. 164, 167.

[633] Pogge, Muata Jamwo, pp. 165, 134, 226, etc.; Livingstone, Last Journ., I p. 237.

[634] Peters, pp. 395, 394.

[635] Pogge, Muata Jamwo, pp. 45, 46, 51.

[636] Magyar, I p. 80.

[637] Macdonald, East Central African Customs, pp. 101, 102.

[638] Livingstone, Zambesi, p. 396.

[639] Livingstone, Miss. Trav., p. 618.

[640] Beverley, in Steinmetz’s Rechtsverhältnisse, p. 213.

[641] Lang, ibid., pp. 240–242; Storch, p. 319.

[642] Storch, p. 323.

[643] Weule, pp. 55, 56.

[644] Weule, pp. 123, 124.

[645] Von Schele, pp, 71, 72.

[646] Kohler, Das Banturecht, pp. 42–45 (after Merker).

[647] Baumann, p. 237; Kohler, Das Banturecht, pp. 42–45 (after Puder). On the Msalala, a division of the Wanyamwesi, see also Desoignies, in Steinmetz’s Rechtsverhältnisse, p. 278.

[648] Angus, pp. 317, 323.

[649] Hore, p. 11.

[650] Kraft, in Steinmetz’s Rechtsverhältnisse, p. 291.

[651] Dale, p. 230.

[652] Hermann, p. 55.

[653] Fülleborn, p. 383.

[654] Storch, p. 326.

[655] Thomson, Centr. Afr. Lakes, I pp. 102, 139.

[656] Peters, pp. 284, 285.

[657] Baumann, p. 214.

[658] Thomson, Centr. Afr. Lakes, II p. 222.

[659] Baumann, p. 237.

[660] Von Höhnel, p. 318.

[661] Stuhlmann, pp. 492–529.

[662] Thomson, Massai; Johnston; Von Höhnel.

[663] Ward in J. A. I. 1895, p. 287; De Bas, p. 173.

[664] Phillips, pp. 223, 224.

[665] Magyar, I pp. 213–216, etc.

[666] Schütt, pp. 115, 139, 140.

[667] Buchholz, p. 178; Lenz, pp. 21, 218; Compiègne, Okanda, pp. 194, 195; Winwood Reade, p. 259.

[668] Lenz, pp. 39, 40.

[669] Duloup, p. 222.

[670] Compiègne, Okanda, pp. 93, 95, 96.

[671] Buchholz, pp. 96, 97, 190, 200, 201, 85; see also Kohler, Negerrecht, pp. 10, 24, 25, 34.

[672] Coquilhat, pp. 500–502.

[673] Coquilhat, pp. 85, 86, 122; Ward, Cannibals, pp. 105, 106, 302; Dupont, pp. 210, 231–233; Johnston, The river Congo, p. 396; Torday and Joyce, Congo Free State, p. 139.

[674] Coquilhat, pp. 232, 296, 297, 365, 366; Ward, Cannibals, p. 132.

[675] Wissmann, Im Inneren Afrikas, pp. 82, 158.

[676] Livingstone, Last Journ., II pp. 131, 132, 29, 62, 63.

[677] Wolff, pp. 206, 207.

[678] Lenz, pp. 53, 218; Compiègne, Okanda, pp. 62, 65.

[679] Coquilhat, pp. 149, 157, 169.

[680] Schütt, pp. 38, 41.

[681] Compiègne, Gabonais, pp. 114, 130, 141.

[682] On the Bakundu, Banyang, Batom and Mabum, see Hutter, pp. 259 sqq.

[683] Hutter, pp. 341 sqq.

[684] Torday and Joyce, Ba-Mbala, p. 411.

[685] Torday and Joyce, Ba-Yaka, p. 46.

[686] Torday and Joyce, Ba-Huana, p. 286.

[687] Torday and Joyce, Congo Free State, p. 150.

[688] Zenker, pp. 48, 49, 67.

[689] Hoesemann, pp. 176,177.

[690] Leuschner, in Steinmetz’s Rechtsverhältnisse, p. 21; Schwarz as quoted ibidem.

[691] Magyar; Serpa Pinto; Capello and Ivens.

[692] Serpa Pinto; Capello and Ivens.

[693] Pogge, Muata Jamwo, pp. 5, 7.

[694] Schütt, pp. 79, 90, 113; Livingstone, Miss. Trav., p. 435; Capello and Ivens, pp. 314, 325, etc.

[695] Pogge, Muata Jamwo, pp. 35, 36, 39, 40.

[696] Buchholz, p. 178; Lenz, p. 256; Compiègne, Gabonais, p. 159. Bennett, in his article on the Fans, makes no mention of slavery.

[697] Steinmetz, Rechtsverhältnisse, pp. 42, 43; see also pp. 41, 51, 54 ibidem.

[698] Winwood Reade, p. 259.

[699] Buchholz, p. 178.

[700] Compiègne, Okanda, p. 84; Lenz, p. 240.

[701] Coquilhat; Ward, Cannibals; Dupont; Wissmann, im Inneren Afrikas; Guiral, p. 150.

[702] Coquilhat, p. 424.

[703] Cameron, II pp. 110, 111.

[704] Wissmann, Im Inneren Afrikas, pp. 240, 241.

[705] Wissmann, Zweite Durchquerung, p. 115.

[706] Wissmann, Unter deutscher Flagge, I p. 93; l.c. note; Pogge’s Aufenthalt, pp. 381, 382.

[707] Wissmann, Im Inneren Afrikas, pp. 141, 145, 146.

[708] Lenz, pp. 281–283.

[709] Wissmann, Im Inneren Afrikas, p. 36.

[710] Wissmann, Unter deutscher Flagge, I p. 147; Pogge’s Aufenthalt, p. 309.

[711] Wilson and Felkin, I pp. 161, 186, 193; Baskerville, in Steinmetz’s Rechtsverhältnisse, pp. 193, 194.

[712] Chaillé Long; Junker; Wilson and Felkin.

[713] Roscoe, p. 100.

[714] Richter, Der Bezirk Bukoba, p. 87.

[715] Bastian, Geogr. und Ethn. Bilder, p. 143; Hutchinson, pp. 133, 141–145; Compiègne, Gabonais, p. 87; Lander, III p. 321; Walker, pp. 120–123.

[716] Bastian, l.c. p. 166; Köler, pp. 84, 153–155, 164; Compiègne, l.c. p. 78; De Cardi, in Kingsley, West African studies, pp. 516, 517, 522–526.

[717] Hutchinson, p. 99; De Cardi, ibid., pp. 471–476.

[718] Bosman, II p. 228; Bastian, l.c. p. 175; De Cardi, ibid., pp. 452–454.

[719] Zündel, pp. 387, 407, 408; Herold, pp. 168–170. On the slave system of the Ewe-speaking peoples in general, see Ellis, Ewe-speaking peoples, pp. 218–221.

[720] Burton, II pp. 74, 248.

[721] Hagen, Porto-Novo, p. 97.

[722] Lander, I p. 37; Staudinger, p. 16. On the slave system of the Yoruba-speaking peoples in general, see Ellis, Yoruba-speaking peoples, pp. 178, 182.

[723] Bowdich, pp. 151, 157, 159, 205, 209. The natives of Ashanti belong to the Tshi-speaking peoples of the Gold Coast. On slavery among these peoples in general, see Ellis, Tshi-speaking peoples, pp. 289–295, and Bosman, I pp. 126, 187.

[724] Finsch, Goldküste, pp. 359–361.

[725] Harris, pp. 27–30.

[726] Bérenger-Féraud, p. 211; Tautain, Mandingues, pp. 347–350. On slavery among the tribes of Liberia in general, see also Büttikofer in T. A. G. pp. 72, 73; Büttikofer in I. A. E., pp. 81–83.

[727] Bérenger-Féraud, pp. 44, 58–60; Tautain, Sénégal, p. 67.

[728] Bérenger-Féraud, p. 365. See also Fama Mademba’s general description of the Sansanding States, inhabited, among others, by the Saracolays and Bambaras, in Steinmetz’s Rechtsverhältnisse, p. 83; Nicole’s notes on the Diakité, a subdivision of the Saracolays, ibidem, pp. 118–120; Arcin, pp. 269–276.

[729] Tellier, in Steinmetz’s Rechtsverhältnisse, pp. 168–172; Tellier, Autour de Kita, pp. 98 sqq.

[730] Bérenger-Féraud, p. 236; Fama Mademba (see above, p. 155, note 14); Tellier (see note 1).

[731] Bérenger-Féraud, p. 269; Tellier, Autour de Kita, pp. 98 sqq.

[732] Granville and Roth, pp. 117, 118.

[733] Tellier (see note 1); Arcin, pp. 269–276.

[734] On the Susu, Landuma and Limba, see Madrolle, pp. 91–93.

[735] De Cardi, Ju-Ju Laws etc., p. 52.

[736] Lenz, pp. 233, 234; Köler, pp. 57, 58; Hutchinson, p. 48; Staudinger, p. 9; Kingsley in J. A. I. p. 62.

[737] Tautain, Bobo, pp. 230, 233.

[738] Corre, pp. 15, 16.

[739] In the first edition of this book we had counted such peoples as the Fulbe, the Haussa and the Tuareg among the savages. Dr. Vierkandt, in his article on “Die Verbreitung der Sklaverei und ihre Ursachen”, rightly remarks that they are rather to be regarded as semi-civilized peoples.

[740] Chaillé Long, p. 29.

[741] Wilson and Felkin, II pp. 163, 162.

[742] Schweinfurth, I p. 164.

[743] Schweinfurth; Junker.

[744] Junker, I p. 531; Wilson and Felkin, II p. 96.

[745] Stuhlmann, pp. 774 sqq. (by Emin Pascha).

[746] Stuhlmann, pp. 492–529.

[747] Ibid., pp. 530 sqq.

[748] Junker, II pp. 477, 462.

[749] Junker, I pp. 331, 411, 428.

[750] Schweinfurth, II pp. 164, 190; Junker, III pp. 4, 292.

[751] Schweinfurth, II, pp. 45, 82; Junker, II pp. 265, 266, 317; III p. 129.

[752] Burrows, p. 45.

[753] Junker, III p. 507.

[754] Baumann, p. 224.

[755] Baumann, p. 179.

[756] Ibid., p. 173. Kannenberg’s statement, that captives are made slaves, does not seem to prove anything. These slaves may be sold abroad (see Kannenberg, p. 167, and below p. 164).

[757] Baumann, p. 187.

[758] Schweinfurth; Junker; Wilson and Felkin.

[759] Compiègne, Gabonais, p. 92; Hutchinson, p. 191.

[760] Sibree, p. 227.

[761] Hildebrandt, West-Madagascar, p. 113

[762] Walter, in Steinmetz’s Rechtsverhältnisse, pp. 381, 387.

[763] Fritsch, p. 261.

[764] Fritsch, p. 364.

[765] See above, p. 139.

[766] Galton, p. 142.

[767] Wandrer, in Steinmetz’s Rechtsverhältnisse, p. 323.

[768] Holub, Süd-Afrika, I, p. 112.

[769] Livingstone, Miss. Trav.; Fritsch; Theal; Passarge, Die Buschmänner.

[770] Fritsch, p. 444.

[771] Schweinfurth, II pp. 107–126; Emin Bey; Burrows.

[772] Burrows, pp. 39, 38.

[773] Lenz has some notes on the Abongos.

[774] Serpa Pinto, I p. 322.

[775] Munzinger, Ostafr. Stud., pp. 154, 155.

[776] Ibid., p. 207.

[777] Ibid., pp. 231, 239, 244, 245.

[778] Ibid., pp. 279, 308–311 etc.; see also Junker I p. 180; von Müller, p. 428.

[779] Munzinger, Ostafr. Stud., pp. 483, 484, 497.

[780] Munzinger, Bogos, pp. 42, 43, 48–56.

[781] Paulitschke, I pp. 261, 262; II pp. 139–141.

[782] Paulitschke, I pp. 260, 263; II pp. 138, 139. Concerning the Somal see also Bottego, pp. 422–425; Hildebrandt, Somal, p. 4.

[783] Baumann, p. 165; Kallenberg, p. 93; Merker, pp. 96, 97, 118, 208.

[784] Kannenberg, p. 155; Baumstark.

[785] Kandt, p. 254.

[786] Thomson, Through Massailand; Johnston; Baumann; Kallenberg; von Höhnel.

[787] Thomson, l.c. p. 448; Johnston, p. 402.

[788] On Kannenberg’s statement that the Wandorobo enslave captives the same may be remarked as above with regard to the Warangi (See Kannenberg p. 170).

[789] Thomson, l. c; Johnston; von Höhnel.

[790] See above, p. 157, note 1.

[791] In this paragraph we speak of “positive” and “negative cases”, meaning only the clear cases.

[792] Morgan, Anc. Soc., see especially, pp. 10–12.

[793] Vierkandt, Culturtypen, pp. 67, 69.

[794] Vierkandt, l.c., p. 61.

[795] Peschel (pp. 144, 145) has already given nearly the same list. Vierkandt adds to Peschel’s list the Negritos, Kubus and African pigmy-tribes. The earliest enumeration of “lowest races” we know of is that given by Malthus (Population, pp. 15–20). He mentions as such the Fuegians, Tasmanians, Andamanese and Australians.

[796] Steinmetz, Classification, p. 133.

[797] Vierkandt, l.c., pp. 67, 69, 71, 72. His distinction of nomadic and settled semi-civilized peoples is entirely an economic one.

[798] We may leave out of the question Zu Wied’s uncertain statement about the Botocudos. Of the pigmy-tribes we do not know very much; but nowhere is it stated that any of them have slaves.

[799] On the different systems of classification, see Steinmetz’s “Classification”, from which it clearly appears that a good division of the peoples of the earth according to their general culture is still wanting.

[800] Bagehot, p. 72.

[801] Grünberg, Article “Unfreiheit”, in Handwörterbuch der Staatswissenschaften, 2nd edition.

[802] Spencer, Ind. Inst., p. 456.

[803] Tourmagne, p. 3.

[804] Morgan, Anc. Soc., pp. 80, 10, 13, 11.

[805] Schmoller, Die Thatsachen der Arbeitsteilung, p. 1010.

[806] Schmoller, Grundriss, I p. 339.

[807] Ingram, pp. 1, 2.

[808] Flügel, p. 95.

[809] Schurtz, Katechismus, p. 110.

[810] Lippert, II pp. 522, 535.

[811] Lamprecht, I p. 165.

[812] Dimitroff, p. 88.

[813] Peschel, p. 253. “Koloshes” is the Russian name for Tlinkits.

[814] Wagner, p. 375.

[815] Tylor, Anthropology, p. 434.

[816] Spencer, Ind. Inst., p. 459.

[817] Bos, p. 191.

[818] Felix, II pp. 250.

[819] Mommsen, I p. 191.

[820] Letourneau, p. 491. See also Sutherland, I p. 379.

[821] Dargun, pp. 59–61.

[822] Grosse, p. 28.

[823] Hahn, Die Haustiere, pp. 388 sqq. In a recent little book (Die Entstehung der wirtschaftlichen Arbeit, 1908, p. 92), Dr. Hahn, speaking of the first edition of the present work, observes that the result of our investigations amounts to very little, the reason being that we have confined ourselves to the study of those peoples among which the cultivation of the soil is of no consequence. The mere fact, that our chapter on agricultural tribes occupies more spaces than the chapters on hunters and fishers and on pastoral tribes taken together, proves the incorrectness of Dr. Hahn’s remark.

[824] Whereas our 5 economic groups are not an ascending series, these 3 agricultural groups are. Primitive agriculture must be anterior to a more developed state of agriculture.

[825] This group is nearly identical with Dargun’s Jägerbauern; see Dargun, p. 60 note 1.

[826] See Dargun, p. 110, and Hildebrand, Recht und Sitte, pp. 42, 43.

[827] Under “trade” we shall for the sake of convenience also comprehend industry.

[828] About the Malay Archipelago we have also consulted De Hollander, and about Africa, Ratzel, Völkerkunde.

[829] Roosevelt calls them hunters; but in the Jesuit Relations it is stated, that they were not entirely unacquainted with agriculture.

[830] On Musters’ authority. According to Charlevoix, agriculture was not entirely unknown amongst them.

[831] On Keane’s authority. According to Zu Wied and Martius, there are some slight traces of agriculture.

[832] Thomson, Through Massailand, p. 448; Johnston, p. 402.

[833] See above, pp. 53, 58, 80, 81, 124, 52, 74. The Montagnais seem also sometimes to have adopted prisoners. Le Jeune observed a young Iroquois, whom they had adopted, Jesuit relations, VI p. 259.

[834] Spencer, Ind. Inst., p. 459.

[835] Dawson, p. 5.

[836] Man, p. 109.

[837] Another instance of people providing for the wants of others is the marriage by service, the young man serving the parents of his bride, sometimes for several years. This even occurs among the Ainu, Bushmen, and Fuegians; see Westermarck, Human marriage, pp. 390, 391.

[838] Hildebrand, Recht und Sitte, pp. 1, 2.

[839] Sutherland, I p. 360.

[840] Social institutions are sometimes made; but this is the exception: generally they grow.

[841] See Ferrero’s beautiful exposition of this character.

[842] Tanner, p. 112.

[843] Bonwick, p. 62.

[844] Blumentritt, Negritos, p. 65.

[845] Jones, Ojibway Indians, pp. 79, 80.

[846] Dawson, p. 35.

[847] Man, p. 109.

[848] Jesuit Relations, VII p. 173.

[849] Histoire de Kamtschatka, I p. 287.

[850] Gibbs, p. 193.

[851] Muratori, pp. 28, 33.

[852] Russell, p. 164.

[853] Bossu, p. 247.

[854] Fritsch, p. 324.

[855] As to Australia, see Steinmetz, Strafe, I pp. 430, 431.

[856] Members of despised classes are often excluded from the occupations considered noble by the community. So the Jews in the Middle Ages were not allowed to hold real property (except in some periods in the South of France and Spain), nor to enter into corporations and trades. (Nys, p. 136). Mr. A. C. Kruijt tells us that, in Central Celebes, slaves who excel in those qualities which are highly valued in free men, i.e. bravery or oratorical power, are practically no longer regarded as slaves.

[857] Grinnell, p. 123.

[858] See Charlevoix, Nouv. France, III p. 246 (about the Hurons and Iroquois); in the same sense Lery, p. 225, about the Tupinambas of Brazil. These tribes are not hunters proper, but Jägerbauern; but this is rather a proof a fortiori.

[859] Mr. Westermarck observes: “The prevalence of slavery in a savage tribe and the extent to which it is practised must also depend upon the ability of the tribe to procure slaves from foreign communities and upon its willingness to allow its own members to be kept as slaves within the tribe. It may be very useful for a group to have a certain number of slaves, and yet they may not have them, for the reason that no slaves are to be had” (Moral Ideas, I p. 674). It will be seen from what we have just said, that we fully agree with this. For some hunting tribes it might be very useful, in an economic sense, to keep slaves; but there is a series of social and psychical factors that render the subjection of men as slaves impossible. We do not think, therefore, that Mr. Westermarck is quite right in remarking that in our book “the influence of economic conditions upon the institution of slavery has perhaps been emphasised too much at the cost of other factors” (Ibid.).

[860] Mill, p. 302.

[861] Cairnes, p. 46.

[862] Kruijt, N. Z. G. XXXIX p. 122.

[863] Schurtz, Das Afrikanische Gewerbe, p. 142.

[864] See Wagner, p. 389. Schmoller (Grundriss, I p. 340) also remarks that slaves have no interest in the result of their work.

[865] See Bücher, p. 9, and Fritsch’s beautiful description of Bushman hunting, Fritsch, pp. 424 sqq.

[866] See the exposition of the causes and development of this mitigation by Wagner, pp. 390–405.

[867] The assertion of some writers (e.g. Waitz-Gerland, VI pp. 767, 796), that the Australians have declined from a higher state of culture, seems to us quite unfounded.

[868] This description, given by Dawson (p. 37) of female labour in Western Victoria, may be taken as a fair type of female labour among hunters in general.

[869] See Steinmetz, Strafe, II pp. 96 sqq.

[870] Crantz, I p. 185.

[871] Boas, Central Eskimo, p. 580.

[872] Tanner, p. 98.

[873] Crantz, I p. 211, 215.

[874] Such men, treated as wives and performing female labour, were very numerous in Kamchatka; see Steller, p. 350 note.

[875] Sutherland (I p. 379) remarks that “when a slave has to be fed by the huntsman skill of his master, he is a burden rather than a help, and amid roving habits it is difficult to see how there can be enough of drudgery to made it convenient to feed him.”

[876] The Germans call such people Sammler.

[877] Bancroft, p. 118; see also Mackenzie, I p. 151.

[878] The positive cases here are 5 + 14 = 19, instead of 18, because the Indians about Puget Sound count double, some of them being hunters and others fishers. The negative cases are 54 + 15 = 69, instead of 70, because we have omitted the Chepewyans.

[879] Wemiaminow, p. 214.

[880] Bancroft, p. 161.

[881] Ibid., p. 122.

[882] Ibid., p. 213.

[883] Holmberg, I p. 17; see also p. 22.

[884] Kane, p. 314.

[885] Gibbs, p. 197.

[886] Bancroft, p. 232.

[887] Brown, Adventures of John Jewitt, p. 151.

[888] Ibid., pp. 76–78.

[889] Krause, pp. 155, 159, 181. See also Holmberg, I pp. 22–24.

[890] Bancroft, pp. 161–163.

[891] Ibid., pp. 212, 213.

[892] Sproat, pp. 53, 89.

[893] Bancroft, p. 123.

[894] Allison, p. 308.

[895] Gibbs, pp. 193–195.

[896] Bancroft, pp. 232–234.

[897] See Waitz-Gerland, VI p. 724.

[898] Bancroft, pp. 74, 75; Holmberg, I p. 90.

[899] Krause, pp. 123, 155; Bancroft, p. 104. See also Holmberg, I pp. 22, 24.

[900] Krause, p. 307; Bancroft, p. 163.

[901] Bancroft, pp 183–187.

[902] Brown, Adventures of John Jewitt, pp. 132, 134, 151. See also Sproat, p. 37.

[903] Gibbs, pp. 194–196.

[904] Bancroft, pp. 211–213.

[905] Ibid., p. 123.

[906] Ibid., pp. 231, 233; Swan, The Northwest Coast, p. 161.

[907] Allison, p. 309.

[908] Gibbs remarks: “East of the Cascades, though it [slavery] exists, it is not so common; the equestrian habits of the tribes living there probably rendering it less profitable or convenient than among the more settled inhabitants of the coast.” (Gibbs, p. 188).

[909] Kane, p. 238.

[910] Bancroft, p. 90.

[911] Ibid., p. 86; Holmberg, I pp. 99–103, 79.

[912] Krause, pp. 159, 173, 181, 183, 186. See also Holmberg, I pp. 26–29.

[913] Krause, pp. 306, 307, 313; Swan, Haidah Indians, pp. 2, 3; Bancroft, p. 165.

[914] Niblack, p. 252; Bancroft, p. 166.

[915] Bancroft, p. 135.

[916] Gibbs, pp. 195, 193, 188, 189.

[917] Bancroft, pp. 211, 216–218.

[918] Ibid., pp. 192, 187, 194.

[919] Sproat, pp. 38, 97; Brown, Adventures of John Jewitt, pp. 123, 115, 137.

[920] Gibbs, p. 175.

[921] Bancroft, p. 122.

[922] Ibid., pp. 238–240; Swan, The Northwest Coast, pp. 164, 158, 166.

[923] Bancroft, p. 195.

[924] Holmberg, I p. 79.

[925] Kane, p. 220.

[926] Trading itself is not a drudgery, but a highly agreeable occupation. “Most of the Africans” says Livingstone (Zambesi, p. 50) “are natural-born traders; they love trade more for the sake of trading, than for what they make by it.” Bücher decidedly underrates the significance of trade among savages.

[927] So Bancroft (p. 91) says of the Aleuts: “Notwithstanding their peaceful character, the occupants of the several islands were almost constantly at war.” This is far from clear; for we can hardly imagine peaceful people being always at war with each other.

[928] Schmoller, Grundriss, I p. 195.

[929] Bancroft, p. 84; Holmberg, I p. 112.

[930] Krause, pp. 167, 122.

[931] Bancroft, p. 167; Swan, p. 3.

[932] Kane, pp. 220, 221.

[933] Bancroft, p. 191.

[934] Brown, Adventures of John Jewitt, p. 216.

[935] Mayne, p. 263.

[936] Boas, Kwakiutl, p. 341.

[937] Gibbs, p. 175.

[938] Bancroft, p. 123.

[939] Gibbs, p. 185, 187.

[940] Bancroft, p. 217.

[941] Ibid., pp. 239, 240.

[942] Kane, p. 216; Holmberg, I p. 14.

[943] Bagehot, p. 72.

[944] Allison, pp. 309, 306, 315.

[945] Niblack, p. 252.

[946] Petroff, p. 152.

[947] Bancroft, p. 108; see also Niblack, p. 252.

[948] Boas, Die Tsimshian, p. 244.

[949] Brown, Adventures of John Jewitt, p. 130.

[950] Petroff, p. 152.

[951] Bancroft, p. 499.

[952] Niblack, p. 252.

[953] Boas, Die Tsimshian, p. 237.

[954] Meares, as quoted by Bancroft, p. 188.

[955] Brown, Adventures of John Jewitt, pp. 130, 201.

[956] See above, p. 196.

[957] See above, p. 174.

[958] Letourneau also seems to consider slavery foreign to the way of life of these tribes. He has not, however, recourse to a hypothetical former agricultural state, but to the great ethnological pons asinorum, derivation (pp. 132, 134). But he does not inform us whence slavery can have been derived. Perhaps from the inland tribes who, as Letourneau himself proves to be aware, have no slaves? Or from the Siberians, who are rather in a lower than in a higher economic state as compared with the Indians of the Pacific Coast? Or from the Hindus or any other mythical early visitors of America?

[959] Brown, Adventures of John Jewitt, p. 130.

[960] Boas, Die Tsimschian, pp. 237, 240.

[961] Bancroft, pp. 196, 195.

[962] Sproat, pp. 90, 39; Brown, Adventures of John Jewitt, pp. 130, 131.

[963] Mayne, p. 253.

[964] Bancroft, p. 240.

[965] Niblack, p. 252.

[966] Bancroft, p. 124.

[967] Holmberg, I p. 78.

[968] Niblack, p. 253.

[969] Bancroft, pp. 239, 234.

[970] Lewis and Clark, III p. 38.

[971] Krause, pp. 186, 159.

[972] Sproat, pp. 97, 38.

[973] Gibbs, p. 193.

[974] Bancroft, p. 112; see also Krause, p. 161.

[975] Brancroft, p. 196.

[976] Ibid., p. 218.

[977] Ibid., p. 242.

[978] Brown, Adventures of John Jewitt, p. 241.

[979] Elliott, p. 164.

[980] Krause, p. 161; Bancroft, p. 109.

[981] Bancroft, p. 196.

[982] Sproat, p. 95.

[983] Holmberg, I p. 119.

[984] Gibbs, pp. 198, 185, 187.

[985] Ibid., p. 199.

[986] Bancroft, p. 218.

[987] Ibid., p. 242.

[988] Swan, The Northwest Coast, p. 160.

[989] Elliott, p. 164.

[990] Mackenzie, II p. 268.

[991] A writer of the 18th century tells us of the women of the Dutch isle of Ameland (the men being fishers and mariners): “They are generally somewhat imperious, and by their foolish cleanliness most men are hardly ever allowed to have a fire on the grate during the winter. The cause of this imperious behaviour of Ameland women is not difficult to detect: as the men are at home only in the winter, the women rule for the greater part of the year, and are not inclined to part with their authority in winter-time. Therefore most men, so to speak, board at their wives’ houses, and if they want to keep peace, have to put up with female ascendency.” Tegenwoordige Staat der Vereenigde Nederlanden, XIV pp. 363, 364.

In the same sense Professor Nieuwenhuis writes about the Kayans on the Mendalam: “As the men are often absent on long journeys, the women get the lead in household affairs” (Door Centraal-Borneo, I p. 77.).

[992] Bancroft, p. 93.

[993] Lewis and Clark, II pp. 334, 335.

[994] Grosse, p. 65.

[995] Ibid., pp. 74–78.

[996] Bancroft, p. 437.

[997] Ibid., p. 412.

[998] Powers, as quoted by Bancroft, p. 351.

[999] Bancroft, p. 351.

[1000] Ibid., p. 117.

[1001] Ibid., pp. 117–119.

[1002] Ibid., pp. 131, 132.

[1003] Ibid., p. 169.

[1004] Some other writers, however (whom Grosse does not refer to), speaking of the Kutchins in general, state that women are badly treated; see Kirby, p. 419; Hardisty, p. 312; Jones, Kutchin tribes, p. 325.

[1005] Grosse, p. 65.

[1006] Dobrizhoffer, II pp. 149, 151, 152.

[1007] Ibid., pp. 119, 120.

[1008] Falkner, p. 126.

[1009] Steller, p. 235 note.

[1010] Ibid., pp. 245, 286, 286 note, 317, 318.

[1011] Ibid., pp. 210 sqq.

[1012] Waitz-Gerland, VI pp. 724, 725.

[1013] Thomas, p. 88.

[1014] Waitz-Gerland, VI pp. 724, 725.

[1015] Eylmann, p. 293.

[1016] Spencer and Gillen, Native tribes, p. 21.

[1017] Waitz-Gerland, VI pp. 732, 733, 738.

[1018] Ibid., p. 722.

[1019] Spencer and Gillen, Native tribes, p. 8.

[1020] Brough Smyth, I p. 123.

[1021] Eylmann, p. 155.

[1022] Thomas, p. 26.

[1023] Spencer and Gillen, Native tribes, p. 53.

[1024] Literature. On the Moore River District, Oldfield; on S. W. Australia, Salvado; on the natives on Herbert River, Lumholtz; on the Cammarray, Collins; on N. S. Wales, Fraser and Angas; on Central Australia, Spencer and Gillen, Native tribes, p. 53; on the Tasmanians, Ling Roth. As we had not got all the books at hand, but only some notes which we had previously made, in which the pages were not specified, we could not give all the exact references.

[1025] Matthews, in Fraser’s Notes, p. 188.

[1026] Forrest, p. 318.

[1027] Thomas, p. 117.

[1028] Fraser, p. 67. “Taurai” is the land owned by a tribe or a division of a tribe, see ibid., p. 36.

[1029] Steinmetz, Strafe, II pp. 27, 29.

[1030] See Schmoller, Grundriss, I p. 333.

[1031] Steinmetz, Strafe, II pp. 20–34.

[1032] Roth, p. 141.

[1033] Fraser, pp. 38, 39; Wilkes, II p. 204.

[1034] Gason, in Frazer’s Notes, p. 173.

[1035] The Stationmaster, in Frazer’s Notes, p. 179.

[1036] Matthews, in Frazer’s Notes, p. 189.

[1037] Spencer and Gillen, Native tribes, p. 10.

[1038] Eylmann, p. 172.

[1039] Foelsche, in Frazer’s Notes, pp. 196, 197.

[1040] Thomas, p. 143; see also Howitt’s detailed account of chieftainship in South East Australia, pp. 296–320.

[1041] Brough Smyth, I p. 126. The ethnographers give many more details regarding tribal government; but we have only quoted those that bear directly on the question at issue, i.e. that show on what qualities influence and power depend.

[1042] Steinmetz, Strafe, II p. 28.

[1043] Gason, in Frazer’s Notes, p. 171.

[1044] Steinmetz, Strafe, II p. 20.

[1045] See above, pp. 10–23.

[1046] Steinmetz, Strafe, II pp. 3 sqq.

[1047] Jes. Rel., VI p. 277.

[1048] Mackenzie, I p. 151.

[1049] Hardisty, p. 311.

[1050] Mackenzie, II p. 193.

[1051] Schoolcraft, I p. 231.

[1052] Lewis and Clark, II p. 116.

[1053] Grinnell p. 48.

[1054] Further papers, p. 47.

[1055] Jes. Rel., VI pp. 83, 259, 149.

[1056] Ibid., p. 133; see also Sagard, p. 78.

[1057] Keating, II pp. 149, 51; Jones, Ojibway Indians, p. 58; Kohl, II pp. 133 sqq.

[1058] Mackenzie, I p. 128.

[1059] Reports of Expl., I p. 448; XII Part I p. 73.

[1060] Ross, p. 310.

[1061] Elliott, p. 417.

[1062] Jones, Kutchin tribes, p. 321; Kirby, p. 418; Hardisty, p. 312.

[1063] Mackenzie, II p. 10.

[1064] Schoolcraft, II p. 172.

[1065] Hunter, Gedenkschriften, pp. 49, 46.

[1066] Schoolcraft, V p. 260; Bancroft, p. 485.

[1067] Schoolcraft, I p. 231; Bancroft, p. 492.

[1068] Grinnell, p. 48.

[1069] Jes. Rel., VI p. 273.

[1070] Ibid., p. 19.

[1071] Reports of Expl., I p. 444.

[1072] Jones, Kutchin tribes, p. 324; Hardisty, p. 311.

[1073] Hunter, Gedenkschriften, p. 50.

[1074] Grinnell, pp. 146, 150, 152–156, 160, 161.

[1075] Jes. Rel., V p. 195.

[1076] Roosevelt, I p. 90.

[1077] Jones, Ojibway Indians, p. 108.

[1078] Reports of Expl., XII Part I p. 76; Schoolcraft, V p. 686.

[1079] Jones, Kutchin tribes, p. 325; Hardisty, p. 312; Whymper, p. 280.

[1080] Ten Kate, Noord-Amerika, p. 365.

[1081] Eastman, Dahcotah, pp. 82–84; Neill, p. 86.

[1082] Schoolcraft, V p. 260; Ten Kate, Noord-Amerika, p. 195; Bancroft, p. 508.

[1083] Schoolcraft, I p. 231; II p. 132.

[1084] Hardisty, p. 314.

[1085] Mackenzie, I p. 153. On the Sioux see Neill as quoted on p. 241.

[1086] Hunter, Gedenkschriften, p. 50.

[1087] Jes. Rel., V p. 181, VI p. 233.

[1088] Jones, Ojibway Indians, p. 108; Long, p. 137; Kohl, I p. 8, II p. 252.

[1089] Mackenzie, I p. 120.

[1090] Zu Wied, Nord-Amerika, I p. 573.

[1091] Mackenzie, I p. 147.

[1092] See above, p. 224.

[1093] Mackenzie, II p. 11.

[1094] Dodge, p. 122.

[1095] Eastman, Dahcotah, p. XXIV; Schoolcraft, II p. 189.

[1096] Bancroft, pp. 511, 513.

[1097] Schoolcraft, I p. 235, II p. 132.

[1098] Lewis and Clark, II pp. 118, 119.

[1099] Grinnell, pp. 46, 47.

[1100] Ten Kate, Noord-Amerika, p. 365.

[1101] Roosevelt, I p. 82.

[1102] Jones, Ojibway Indians, p. 64.

[1103] Mackenzie, I pp. 130, 123.

[1104] Reports of Expl., I p. 443.

[1105] Mackenzie, I p. 271.

[1106] Ibid., II p. 33.

[1107] Eastman, Dahcotah, p. X.

[1108] Bancroft, p. 524.

[1109] Ibid., p. 499.

[1110] Adoption of captives was very frequent among the Indians of North America. Of the tribes, on which we were able to get information, the following practised this custom: Delawares, Ojibways, Shahnees, Crees, Cheyennes, Abenakies, Iroquois, Hurons, Cherokees, Sioux, Hidatsas, Omahas, Osage and Kansas Indians, Mandans, Comanches, Montagnais. See above, pp. 52–65, 192.

[1111] Crantz, I p. 161.

[1112] Boas, Central Eskimo, p. 419.

[1113] Bancroft, p. 54.

[1114] Crantz, I pp. 158 sqq.; Boas, l.c. pp. 540 sqq.; Bancroft, pp. 50 sqq.

[1115] Rink, p. 9.

[1116] Boas, l.c. p. 547.

[1117] Crantz, III p. 147.

[1118] Rink, p. 27.

[1119] Crantz, I p. 159.

[1120] Rink, p. 33.

[1121] Further papers, p. 43.

[1122] Crantz, I pp. 162–164.

[1123] Boas, l.c. pp. 550, 574.

[1124] Bancroft, p. 55.

[1125] Rink, p. 11.

[1126] Crantz, I pp. 195, 196.

[1127] Boas, l.c. p. 469.

[1128] Bancroft, pp. 63, 64.

[1129] Rink, p. 13.

[1130] Boas, l.c. p. 486.

[1131] Crantz, I pp. 165–168.

[1132] Bancroft, pp. 59, 61.

[1133] Crantz, I pp. 201, 202; III p. 180 note.

[1134] Rink, pp. 9, 29.

[1135] Boas, l.c. p. 581.

[1136] Bancroft, p. 65.

[1137] Rink, p. 26.

[1138] Crantz, I pp. 214, 215.

[1139] Crantz, I p. 187.

[1140] Bancroft, p. 65.

[1141] Crantz, I p. 180.

[1142] Boas, l.c. pp. 579, 580.

[1143] Bancroft, p. 66.

[1144] Crantz, I p. 186.

[1145] Crantz, I p. 207.

[1146] Boas, l.c. p. 465.

[1147] Bancroft, p. 120.

[1148] See above, p. 200.

[1149] Crantz, I pp. 172, 173, 184, 185.

[1150] Bancroft, p. 56.

[1151] Boas, l.c. pp. 471 sqq.

[1152] See above, pp. 47–48.

[1153] Crantz, I p. 186.

[1154] Boas, l.c. p. 581. See also Murdoch, p. 419, and Ray, p. 44 on adoption among the Eskimos of Point Barrow.

[1155] Boas, l.c. p. 581.

[1156] Crantz, I p. 215.

[1157] See above, p. 212.

[1158] Such a state of things, in Wilkes’s time, prevailed in Tahiti. “A native” he remarks “may in the morning be wholly destitute even of implements wherewith to work, and before nightfall he may be found clothed, lodged, and have all the necessaries of life around him in abundance.” Wilkes, II p. 17.

[1159] “Preserving of food” occurs twice, because it works in different directions.

[1160] See above, p. 173.

[1161] See above, pp. 127, 128, 131, and Baumann, p. 165.

[1162] Fritsch, pp. 79, 80, 135, 136.

[1163] Geoffroy, pp. 430, 431.

[1164] Bell, I p. 170; Klaproth, p. 567.

[1165] Roscoe, p. 100.

[1166] Munzinger, Ostafr. Stud., pp. 154, 155.

[1167] Ibid., p. 310; Von Müller, p. 429.

[1168] Paulitschke, II pp. 138, 139; I pp. 260, 213, 263; Bottego, p. 423.

[1169] Robertson, pp. 78, 79.

[1170] Holub, Süd-Afrika, II pp. 348, 189, 262.

[1171] Wilson and Felkin, I p. 186.

[1172] Tautain, Mandingues, pp. 348–350.

[1173] Hildebrandt, West-Madagaskar, p. 113.

[1174] Munzinger, Bogos, pp. 49, 50, 35.

[1175] Munzinger, Ostafr. Stud., pp. 207, 206.

[1176] Blumentritt, Ethnographie, pp. 54, 53; Jansen, p. 225.

[1177] Hagen, p. 97.

[1178] Klaproth, II p. 615.

[1179] Paulitschke, I p. 262; II p. 140.

[1180] Lander, I pp. 17, 37, 113.

[1181] Burckhardt, I p. 356.

[1182] Bell, I pp. 169, 308.

[1183] Munzinger, Ostafr. Stud., p. 309.

[1184] Paulitschke, I p. 260.

[1185] Ujfalvy, Les Aryens, p. 352.

[1186] See Hildebrand, Recht und Sitte, pp. 35, 36.

[1187] Burckhardt, I p. 182.

[1188] Geoffroy, pp. 420, 425, 434.

[1189] Levchine, 348, 349, 344 note 1; Radloff, Aus Sibirien, I pp. 462, 463, 416; see also Ujfalvy, Expéd. Scient., p. 112.

[1190] Radloff, Aus Sibirien, pp. 298, 302, 303, 287, 295, 312.

[1191] Pallas, as quoted by Hildebrand, Recht und Sitte, p. 36.

[1192] Hildebrand, l.c., p. 36; see also Obrutschew, I p. 37, and Iwanowski, pp. 8, 11.

[1193] Von Stenin, Die Kurden, p. 221.

[1194] Müller, Unter Tungusen und Jakuten, p. 50. See also Georgi, as quoted by Hildebrand, l.c. p. 36.

[1195] Sumner, p. 66.

[1196] Pallas, Reise, III p. 74; Von Stenin, Samojeden, p. 187.

[1197] Histoire de Kamtschatka, II pp. 239, 243, 233; see also Hildebrand, Recht und Sitte, p. 36 (after Georgi).

[1198] Hildebrand, l.c.

[1199] Munzinger, Ostafr. Stud., p. 318.

[1200] Merker, p. 117.

[1201] Fritsch, p. 364.

[1202] Tromp, De Kaffers, p. 197.

[1203] Kropf, pp. 109, 170, 171.

[1204] Hahn, Die Ovaherero, p. 245; Viehe, in Steinmetz’s Rechtsverhältnisse, p. 301.

[1205] See above, p. 144.

[1206] Klaproth, II p. 615.

[1207] Livingstone, Miss. Trav., pp. 109, 160.

[1208] Casalis, pp. 227, 228.

[1209] Holub, Süd-Afrika, II p. 348.

[1210] Schweinfurth, I p. 164.

[1211] Chaillé Long, p. 29.

[1212] Paulitschke, I p. 333.

[1213] Munzinger, Bogos, p. 46.

[1214] L. Marx, in Steinmetz’s Rechtsverhältnisse, p. 359.

[1215] The cattle, among pastoral tribes, are the property of individuals, not of the community; see Dargun, pp. 58–69.

[1216] Schmoller remarks, that in pastoral life, among the savages of to-day as well as among the ancient nations of Europe and Asia, the contrast of wealth and poverty and the dependence of the poor upon the rich are strongly marked. (Grundriss, I pp. 198, 370, 371).

[1217] “It is the nature of pasturage to produce food for a much greater number of people than it can employ. In countries strictly pastoral, therefore, many persons will be idle, or at most be very inadequately occupied.” Malthus, Book II Ch. V (Bettany’s edition, p. 196).

[1218] Hildebrand, Recht und Sitte, first edition, pp. 37, 38 (after Prschewalsky, Radloff and Burckhardt). On the Mongols see also Iwanowski, p. 12.

[1219] Levchine, p. 341.

[1220] Rowney, p. 51.

[1221] Merker, p. 117.

[1222] Schmoller, Grundriss, I p. 197.

[1223] Schurtz, Das Afr. Gewerbe, p. 78.

[1224] Geoffroy, pp. 429–431.

[1225] On the economic function of these pariah tribes of Africa, see Schurtz, Das Afr. Gewerbe, pp. 38–45.

[1226] Hildebrandt, Somal, p. 4.

[1227] Mrs. French-Sheldon, p. 380; Thomson, Through Masailand, p. 448; Johnston, p. 402.

[1228] Munzinger, Bogos, pp. 48, 49.

[1229] Munzinger, Ostafr. Stud., p. 207.

[1230] Ibid., pp. 235–242.

[1231] Ibid., pp. 311, 312, 316, 317.

[1232] See above, pp. 139–143.

[1233] Geoffroy, pp. 412, 414, 415.

[1234] Bell, I, p. 337; Klaproth, p. 567.

[1235] It is stated, that the nomadic Koryakes regard the settled Koryakes as slaves (Histoire de Kamtschatka, II p. 223). But we are not told that they require tributes or services from them. Probably our informant only means to say, that the settled Koryakes are despised by the nomads (see p. 222, ibid.).

[1236] Munzinger, Ostafr. Stud., pp. 149, 150.

[1237] Ibid., p. 327.

[1238] Geoffroy, p. 432.

[1239] Bell, I p. 170.

[1240] Paulitschke, I p. 263.

[1241] Several instances of this phenomenon are on record with Hildebrand, Recht und Sitte, pp. 30, 31, 37, 38.

[1242] Malthus, in his chapter on modern pastoral nations (Bettany’s edition, p. 73), remarks: “The power and riches of a chaik consist in the number of his tribe.... His own consequence greatly depends on a numerous progeny and kindred; and in a state of society where power generally procures subsistence, each individual family derives strength and importance from its numbers.”

[1243] Viz. as long as the country is thinly peopled. We shall see later on, that among some savages the desire to occupy land is a great motive for making war.

[1244] Geoffroy, pp. 425, 422, 441.

[1245] Levchine, pp. 349, 350, 397.

[1246] Munzinger, Ostafr. Stud., pp. 311, 327.

[1247] Histoire de Kamtschatka, II p. 218.

[1248] Paulitschke, I pp. 254, 195.

[1249] Fritsch, pp. 79, 226, 93; Kropf, p. 179.

[1250] See above, pp. 274, 277.

[1251] Munzinger, Ostafr. Stud., p. 310.

[1252] Von Stenin, Samojeden, p. 187.

[1253] Müller, Unter Tungusen und Jakuten, p. 173; Sumner, p. 67.

[1254] Latham, as quoted by Spencer, Descr. Soc., V p. 16.

[1255] Radloff, Aus Sibirien, I p. 312.

[1256] Licata, as quoted by Paulitschke, I p. 253.

[1257] Geoffroy, p. 434.

[1258] Munzinger, Ostafr. Stud., p. 154.

[1259] Even among the simple Todas; for it is stated that the decision of their disputes by the priest is “generally given in favour of the wealthiest of the litigants.” Metz, as quoted by Spencer, Descr. Soc., V p. 12.

[1260] Burckhardt, I p. 356.

[1261] Geoffroy, p. 440.

[1262] Chantre, IV pp. 79, 136.

[1263] Paulitschke, I p. 260.

[1264] Munzinger, Ostafr. Stud., p. 155.

[1265] Ibid., pp. 308, 311.

[1266] Galton, p. 142.

[1267] Hutter, p. 343.

[1268] Pallas. Reise, I p. 337.

[1269] “Preserving of food” occurs twice, because it works in different directions.

[1270] In this paragraph we shall use the same abbreviations as in Part II, Chap. I, § 3.

[1271] Cunningham (English Industry, I p. 31) remarks that “primitive agriculture is perfectly consistent with a very migratory life.”

[1272] Azara, II p. 160.

[1273] Lery, pp. 123, 127, 141–175, 312.

[1274] Von den Steinen, Unter den Naturvölkern, pp. 201, 214.

[1275] Hahn, Die Haustiere, pp. 388 sqq.

[1276] Radloff, Aus Sibirien, I pp. 463–465.

[1277] Levchine, p. 413.

[1278] Bagehot, pp. 72, 73. Hutter (pp. 353, 354), speaking of the Bali tribes of Cameroon, remarks that there is a difference between rich and poor, but the poor are not so badly off as in Europe, for the land is open to every one.

[1279] Sombart, I p. 342.

[1280] Adam Smith as referred to by Ingram, p. 282. Loria (p. 97) also holds that production was decreased by the introduction of slavery.

[1281] Cairnes wrote in 1862.

[1282] Cairnes, pp. 43, 44, 49–52.

[1283] Such was the slave system of the ancient Germans described by Tacitus: “You cannot tell master from slave by any distinction in education: they spend their time among the same flocks, upon the same land, until age separates the nobles and their valour causes them to be acknowledged.” Tacitus, Germania, 20. On the character of primitive slavery, see also Schmoller, Grundriss, I p. 339.

[1284] Bagehot, pp. 73, 74; see also Flügel, p. 96, and Jhering’s excellent description of the character of slavery in early Rome (Jhering, II Part I pp. 172 sqq.).

[1285] Cairnes, pp. 53–56, 62, 179 sqq.

[1286] Weber’s Article “Agrarverhältnisse im Altertum”, in Handwörterbuch der Staatswissenschaften, 3rd edition (1909) I p. 63.

[1287] Cairnes is also aware of the difference between ancient and modern slavery (pp. 109 sqq.).

[1288] Loria, pp. 2–6.

[1289] On Loria’s incorrect manner of reasoning, see B. Croce’s essay on “Le teorie storiche del Prof. Loria”, in “Materialismo storico ed economia Marxistica”. A much better opinion of Loria is held by Sombart (I p. 358).

[1290] Wakefield, pp. 323–325. Marx (I pp. 795–804) gives a detailed account of the same argument as developed in another book of Wakefield’s, and adds that the exclusion of the mass of the people from the soil forms the basis of the capitalistic mode of production (ibid., p. 798).

[1291] On the practical result of Wakefield’s plan, see Cunningham, English Industry, II pp. 603–607. Professor Cunningham justly calls Wakefield “a judicious and far-seeing man” (ibid., p. 605, note 3).

[1292] Merivale, pp. 305, 313–317. See also Waltershausen, article “Negerfrage”, in Handwörterbuch der Staatswissenschaften, 2nd edition, V p. 973.

[1293] See Dargun, pp. 49 sqq. Hildebrand (Recht und Sitte, pp. 134 sqq.) rightly remarks that in primitive societies the uncultivated land is not the property of the community, but nobody’s property (res nullius).

[1294] Where the State owns the land and gives it in use gratuitously or at a low rent, the land is practically free. Such was the case in China, in the 5th century of our era, where the State gave allotments to farmers at a definite tax. “It is obvious, that the condition of the free cultivators without land could not become intolerable so long as they were able to rent in on the simple condition of paying the ordinary tax; and as long as the State had land to let on these terms, private agglomerators would be unable to get farmers to pay more to themselves; so that large estates could only be profitable on condition of evading the land tax, or being tilled for the owner by servile labour.” Simcox, II p. 127.

[1295] “Destitute of land” is not the same as: “who own no land.” When the population is so scarce that even the most fertile land has no value, nobody owns land; but there are no men destitute of land, any more than in our countries there are men destitute of air or water; every one has land at his disposal. Only when every piece of land has an owner, can there be people destitute of land, i.e. who have no land at their disposal.

[1296] Ricardo, pp. 35, 36.

[1297] Spenser St. John, I pp. 74, 60.

[1298] Jenks, pp. 160–163.

[1299] Dr. Tönnies, in his review of the first edition of this work, remarks that the last sentences contain a most important qualification of our theory of the connection between slavery and land tenure. Every one does not want to take land into cultivation, though he may do so without any payment. On the other hand, where there are people destitute of land, it is not certain that they serve the landowners and so make slavery superfluous. It may be that, though they own no land, they have other resources to live upon, or that they are not apt to perform such work as is most wanted by the rich, etc.

We are well aware of all this. Yet we think we are justified in concluding that, generally speaking, slavery only exists where there is still free land, i.e. free land fit for cultivation. That we admit many exceptions to this rule, will appear from the last paragraphs of this chapter.

[1300] Mahler, pp. 58, 59.

[1301] Waltershausen, pp. 17, 18.

[1302] Mariner, II pp. 162, 160; West, p. 262.

[1303] Thomson, Savage Island, p. 143.

[1304] Turner, Samoa, pp, 176, 177; Von Bülow, p. 192.

[1305] Hoag is a large family-group of which the pure is the head.

[1306] Gardiner, pp. 483–485; 497.

[1307] Hale, p. 105.

[1308] Ellis, Pol. Res., III p. 116; I pp. 109, 103; Moerenhout, II p. 12.

[1309] Ellis, Pol. Res., IV pp. 412, 413, 416; Hale, p. 36; Remy, p. XLVI; Chamisso, in Kotzebue, p. 149; Marcuse, p. 95.

[1310] Waitz-Gerland, VI p. 199; Meinicke, Die Inseln des stillen Oceans, II p. 148.

[1311] Waitz-Gerland, VI pp. 216, 217; Meinicke, l.c., p. 254; Hale, p. 36.

[1312] Waitz-Gerland, VI p. 219.

[1313] Meinicke, l.c., p. 264.

[1314] Tutuila, as quoted by Schurtz, Anfänge des Landbesitzes, p. 355; Lister, p. 54.

[1315] Parkinson, Dreissig Jahre, p. 535.

[1316] Tregear, p. 106; Thomson, New Zealand, I pp. 96, 97, 98; Taylor, p. 355; Polack, II p. 69.

[1317] Geiseler, p. 42.

[1318] Kubary, Die Ebongruppe, pp. 36, 37.

[1319] Senfft, in Steinmetz’s Rechtsverhältnisse, pp. 448, 452; Steinbach, p. 297; Krämer, Hawaii, etc., pp. 430, 431.

[1320] Jung, p. 68.

[1321] Kubary, Soc. Einr. der Pelauer, pp. 47, 48; Kubary, Die Verbrechen, p. 85.

[1322] Kubary, Mortlock-Inseln, p. 253.

[1323] Waitz-Gerland, V, 2 pp. 120, 121, 78.

[1324] Ibid., p. 118.

[1325] Hale, p. 83.

[1326] Waitz-Gerland, l.c., p. 114.

[1327] See above, pp. 107–109.

[1328] Wilkes, p. 96; Hale, p. 102.

[1329] Codrington, Soc. Reg., p. 306; see also Codrington, The Melanesians, pp. 59, 60.

[1330] Codrington, Soc. Reg., pp. 311, 312.

[1331] Somerville, New Georgia, p. 404.

[1332] Ribbe, p. 272.

[1333] Ribbe, p. 116.

[1334] Woodford, pp. 32, 33.

[1335] Inglis, p. 24.

[1336] Brainne, p. 241; Glaumont, p. 75; Lambert, pp. 82, 85; Meinicke, Die Inseln des stillen Oceans, I p. 230; Rochas, pp. 245, 262.

[1337] Williams, pp. 18, 22; Seemann, p. 233; Hale, p. 59; Fison, Land tenure in Fiji, pp. 336, 338, 343.

[1338] Pfeil, p. 69; Hahl, p. 82; Parkinson, Dreissig Jahre, p. 158.

[1339] Sorge, in Steinmetz’s Rechtsverhältnisse, pp. 401, 422.

[1340] Haddon, p. 334.

[1341] Hunt, p. 7.

[1342] See above, p. 107. In Tahiti there were also people destitute of land, of whom we shall have to speak in this paragraph.

[1343] Ellis, Pol. Res., I p. 107.

[1344] Ibid., IV p. 414; Wilkes, IV p. 36; Remy, p. 155.

[1345] Thomson, Savage Island, p. 143.

[1346] Jung, p. 67.

[1347] Hale, p. 102.

[1348] Waterhouse, p. 316; Williams, pp. 43, 54; Wilkes, III p. 85; Fison, Land tenure in Fiji, p. 343.

[1349] Ellis, Pol. Res., III p. 360; Thomson, New-Zealand, p. 148.

[1350] Rochas, p. 243.

[1351] Von Bülow, p. 193.

[1352] Williams, p. 29; Fison, l.c., p. 345; see also Wilkes, III p. 98.

[1353] Ellis, Pol. Res., III p. 122.

[1354] Thomson, Savage Island, p. 143.

[1355] See above, p. 322.

[1356] Krämer, Hawaii, etc., p. 334.

[1357] Ibid., p. 451; Jung, p. 65.

[1358] Codrington, Soc. Reg., p. 311.

[1359] Gardiner, pp. 485, 470.

[1360] Turner, Samoa, p. 173; Von Bülow, p. 194.

[1361] Mariner, II p. 350.

[1362] Thomson, Savage Island, p. 138.

[1363] Turner, Samoa, pp. 175, 171; Hale, p. 28.

[1364] Ellis, Pol. Res., III pp. 96–98; Wilkes, II p. 22.

[1365] Ellis, Pol. Res., IV pp. 413, 416, 417.

[1366] Wilkes, IV p. 37.

[1367] Waitz-Gerland, VI p. 199.

[1368] Radiguet, p. 156.

[1369] See above, p. 319.

[1370] Tutuila, in Schurtz, Anfänge des Landbesitzes, p. 355.

[1371] Parkinson, Dreissig Jahre, p. 535.

[1372] Polack, II p. 156.

[1373] Geiseler, p. 41.

[1374] Waitz-Gerland, VI p. 165.

[1375] Steinbach, p. 297; Krämer, Hawaii, etc., pp. 430, 431.

[1376] Waitz-Gerland, V, 2 p. 121.

[1377] Ibid., p. 112.

[1378] Rochas, pp. 245, 246; Glaumont, pp. 74, 75; Brainne, p. 246; Lambert, pp. 79, 82, 83.

[1379] Williams, pp. 23, 90, 157, 39, 40; Waterhouse, p. 311; Fison, Land tenure in Fiji, p. 342; Wilkes, III pp. 81, 108; see above, pp. 91, 92.

[1380] Codrington, The Melanesians, pp. 21, 22.

[1381] Elton, p. 98.

[1382] Hagen and Pineau, p. 335; Turner, Samoa, pp. 315, 328; Ribbe, p. 138.

[1383] Hahl, p. 77.

[1384] Sorge, in Steinmetz’s Rechtsverhältnisse, pp. 401, 414.

[1385] Parkinson, Dreissig Jahre, p. 396.

[1386] Haddon, p. 342.

[1387] Moerenhout, II p. 223.

[1388] See Gerland, Das Aussterben der Naturvölker, pp. 5, 6; and Mahler’s essay, pp. 60, 61.

[1389] Ellis, Pol. Res., III p. 96.

[1390] One reason why these islanders wanted little labour may have been that they relied for a considerable portion of their food on the fruits of trees which, when once planted, required little care.

[1391] Gardiner, p. 486.

[1392] Hale, p. 85.

[1393] Mariner, II pp. 159–162.

[1394] Ellis, Pol. Res., III p. 96.

[1395] Wilkes, pp. 99, 108.

[1396] Williams, pp. 71, 32.

[1397] Blumentritt, Conquista, pp. 56, 57.

[1398] Ellis, Pol. Res., I p. 296.

[1399] Ibid., IV p. 152.

[1400] See above, p. 332.

[1401] Mariner, II p. 349.

[1402] Radiguet, p. 156.

[1403] See above, p. 338.

[1404] Williams, p. 45, and see above, p. 339.

[1405] We have not spoken of landed property among hunters, because there are reasons enough to be found, apart from the appropriation of the land, why slavery is not likely to exist among them. We will only remark here that among many Australian tribes property in land is stated to exist (see Dargun, pp. 49, 50). Sometimes even the whole of the land seems to be held as property. “It seems curious” says Macgillivray “to find at Cape York and the Prince of Wales’ Islands a recognised division and ownership of land, seeing that none of it by cultivation has been rendered fit for the permanent support of man. According to Gi’om, there are laws regulating the ownership of every inch of ground on Muralug and the neighbouring possessions of the Kowraregas and I am led to believe such is likewise the case at Cape York.” Macgillivray, as quoted by Haddon, p 432.

[1406] Wakefield wrote in 1849.

[1407] Wakefield, p. 326.

[1408] Ashley, I pp. 17, 18.

[1409] Inama-Sternegg, II pp. 73, 74.

[1410] Cunningham, English Industry, I p. 5.

[1411] Amira, p. 138.

[1412] Oppenheimer, David Ricardos Grundrententheorie, pp. 152, 153.

[1413] Ashley, I p. 21.

[1414] Ibid., p. 7.

[1415] Ibid., pp. 8, 9.

[1416] Ibid., pp. 22, 31.

[1417] Cunningham, English Industry, I p. 476.

[1418] Ashley, I p. 37.

[1419] Hildebrand, Natural-, Geld- und Creditwirthschaft, pp. 4, 8, 9, 14, 15, 18.

[1420] Absolute self-sufficiency does not appear to exist anywhere, not even among savage tribes, see above, p. 255. But there certainly is a great difference between those countries which get their chief necessaries directly by their own labour, and those which produce mainly for export.

[1421] Ellis, Pol. Res., IV pp. 416, 417.

[1422] Among many hunters, fishers and hunting agriculturists slavery and serfdom are also wanting. But among these there are no labouring classes (as opposed to owning classes) at all, whether free or otherwise. Only the Eskimos have free servants.

[1423] Ashley, I p. 31.

[1424] Ibid., p. 27.

[1425] Inama-Sternegg, II pp. 167–177.

[1426] See Inama-Sternegg, II p. 283.

[1427] Ochenkowski, p. 11.

[1428] This was done on a large scale by the German landlords towards the end of the Middle Ages, see Inama-Sternegg, III Part I p. 384.

[1429] Kovalewsky, Régime économique moderne, pp. 358–362.

[1430] Malthus, p. 438, note 1.

[1431] Lange, Die Arbeiterfrage, p. 227.

[1432] Ratzel, Anthropogeographie, II p. 242.

[1433] Krieger, p. 225.

[1434] Inama-Sternegg, I p. 382.

[1435] See Ochenkowski, pp. 11, 15, 21; Inama-Sternegg, I pp. 236, 237; Cunningham, Western Civilization, pp. 73, 74, 95, 108, 192. According to Marx (Vol. III Part II pp. 332, 333), the substitution of money payments for dues in kind necessarily leads to free contracts between landlords and cultivators.

Grupp (Zeitschrift für Kulturgeschichte, IV p. 242) asserts that the rise of money economy caused the transition from slavery to serfdom. We shall not discuss this point, as it is not directly connected with the subject of this paragraph.

[1436] Ashley, I p. 13.

[1437] Cunningham, English Industry, I p. 95.

[1438] Ibid., p. 251.

[1439] Ochenkowski, p. 7.

[1440] Cunningham, l.c. p. 5.

[1441] Ibid., p. 407.

[1442] Ashley, I p. 13; Cunningham, l.c. I pp. 95, 96.

[1443] Cunningham, l.c. pp. 158, 159.

[1444] Ashley, I p. 17; Cunningham, l.c. p. 160.

[1445] Cunningham, l.c. p. 5.

[1446] Ashley, I p. 26.

[1447] Ochenkowski, pp. 33, 34.

[1448] Ashley, I p. 20.

[1449] See above, p. 350.

[1450] Cunningham, l.c. p. 253.

[1451] See Ashley, I. p. 27.

[1452] Ibid., pp. 38–40.

[1453] Ibid., p. 37.

[1454] Ibid., p. 29.

[1455] Cunningham, l.c. p. 225.

[1456] Ashley, I p. 32.

[1457] Cunningham, l.c. p. 305.

[1458] Ashley, II p. 277.

[1459] See Ashley, II pp. 264–267, and Ochenkowski, pp. 18–20.

[1460] Ashley, II p. 265.

[1461] Cunningham, l.c. pp. 356, 357. On the Black Death and its effects, see also Thorold Rogers, Work and Wages, pp.5–26, and The Economic Interpretation of History by the same author, pp. 24 sqq.

[1462] Cunningham, l.c. p. 306.

[1463] Ibid., pp. 307, 308.

[1464] Ibid., pp. 355, 356.

[1465] See Ochenkowski, p. 37.

[1466] This date is given by Ashley, II p. 264.

[1467] Cunningham, l.c., p. 361.

[1468] Lange (Die Arbeiterfrage, p. 241) also remarks that in England the transition from agriculture to sheep breeding engendered a relative over-population. On relative and absolute over-population, see further Oppenheimer, Das Bevölkerungsgesetz, etc., pp. 79–84.

[1469] Ashley, II p. 267.

[1470] Ashley, II pp. 270–272; Cunningham, l.c., p. 362.

[1471] Ashley, II pp. 272, 273.

[1472] Cunningham, l.c., p. 474.

[1473] Ashley, II p. 281.

[1474] Ibid., p. 284.

[1475] Cunningham, l.c., p. 408.

[1476] Ibid., p. 393.

[1477] Ashley, II pp. 336, 352.

[1478] Cunningham, l.c., pp. 361, 476.

[1479] See Ashley, II pp. 286–288.

[1480] See Gonner, Article “Bauernbefreiung in Grossbritannien” in Handwörterbuch, 2nd edition, II pp. 593, 594.

[1481] Inama-Sternegg, I pp. 110, 111, 163–165.

[1482] Ibid., pp. 81–83.

[1483] Ibid., pp. 72, 60, 70.

[1484] Ibid., pp. 147, 148, 165.

[1485] Ibid., pp. 119, 120.

[1486] Ibid., pp. 123, 124.

[1487] Ibid., pp. 207–217.

[1488] Ibid., pp. 220, 221, 279–281.

[1489] Ibid., pp. 382, 235, 236.

[1490] Ibid., pp. 226–257.

[1491] Ibid., pp. 237, 367–371, 381.

[1492] Ibid., pp. 236, 367.

[1493] Ibid., pp., 240, 241, 319, 355. Even in the Merovingian period there were already such people, according to him, see pp. 122, 124, 163.

[1494] Ibid., pp. 241, 382.

[1495] Ibid., p. 367.

[1496] Lamprecht, III pp. 56, 57. See also Inama-Sternegg, II pp. 70, 164, 285.

[1497] Inama-Sternegg, II pp. 115, 145, 84, 85, 207, 209.

[1498] Ibid., pp. 4–27. Similarly in France, in the 12th century, the landlords encouraged emigration to the outlying, newly reclaimed districts. Villeins who were willing to settle in these parts were granted special privileges, a house and land were given them at a nominal rent (Luchaire, in Lavisse, Vol. II Part. II p. 336.)

[1499] Inama-Sternegg, II pp. 36–38.

[1500] Ibid., pp. 70, 71, 63.

[1501] Ibid., p. 64.

[1502] Lamprecht, III p. 63.

[1503] Inama-Sternegg, III Part I pp. 394, 395.

[1504] Ibid., II pp. 203, 204.

[1505] Ibid., III Part I pp. 1–13.

[1506] Lamprecht, V Part I p. 82; Inama-Sternegg, l.c., p. 212.

[1507] Inama-Sternegg, l.c., pp. 38, 214, 237, 285 sqq.

[1508] Ibid., pp. 366, 367.

[1509] Ibid., pp. 261–265.

[1510] Ibid., p. 220.

[1511] Ibid., pp. 176, 201, 249.

[1512] Ibid., pp. 202–205, 208–210, 225, 251, 255, 256, 277; Lamprecht, l.c., p. 82.

[1513] Inama-Sternegg, l.c., pp. 46, 174, 175.

[1514] Ibid., pp. 48, 50, 51, 213, 223, 241, 282, 303–309, 314, 408, 413.

[1515] Lamprecht, l.c., p. 83; see also Inama-Sternegg, l.c., pp. 54, 55, 420.

[1516] Inama-Sternegg, l.c., pp. 56–61.

[1517] Ibid., p. 67.

[1518] Ibid., pp. 54, 398, 417, 419, 411.

[1519] Ibid., p. 420; see also p. 311.

[1520] Ashley, II pp. 281, 282; see also Inama-Sternegg, III Part II p. 201.

[1521] On the history of the rural classes in Eastern Germany, see Knapp, Die Bauernbefreiung.

It may be of some interest to point out the great resemblance between the rise of Roman colonatus as described by Max Weber and the rise of serfdom in Eastern Germany. In both countries most of the peasants were originally free (Weber, Römische Agrargeschichte, p. 244; Knapp, I p. 32). The landlords, who formerly had passed most of their time outside their properties, when they lost their military function took the cultivation of their manors into their own hands (Weber, l.c., pp. 243, 244; Knapp, I p. 37). They soon acquired rights of jurisdiction over the peasants (Weber, l.c., p. 260; Knapp, I p. 33), and began to compel them to work on the demesne (Weber, l.c., p. 244; Knapp, I p. 40). The cultivators lost the right of emigrating (Weber, l.c., pp. 256–258; Knapp, I p. 42). Even the Bauernlegen, i.e. the joining of a peasant’s holding to the demesne, occurred in Rome as well as in Eastern Germany (Weber, l. c, p. 247; Knapp, I pp. 50, 55). And it is most remarkable that in both countries the rise of serfdom took place at an advanced period of their history.

This proves once more that the institutions of different countries may closely resemble each other, even in many details, without the one country having derived its institutions from the other. For even the influence of Roman law cannot serve as an explanation of this resemblance, as Roman law takes little notice of colonatus (Weber l.c., p. 259).

[1522] We must admit that we are not sure whether the facts of Roman agrarian history agree with our theory. In Rome slavery prevailed to a large extent at a time when the relative scarcity of land gave rise to the difficulties about the ager publicus.

We shall not attempt to solve this question. We will only mention our impression, on reading Weber’s Römische Agrargeschichte, viz. that, even in the time of the Empire, though some land fetched a high price, all disposable land had not yet been appropriated, and therefore the want of servile labour remained. At the beginning of the Empire free labourers were very scarce, and could only be got to help the landlords in sowing and at harvest time on condition of receiving a pretty considerable part of the harvest (Weber, l.c., pp. 236–238). Under Augustus and Tiberius the procuring of slaves from abroad became very difficult, and this led to kidnapping of men by the landlords (Ibid., p. 242). In the boundary provinces, even in later centuries, barbarians were imported and became coloni attached to the soil (Ibid., pp. 259, 260).

Slavery proper declined from the beginning of the Empire (Meyer, Altertum, p. 71); but the coloni, who originally seem to have been free tenants, gradually lost the right of removing from the manor they inhabited (Weber, l.c., pp. 242, 248–250, 256–258).

We must, however, bear in mind that the writers on the economic history of Rome still disagree very much, not only as to the explanation of the facts, but as to the facts themselves. See Max Weber’s article on “Agrarverhältnisse im Altertum”, in Handwörterbuch der Staatswissenschaften, 3rd edition, Vol. I.

[1523] The reader will remember that there are tribes among which land is abundant, but nobody can live upon land and human labour only: the possession of capital is necessary, and those destitute of capital have to apply to the owners for employment. The best instance is furnished by the pastoral tribes.

We have purposely avoided speaking of countries in which all land has been appropriated and capital also plays a great part, as it is the case in the manufacturing countries of modern Europe. Here the structure of society is very complicated and difficult to disentangle. We think, however, that here also the most important fact is the appropriation of the soil.

[1524] “The earth, as we have already seen, is not the only agent of nature, which has a productive power; but it is the only one, or nearly so, that one set of men take to themselves, to the exclusion of others; and of which, consequently, they can appropriate the benefits. The waters of rivers, and of the sea, by the power which they have of giving movement to our machines, carrying our boats, nourishing our fish, have also a productive power; the wind which turns our mills, and even the heat of the sun, work for us; but happily no one has yet been able to say, the wind and the sun are mine, and the service which they render must be paid for.” J. B. Say, Économie Politique, as quoted by Ricardo, p. 35.

[1525] This is the general rule. We are fully aware that there are exceptions due to secondary causes, internal and external. Moreover, open resources do not necessarily lead to slavery or serfdom: there are many simple societies in which there are no labouring, as opposed to ruling classes, everybody, or nearly everybody, working for his own wants (e.g. among many hunters, fishers, and hunting agriculturists).

[1526] Malthus (p. 453), speaking of war, says: “One of its first causes and most powerful impulses was undoubtedly an insufficiency of room and food”.

[1527] See Wakefield, pp. 126–134, on the happiness of settlers in new countries.

[1528] A good instance is afforded by the Angoni as described by Wiese. Their king, he tells us, subjected neighbouring tribes and brought them to his own country. “He did not care for the territory deserted by these tribes. It was his chief aim to have the people; to landed property he attached little value” (Wiese, p. 197).

[1529] Lange, Die Arbeiterfrage, pp. 199, 334.

[1530] See Melching, p. 19.

[1531] Guppy, pp. 44, 45.

[1532] See above, p. 90.

[1533] Ribbe, pp. 100, 141.

[1534] Sorge, in Steinmetz’s Rechtsverhältnisse, p. 399.

[1535] Somerville, New Hebrides, pp. 3, 5, 7, 4.

[1536] Hagen and Pineau, p. 331; see also Meinicke, Neue Hebriden, p. 340.

[1537] De Vaux, p. 330; Turner, Samoa, p. 341; Rochas, p. 229; see also Brainne, p. 248.

[1538] Parkinson, Im Bismarck-Archipel, pp. 98, 99, 101; Danks, pp. 294, 292, 293; See also Melching, pp. 43, 44.

[1539] Parkinson, Dreissig Jahre, p. 269.

[1540] Williams, p. 178; Pritchard, p. 372.

[1541] The condition of women is not, however, equally bad in all Melanesian islands. Among the Western Tribes of Torres Straits “the women appear to have had a good deal to say on most questions, and were by no means down-trodden or ill-used” (Haddon, p. 357; see also Meinicke, Die Torresstrasse, p. 115). And Somerville, speaking of New Georgia in the Solomon Islands, says: “In the eastern part the treatment of women is notably good. I have but rarely seen them at work” (Somerville, New Georgia, pp. 405, 406).

[1542] See the details given in Part I Chap. II § 5.

[1543] Cunningham (English Industry, I p. 77) justly remarks: “While there is no opportunity for exchange, it is not so well worth while for anyone to preserve a surplus; a very abundant harvest is more likely to be prodigally used within the year, and so with all other supplies; but the existence of opportunities for trade makes it well worth while to gather a store that far exceeds any prospective need and to stow in warehouses for sale all that need not be used by the producers to satisfy their immediate wants; the conditions are present which still further favour the accumulation of wealth.”

[1544] Kohler, Das Recht der Papuas, p. 364; Schmoller, Grundriss, I p. 243.

[1545] Cairnes, p. 50. In ancient Rome, at the end of the Republic, plantations of olives and vines were worked with slaves, whereas cereal crops were raised on lands leased to coloni; see Weber, Article “Agrarverhältnisse im Altertum”, in Handwörterbuch der Staatswissenschaften, 3rd edition, vol. I p. 166.

[1546] Köler, pp. 84, 154.

[1547] Zündel, pp. 408, 409, 387.

[1548] Kingsley, West African studies, p. 427; see also De Cardi’s description of the slave system of Bonny, ibid., pp. 516 sqq.

[1549] Dalton, p. 58.

[1550] Thomson, New Zealand, pp. 150, 125.

[1551] Polack, II p. 53; Brown, New Zealand, p. 30.

[1552] Dalton, p. 58.

[1553] Colquhoun, p. 54.

[1554] Modigliani, Nias, p. 525.

[1555] Nieuwenhuis, Quer durch Borneo. I p. 66; II p. 96.

[1556] See above, p. 197, note 1.

[1557] Blumentritt, Conquista, p. 65.

[1558] Pogge, Muata Jamwo, p. 232.

[1559] Kerr, II p. 129.

[1560] Bérenger-Féraud, p. 59.

[1561] Munzinger, Ostafr. Stud., p. 484.

[1562] Madrolle, p. 92.

[1563] Arcin, p. 275.

[1564] Among the ancient Germans the bearing of arms was a sign of freedom (Amira, p. 129).

[1565] Martius, p. 71.

[1566] Azara, II pp. 109, 110.

[1567] Powell, On regimentation, p. CXII.

[1568] Among the Soninkays and Malinkays of French Guinea the slave warriors are the only force on which the chiefs can rely; for the freemen would not always readily answer to the appeal of their lords. Arcin, p. 275.

[1569] Ingram, p. 44.

[1570] Ibid., pp. 51, 52.

[1571] Ibid., pp. 52, 53.

[1572] Goldstein, p. 362.

[1573] Torday and Joyce, Congo Free State, p. 139.

[1574] Ingram, pp. 58, 59.

[1575] De Groot, p. 455.

[1576] Blumentritt, Conquista, p. 53.

[1577] Lenz, p. 59.

[1578] Compiègne, Okanda, pp. 194, 195.

[1579] Torday and Joyce, Ba-Mbala, p. 411.

[1580] Martius, p. 63.

[1581] See above, p. 269.

[1582] Leroy-Beaulieu, p. 80. See also Malthus (Bettany’s edition, pp. 423, 424): “In the feudal times, the landlords could in no other way spend their incomes than by maintaining a great number of idle followers.”

[1583] Coquilhat, pp. 365, 265.

[1584] Finsch, Die Goldküste, pp. 359, 360.

[1585] Among hunting agriculturists we have found 34 positive and 43 negative cases; among agriculturists of the higher stages 136 positive and 52 negative cases.

[1586] Morgan, Anc. Soc., p. 136.

[1587] See Salvioli’s article on the struggles between pastoral and agricultural peoples.

[1588] See above, p. 295, and Grosse, p. 134.

[1589] Martius, pp. 123, 131, 131 note, 154 note, 531–533, 772.

[1590] Robidé, pp. 345 sqq.

[1591] Ibid., pp. 53, 218, 221, 288, 289, 232, 255, 317. See also “Nieuw Guinea”, pp. 186–192.

[1592] Robidé, p. 227.

[1593] Ibid., pp. 277, 242.

[1594] Ottow and Geissler, pp. 152, 153.

[1595] See Blumentritt, Conquista.

[1596] Cooper, p. 183.

[1597] Colquhoun, p. 70.

[1598] Rousselet, p. 223.

[1599] See above, p. 287.

[1600] Ingram, pp. 19, 38.

[1601] Ibid., p. 268.

[1602] Ibid., 224, 225, 230–233. On the African slave-trade, see also Ratzel, Anthropogeographie, II (1891), pp. 386, 387.

[1603] Polack, I, pp. 78, 79.

[1604] In ancient Wales “the price of a slave was one pound, but of one brought across the sea, a pound and a half. The slave who was brought from a distance was much less likely to escape, or even to attempt it, and was therefore a more valuable property; this principle still holds good among slave-owners.” Cunningham, English Industry, I, p. 117 note 6.

[1605] In the first edition we had spoken of negative internal causes. Dr. Tönnies, in his review, rightly remarks that this expression is not quite correct.

[1606] Our “external causes” correspond with what has sometimes been called condiciones, as opposed to causae proper.

[1607] Viz. if they have no opportunity to emigrate to countries with open resources.

[1608] Viz. generally speaking. Peculiar circumstances (e.g. a rapid development of industry) may bring about a temporary scarcity of labour. But the growth of population in most cases will soon bring this state of things to an end.

[1609] We have repeatedly remarked that the condition of countries with open resources is quite different: land is abundant, but the supply of labour is limited; therefore the ruling classes attach little value to land as such, but their chief aim is to people the land with men who enter into their service. A good instance is given by Junod in his account of the Baronga (near Delagoa Bay): “According to their laws, the soil belongs exclusively to the chief. But practically it belongs to every one. Nobody buys land. It is given gratuitously to whosoever wants to settle in the country. By simply declaring himself a subject of the chief, a native may acquire as much land as he wants for his subsistence.” (Junod, pp. 186, 187).

[1610] Lange, Die Arbeiterfrage, pp. 12, 13.

[1611] Hecquard, p. 313.

[1612] There is another reason: foreign women are sometimes procured for wives. But we may leave this case out of consideration as being foreign to our subject.

[1613] Dr. Vierkandt, reviewing the first edition of this work, remarks that there is no internal connection between the results of the investigation and the distinction of economic groups, as the existence or non-existence of slavery appears to depend not only on the economic state of society, but on many causes which have little to do with this state.

Though we fully admit this last, we think our division of the savage tribes into economic groups is justified by the results of our investigation. This division has led us to the following conclusions. Hunters and fishers, and equally the lowest agricultural group, as Dr. Vierkandt himself observes, generally do not keep slaves. The state of pastoral nomadism is also unfavourable to the growth of slavery. On the other hand, agriculturists of the higher stages are very likely to keep slaves.

Having arrived at these preliminary results, we have inquired which causes engender this connection between slavery and the economic state of society. We have also asked for the causes of the exceptions to the rules above mentioned. So we have come to an understanding of the internal connection between slavery and the other factors of social life. We cannot think our final results would have been obtained as well in any other way.

[1614] In the Shortland Islands (Solomon group) many of the common people are children of slave parents. Ribbe, p. 138.

[1615] Among the Tlinkits, in Holmberg’s time, it was the custom to sacrifice slaves at some great feasts; but the master often gave a good slave the opportunity of hiding during the feast; he could then return afterwards with impunity. Generally speaking, no slaves were sacrificed but the old and sickly and those who, being defective in some way or other, caused their master more trouble than profit. Except at the great feasts slaves were scarcely ever killed; for they were valuable and difficult to replace. (Holmberg, I p. 51). We see that the keeping of slaves had become profitable and so the old custom of sacrificing slaves was going out of practice.

[1616] To give one instance, Guppy states that in Ugi, in the Solomon Islands, “infanticide is the prevailing custom. When a man needs assistance in his declining years, his props are not his own sons but youths obtained by purchase from the St. Christoval natives who, as they attain to manhood, acquire a virtual independence, passing almost beyond the control of their original owner. It is from this cause that but a small proportion of the Ugi natives have been born on the island, three-fourths of them having been brought as youths to supply the place of offspring killed in infancy”. Guppy, p. 42.

[1617] See Post, Ethn. Jur., I p. 366.

[1618] Post, l.c.

[1619] Among the Chingpaws of Upper Burma slaves can always be liberated by their parents by means of a payment (Wehrli, p. 37).

[1620] Among the Tlinkits at the feast held in commemoration of the deceased, the man who gave the feast used to part with some of his slaves, whether by sacrificing or emancipating them was left to the decision of the priest. Erman, p. 382.

[1621] Among the Bayaka “if the deceased leaves no heir, his wives and goods pass into the possession of one of his slaves, who thus becomes a free man.” Torday and Joyce, Ba-Yaka, p. 44.

[1622] Among the Ewe-speaking peoples of the Slave Coast “according to custom, any slave who takes refuge in a temple and dedicates himself to the service of the god, cannot be reclaimed by his owner; but as by paying a fee to the priest the owner can close the doors of all the temples in the neighbourhood to his fugitive slaves, this provision of an asylum for an ill-treated slave is more apparent than real”. Ellis, Ewe-speaking peoples, p. 220.

[1623] Among the Chinooks, the flattening of the head, “appears to be a sort of mark of royalty or badge of aristocracy, for their slaves are not permitted to treat their children thus”. (Swan, The Northwest Coast, p. 168). Among the Malays of Menangkabao slaves were not allowed to dress in the same manner as free people or live in houses like those of the free or wear gold or silver ornaments or silks. (Willinck, p. 141).

[1624] See also Post, Ethn. Jur., I pp. 370 sqq.

[1625] See Steinmetz, Strafe, II pp. 306–315.

[1626] See Post, Ethn. Jur., I, p. 377.

[1627] Among the ancient Germans, slaves were obliged to wear their hair short (Amira, p. 139). Similarly in Dorey (New-Guinea); see “Nieuw-Guinea”, p. 149.

[1628] The facts do not seem to justify Déniker’s conclusion that the moral code of savages disapproves of compassion with slaves, because it is not profitable to the tribe. (Déniker, Races et peuples, p. 299.)

[1629] On the favourable position of native-born slaves in North-eastern Africa, see above, p. 267.

[1630] Déniker remarks that, together with the formation of social classes, a distinction between the different kinds of unfree arises. “The lowest grade are the slaves in the proper sense, who are not even regarded as human beings, whereas, at the top of the scale, we find people, unfree by birth, but able to arrive at a position not very different from that of the free citizens of the upper-classes.” Déniker, Races et peuples, p. 296.

[1631] In Dahomey “agriculture is despised, because slaves are employed in it.” Burton, II p. 248.

[1632] Among the Battas of Mandheling and Pertibie only the nobles are allowed to keep slaves. The higher nobles may keep as many slaves as they like, the lower only two or three (Willer, p. 43).

[1633] Among the Ewe it occurs that a slave is emancipated by his master. “But, generally speaking, slaves do not care to be free, for they are treated as members of the family and are so contented that they do not long for a change in their condition.” Herold, p. 170. The slaves, formerly kept by the Koniagas, evidently thought otherwise of their servile state: for on the arrival of the Russians, many slaves took refuge to them (Holmberg I p. 79).

[1634] The Athka Aleuts sometimes preferred suicide to captivity in war or slavery (Petroff, p. 158).

[1635] “In the district of Allas [in Sumatra] a custom prevails, by which, if a man has been sold to the hill people, however unfairly, he is restricted on his return from associating with his countrymen as their equal, unless he brings with him a sum of money, and pays a fine for his re-enfranchisement to his kalippah or chief. This regulation has taken its rise from an idea of contamination among the people, and from art and avarice among the chiefs.” Marsden, p. 255. Similarly, among the Maori, according to Polack (II p. 55), “chiefs who have tasted of slavery are often taunted by their friends, by whom they may have been ransomed, as having been slaves.” Brown (New Zealand, p. 62) remarks: “They attach great importance to the circumstance of never having been taken in war.”

[1636] Among the Ewe, the price of a slave is 140–200 shilling, so the relatively rich only are able to purchase slaves (Herold, p. 168).

[1637] On the West African coast, from Lagos to Cameroon, the master of the house has over his wives a limited, over his male and female slaves an unlimited power (Kingsley, West African studies, p. 439). Among the Bali tribes of Cameroon, female slaves are concubines without any recognized rights.

[1638] See Schmoller, Grundriss, I p. 339.

[1639] Winwood Reade, speaking of the coast tribes of West Africa, from Senegambia to Angola, remarks: “In those places where the slave-buying still goes on, the people are more disposed to go to war, to convict criminals, and to make use of any pretence to procure slaves. And it is also certain that there are regions where an almost constant war is carried on for the purpose of obtaining slaves” (Winwood Reade, p. 291).

[1640] Bagehot, p. 73; see also Ingram, pp. 5, 6.

[1641] Ingram, p. 5; see also Schmoller, Grundriss, I p. 338.

[1642] See Lange, Die Arbeiterfrage, p. 63.

[1643] Such is the case for instance in Cameroon (Hutter, p. 36). Among the Bali tribes of Cameroon the nobles wear their nails long, in order to show that they are not slaves (Ibid., p. 385). See also Westermarck, Moral Ideas, II pp. 272, 273.

[1644] See Ingram, pp. 9–11. All this applies much less to early slavery than to slavery in its more advanced stages. Yet even the patriarchal slave system of primitive societies sometimes has a bad influence on the slaves. Polack, speaking of the New Zealand slaves, remarks: “Debarred from the sight of their relatives, they become reckless of moral feeling.... Obscenity and lying are among the practices most persisted in by the slaves, and to their demoralized state may be attributed the greater part of the wars and dissensions of this irritable people; they may be justly regarded as the greatest drawback to the prosperity and civilization hitherto of the New Zealanders” (Polack, II pp. 58, 59).

[1645] Brinton, Races and peoples, p. 46.

[1646] Ferrero, La morale primitiva, etc.

[1647] Ripley, p. 564.

[1648] Ratzel, Anthropogeographie, II pp. 387, 388.

[1649] Powell, On Regimentation, p. CXII.

[1650] Adult males are not desired for slaves, because they are very difficult to manage. This is the case even among the semi-civilized Mohammedans of Baghirmi: see Nachtigal, II p. 615. The North African slave-hunters, according to Goldstein (p. 367), have a preference for girls, but also capture boys; full-grown men, however, are generally killed.

[1651] Slaves have also sometimes been employed in manufactures. Such, according to Cunningham, was the case in ancient Tyre. Slaves also “worked as artisans in the factories of Athens”. Cunningham, Western Civilization, pp. 66, 110. But we think such an employment of slaves is rather an exception.