Chapter 2

In 1880 Tatanka-wanbli, or Buffalo-bull Eagle, gave the author the names of numbers 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, and 8 of the following list of the Minikooju (Minikoozu), Minikanye-woju (Minikanye-wozu), or Minneconjou gentes. These were given in 1884, with numbers 4 and 9, to Reverend H. Swift by No Heart (Cante-wanica): 1, Unktce-yuta (Unkce-yuta), Eat-dung. 2, Glagla-hetca (Glagla-heca), Slovenly. 3, Cunka-yute-cni (Sunka yute-sni), Eat-no-dogs. 4, Nixe-tanka (Nige-tanka), Big-belly. 5, Wakpokinyan (Wakpokinyan), Flies-along-the-creek (wakpa). 6, Inyan-ha-oin (Inyan-h-oin), Musselshell-earring. 7, Cikcitcela (Siksicela), Bad-ones-of-different-sorts. 8, Wagleza-oin, Watersnake-earring. 9, Wan-nawexa (Wan-nawega), Broken-arrows. The Wannawexa are nearly extinct.

THE OOHE-NONPA OR TWO KETTLES

Of the Oohe-nonpa (Oohe-nonpa), Two Boilings or Two Kettles, Charger knew the names of only two gentes, which he gave to Reverend H. Swift in 1884, as follows: 1, Oohe-nonpa, Two-boilings. 2, Ma-waqota (Ma-wahota), Skin-smeared-with-whitish-earth.

THE OGLALA

The first list of Oglala gentes was obtained in 1879 from Reverend John Robinson and confirmed in 1880 by a member of the tribe. These gentes are as follows: 1, Payabya, Pushed-aside. 2, Tapicletca (Tapisleca), Spleen (of an animal). 3, Kiyuksa, Breaks-his-own (marriage custom). 4, Wajaja (Wazaza. See the Siha-sapa list of gentes). 5, Ite-citca (Ite-sica), Bad-face, or Oglala-qtca (Oglala-hca), Real Oglala. 6, Oyuqpe (Oyuhpe); identical with Oiyuqpe of the next list. 7, Wagluqe (Wagluhe). Followers or Loafers. These were probably the earlier divisions of the Oglala, but by 1884 considerable segregation had been accomplished, as shown by the following list furnished by Reverend W.J. Cleveland: 1, Ite-citca (Ite-sica), Bad-face, under Maqpiya-luta, Scarlet Cloud ("Red Cloud"). 2, Payabyeya, Pushed-aside (under Tasunka-kokipapi, They-fear-even-his-horse; wrongly rendered Man-afraid-of-his-horses). 3, Oyuqpe (Oyuhpe), Thrown down or unloaded. 4, Tapicletca, Spleen (of an animal). 5, Pe-cla (Pe-sla), Baldhead. 6, Tceq-huha-ton (Ceh-huha-ton), Kettle-with-legs. 7, Wablenitca (Wablenica), Orphans. 8, Pe-cla-ptcetcela (Pe-sla-ptecela), Short-baldhead. 9, Tacnahetca (Tasnaheca), Gopher. 10, I-wayusota, Uses-up-by-begging-for, "Uses-up-with-the-mouth." 11, Wakan (Wakan), Mysterious. 12a, Iglaka-teqila (Iglaka-tehila), Refuses-to-move-camp. 12b, Ite-citca, Bad-face (as number 1). 13, Ite-citca-etanhan (Ite-sica-etanhan), "From-bad-face," Part-of-bad-face. 14, Zuzetca-kiyaksa (Zuzeca kiyaksa), Bit-the-snake-in-two. 15, Watceonpa (Wace-onpa), Boasters. 16, Watcape (Wacape), Stabber. 17, Tiyotcesli (Tiyocesli), Dungs-in-the-lodge. 18 and 19, Wagluqe, Followers or Loafers. 20, Oglala, Scattered-her-own. 21, Ieska-tcintca (Ieska-cinca), Interpreter's sous, "Half-bloods."

According to Mr Cleveland the whole Oglala tribe had two other names, Oyuqpe, Thrown-down or unloaded, and Kiyaksa, Bit-it-in-two.

THE HUNKPAPA

The name Hunkpapa (sometimes corrupted into Uncpapa, Oncpapa, etc), should be compared with the Yanktonai name Hunkpatina; both refer to the hunkpa or ends of a tribal circle. A Hunkpapa man in 1880 gave the following as the names of the gentes: 1, Tcanka-oqan (Canka-ohan) Sore-backs (of horses), not the original name. 2, Tce-oqba (Ce-ohba), in which tce (ce) has either a vulgar meaning or is a contraction of tceya (ceya), to weep, and oqba (ohba), sleepy. 3, Tinazipe-citca (Tinazipe-sica), Bad-bows. 4, Talo-nap'in (Talo-napin), Fresh-meat-necklace. 5, Kiglacka (Kiglaska), Ties-his-own. 6, Tcegnake-okisela (Cegnake-okisela), Half-a-breechcloth. 7, Cikcitcela (Siksicela), Bad-ones-of-different-sorts. 8, Wakan (Wakan), Mysterious. 9, Hunska-tcantojuha (Hunska-cantozuha), Legging-tobacco-pouch.

FIG. 33.--Oglala camping circle.

The real foundation for the totemic system exists among the Dakota, as well as among the other Siouan tribes and the Iroquois, in the names of men often being taken from mythical animals, but, in the opinion of Dr S.R. Riggs, the system was never carried to perfection.

DAKOTA SOCIAL CUSTOMS

Among the eastern Dakota the phratry was never a permanent organization, but it was resorted to on special occasions and for various purposes, such as war or the buffalo hunt. The exponent of the phratry was the tiyotipi or "soldiers' lodge," which has been described at length by Dr Riggs.(3)

While no political organization has been known to exist within the historic period over the whole Dakota nation, the traditional alliance of the "Seven Council-fires" is perpetuated in the common name Dakota, signifying allied, friendly.

Among the Dakota it is customary for the rank and title of chief to descend from father to son, unless some other near relative is ambitious and influential enough to obtain the place. The same is claimed also in regard to the rank of brave or soldier, but this position is more dependent on personal bravery. While among the Omaha and Ponka a chief can not lead in war, there is a different custom among the Dakota. The Sisseton chief Standing Buffalo told Little Crow, the leader of the hostile Santee in the Minnesota outbreak of 1862, that, having commenced hostilities with the whites, he must fight it out without help from him, and that, failing to make himself master of the situation, he should not flee through the country of the Sisseton.

Regarding chieftainship among the Dakota, Philander Prescott(4) says:

The chieftainship is of modern date, there being no chiefs hefore the whites came. The chiefs have little power. The chief's band is almost always a kin totem which helps to sustain him. The chiefs have no votes in council; there the majority rules and the voice of the chief is not decisive till then.

On the death of a chief, the nearest kinsman in the right line is eligible. If there are no kin, the council of the band can make a chief. Civil chiefs scarcely ever make a war party.

The Dakota woman owns the tipi. If a man has more wives than one, they have separate tipis, or they arrange to occupy different sides of one. Sometimes the young man goes to live with his wife's kindred, but in such matters there is no fixed rule. To purchase a wife was regarded the most honorable form of marriage, though elopement was sometimes resorted to.

THE ASINIBOIN

The Asiniboin were originally part of the Wazi-kute gens of the Yanktonai (Ihanktonwanna) Dakota. According to the report of E.T. Denig to Governor I.I. Stevens,(5) "the Asiniboin call themselves Dakota, meaning Our people." The Dakota style them Hohe, "rebels," but Denig says the term signifies "fish eaters," and that they may have been so called from the fact that they subsisted principally on fish while in British territory.

Lists of the gentes of this people have been recorded by Denig, Maximilian, and Hayden, but in the opinion of the present writer they need revision.

_Asiniboin gentes_

_Denig_ _Maximilian_ _Hayden_ We-che-ap-pe-nah, Itschcabine, Les Wi-ic-ap-i-nah, 60 lodges, under gens des filles. Girls' band. Les Yeux Gris E-an-to-ah, Stone Jatonabine, Les I'-an-to'-an. Indians, the gens des roches, Either Inyan original the Stone Indians tonwan, Stone appellation for of the English. Village or the whole nation; Call themselves Ihanktonwan, End 50 lodges, under "Eascab." village or Premier qui Voile. Yankton. J.O.D.) Wah-to-pan-ah, Otaopabine, Les Wah-to'-pap-i-nah Canoe Indians, 100 gens des canots. lodges, under Serpent. Wah-to-pah-han-da-toh, Watopachnato, Les Wah-to'-pah-an-da-to, Old Gauche's gens, gens de l'age. Gens du Gauche or i.e., Those who Left Hand. row in canoes; 100 lodges, under Trembling Hand. Wah-ze-ah we-chas-ta, O-see-gah (of Wah-zi-ah, or Northern People (so Lewis and Clark, To-kum-pi, Gens du called because they Discoveries, p. Nord. came from the north in 43, 1806). 1839); 60 lodges, under Le Robe de Vent.

The following gentes have not been collated: Of Maximilian's list, Otopachgnato, les gens du large, possibly a duplication, by mistake, of Watopachnato, les gens de l'age; Tschantoga, les gens des bois; Tanin-tauei, les gens des osayes; Chabin, les gens des montagnes. Of Hayden's list, Min'-i-shi-nak'-a-to, gens du lac.

The correct form in the Yankton dialect of the first name is Witcinyanpina (Wicinyanpina), girls; of the second, probably Inyantonwan (Inyan tonwan); the third and fourth gentes derive their names from the verb watopa, to paddle a canoe; the fifth is Waziya witcacta (Waziya wicasta). Tschan in Tschantoga is the German notation of the Dakota tcan (can), tree, wood. Cha in Chabin is the German notation of the Dakota word he, a high ridge of hills, a mountain.

In his report to Governor Stevens, from which the following information respecting the Asiniboin is condensed, Denig used the term "band" to denote a gens of the tribe, and "clans" instead of corporations, under which latter term are included the feasting and dancing societies and the orders of doctors, shamans, or theurgists.

These bands are distinct and occupy different parts of the country, although they readily combine when required by circumstances, such as scarcity of game or an attack by a large body of the enemy.

The roving tribes call no general council with other nations; indeed, they are suspicious even of those with whom they have been at peace for many years, so that they seldom act together in a large body. With the exception of the Hidatsa, Mandau, and Arikara, who are stationary and live in a manner together, the neighboring tribes are quite ignorant of one another's government, rarely knowing even the names of the principal chiefs and warriors.

In all these tribes there is no such thing as hereditary rank. If a son of a chief is wanting in bravery, generosity, or other desirable qualities, he is regarded merely as an ordinary individual; at the same time it is true that one qualification for the position of chief consists in having a large number of kindred in the tribe or gens. Should there be two or more candidates, equally capable and socially well connected, the question would be decided on the day of the first removal of the camp, or else in council by the principal men. In the former case, each man would follow the leader whom he liked best, and the smaller body of Indians would soon adhere to the majority.

Women are never acknowledged as chiefs, nor have they anything to say in the council. A chief would be deposed for any conduct causing general disgust or dissatisfaction, such as incest (marrying within his gens) or lack of generosity. Though crime in the abstract would not tend to create dissatisfaction with a chief, yet if he murdered, without sufficient cause, one whose kindred were numerous, a fight between the two bodies of kindred would result and an immediate separation of his former adherents would ensue; but should the murdered person be without friends, there would be no attempt to avenge the crime, and the people would fear the chief only the more. To preserve his popularity a chief must give away all his property, and he is consequently always the poorest man in the band; but he takes care to distribute his possessions to his own kindred or to the rich, from whom he might draw in times of need.

The duties of a leading chief are to study the welfare of his people, by whom he is regarded as a father, and whom he addresses as his children. He must determine where the camp should be placed and when it should be moved; when war parties are advisable and of whom they should be composed--a custom radically different from that of the Omaha and Ponka,--and all other matters of like character. Power is tacitly committed to the leading chief, to be held so long as he governs to general satisfaction, subject, however, to the advice of the soldiers. Age, debility, or any other natural defect, or incapacity to act, advise, or command, would lead a chief to resign in favor of a younger man.

When war is deemed necessary, any chief, soldier, or brave warrior has the privilege of raising and leading a war party, provided he can get followers. The powers of a warrior and civil chief may be united in one person, thus differing from the Omaha and Ponka custom. The leading chief may and often does lead the whole band to war; in fact, it devolves on him to lead any general expedition.

The Akitcita (Akicita), soldiers or guards (policemen), form an important body among the Asiniboin as they do among the other Siouan tribes. These soldiers, who are chosen from the band on account of their bravery, are from 25 to 45 years of age, steady, resolute, and respected; and in them is vested the power of executing the decisions of the council. In a camp of 200 lodges these soldiers would number from 50 to 60 men; their lodge is pitched in the center of the camp and is occupied by some of them all the time, though the whole body is called together only when the chief wishes a public meeting or when their hunting regulations are to be decided. In their lodge all tribal and intertribal business is transacted, and all strangers, both white men and Indians, are domiciled. The young men, women, and children are not allowed to enter the soldiers' lodge during the time that tribal matters are being considered, and, indeed, they are seldom, if ever, seen there. All the choicest parts of meat and the tongues of animals killed in hunting are reserved for the soldiers' lodge, and are furnished by the young men from time to time. A tax is levied on the camp for the tobacco smoked there, which is no small quantity, and the women are obliged to furnish wood and water daily. This lodge corresponds in some degree to the two sacred lodges of the Hanga gens of the Omaha.

Judging from the meager information which we possess concerning the Asiniboin kinship system, the latter closely resembles that of the Dakota tribes, descent being in the male line. After the smallpox epidemic of 1838, only 400 thinly populated lodges out of 1,000 remained, relationship was nearly annihilated, property lost, and but few, the very young and very old, were left to mourn the loss. Remnants of bands had to be collected and property acquired, and several years elapsed ere the young people were old enough to marry.

The names of the wife's parents are never pronounced by the husband; to do so would excite the ridicule of the whole camp. The husband and the father-in-law never look on each other if they can avoid it, nor do they enter the same lodge. In like manner the wife never addresses her father-in-law.

A plurality of wives is required by a good hunter, since in the labors of the chase women are of great service to their husbands. An Indian with one wife can not amass property, as she is constantly occupied in household labors, and has no time for preparing skins for trading. The first wife and the last are generally the favorites, all others being regarded as servants. The right of divorce lies altogether with the husband; if he has children by his wife, he seldom puts her away. Should they separate, all the larger children--those who require no further care--remain with the father, the smaller ones departing with the mother. When the women have no children they are divorced without scruple.

After one gets acquainted with Indians the very opposite of taciturnity exists. The evenings are devoted to jests and amusing stories and the days to gambling. The soldiers' lodge, when the soldiers are not in session, is a very theater of amusement; all sorts of jokes are made and obscene stories are told, scarcely a woman in the camp escaping the ribaldry; but when business is in order decorum must prevail.

The personal property of these tribes consists chiefly of horses. Possession of an article of small value is a right seldom disputed, if the article has been honestly obtained; but the possession of horses being almost the principal object in life of an Indian of the plains, the retention of them is a matter of great uncertainty, if he has not the large force necessary to defend them. Rights to property are based on the method of acquirement, as (1) articles found; (2) those made by themselves (the sole and undisputed property of the makers); (3) those stolen from enemies, and (4) those given or bought. Nothing is given except with a view to a gift in return. Property obtained by gambling is held by a very indefinite tenure.

Murder is generally avenged by the kindred of the deceased, as among the Omaha and Ponka. Goods, horses, etc, may be offered to expiate the crime, when the murderer's friends are rich in these things, and sometimes they are accepted; but sooner or later the kindred of the murdered man will try to avenge him. Everything except loss of life or personal chastisement can be compensated among these Indians. Rape is nearly unknown, not that the crime is considered morally wrong, but the punishment would be death, as the price of the woman would be depreciated and the chances of marriage lessened. Besides, it would be an insult to her kindred, as implying contempt of their feelings and their power of protection. Marriage within the gens is regarded as incest and is a serious offense.

THE OMAHA

The gentes keeping the sacred pipes and those having the sacred tents are designated among the Omaha by appropriate designs. The sacred tent of the Wejincte was the tent of war, those of the Hanga were the tents associated with the buffalo hunt and the cultivation of the soil. The diameter of the circle (figure 34) represents the road traveled by the tribe when going on the buffalo hunt, numbers 1 and 10 being the gentes which were always in the van. The tribe was divided into half tribes, each half tribe consisting of five gentes. The sacred tents of the Omaha and all the objects that were kept in them are now in the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology at Cambridge, Massachusetts.

FIG. 34.--Omaha camping circle.

The two groups of gentes forming the half tribes or phratries, sometimes composed of subgentes or sections, are as follows:

_Hangacenu gentes_--1, Wejincte, Elk. 2, Inke-sabe, Black shoulder, a Buffalo gens; the custodian of the real pipes of peace. 3, Hanga or Ancestral, a Buffalo gens; the regulator of all the so-called pipes of peace and keeper of two sacred tents. 4, catada, meaning uncertain; in four subgentes: _a_, Wasabe hit'aji, Touch-not-the-skin-of-a-black-bear; _b_, Wajinga cataji, Eat-no-small-birds; Bird people; _c_, {~LATIN SMALL LETTER TURNED T~}e-*d*a it'aji, Touch-no-buffalo-head; Eagle people; _d_, {~LATIN SMALL LETTER TURNED K~}e-'in, Carry-a-turtle-on-the-back; Turtle people. 5, {~LATIN SMALL LETTER TURNED K~}anze, Wind people.

_Ictasanda gentes_--6, Mancinka-gaxe, Earth-lodge-makers; coyote and wolf people. 7, {~LATIN SMALL LETTER TURNED T~}e-sinde, Buffalo-tail; a Buffalo-calf people. 8, {~LATIN SMALL LETTER TURNED T~}a-*d*a, Deer-head; Deer people. 9, Ingce-jide, Red dung; a Buffalo-calf gens. 10, Icta-sanda, meaning uncertain ("gray eyes"?), said to refer to the effect of lightning on the eyes. This last gens consists of Thunder and Reptile people.

The Inke-sabe formerly consisted of four subgentes. When the gens met as a whole, the order of sitting was that shown in figure 35. In the tribal circle the Wacigije camped next to the Hanga gens, and the other Inke-sabe people came next to the Wejincte; but in the gentile "council fire" the first became last and the last first.

The Iekice or Criers.

The Naqceit'a-baji, Those-who-touch-no-charcoal.

The three subgentes here named sat on the same side of fireplace.

The Hanga formerly had four subgeutes, but two of them, the Waciitan or Workers, and the Ha-{~LATIN SMALL LETTER TURNED T~}u-it'aji, Touches-no-green(-corn)-husks, are extinct, the few survivors having joined the other subgentes. The remaining subgentes are each called by several names: 1, {~LATIN SMALL LETTER TURNED T~}csanha-{~LATIN SMALL LETTER TURNED T~}acican, pertaining to the sacred skin of an albino buffalo cow, or Wacabe, Dark buffalo; or Hanga-qti, real Hanga; or {~LATIN SMALL LETTER TURNED T~}e-ceze-cataji, Do-not-eat-buffalo-tongues. 2, Janha-{~LATIN SMALL LETTER TURNED T~}acican, pertaining to the sacred (cottonwood) bark; or Waqcexe-acin, Keeps-the-"spotted-object" (the sacred pole); or Jan-waqube-acin, Keeps-the-sacred-or-mysterious-wood (pole); or {~LATIN SMALL LETTER TURNED T~}a-waqube-cataji, Does-not-eat-the-sacred (mysterious)-buffalo-sides; or Minxa-san-cataji-ki *P*etan-cataji, Eat-no-geese-or-swans-or-cranes.

FIG. 35.--Inke-sabe gentile assembly. A, The Wacigije, Maze or Whorl, or Wagnbe-gaxe-aka, He-who-acts-mysteriously. B, The Watanzi-jide-cataji, Those-who-eat-no-red-corn.

In the tribal circle the Wacabe camped next to the Inke-sabe, and the Waqecxe-acin were next to the Wasabe-hit'aji subgens of the catada; but in the Hanga gentile assembly the positions were reversed, the Wacabe sitting on the right side of the fire and the Waqcexe-acin on the left.

The Wasabe-hit'aji subgens of the catada was divided into four sections: Black-bear, Raccoon, Grizzly-bear, and Porcupine. The only survivors are the Black-bear and Raccoon (Singers).

The Wajinga cataji subgens was divided into four sections: 1, Hawk people, under the chief Standing Hawk (now dead). 2, Blackbird people, under the chief Wajina-gahiga. B, Starling or Thunder people. 4, Owl and Magpie people.

The {~LATIN SMALL LETTER TURNED K~}anze gens was divided into at least two subgentes, the Keepers of the pipe and the Wind people. Lion, of the Deer-head gens, said that there were four subgentes, but this was denied in 1882 by Two Crows of the Hanga gens.

The Mancinka-gaxe subgentes, as given by Lion, were: 1, Coyote and Wolf people. 2, In'e-waqube-acin, Keepers-of-the-mysterious-stones. 3, Niniba-t'an, Keepers-of-the-pipe. 4, Minxa-san-wet'aji. Touch(es)-not-swans. Cange-ska, White Horse, chief of the Mancin-ka-gaxe (in 1878-1880) named three subgentes, thus: 1, Qube, Mysterious person, a modern name (probably including the Mi{~LATIN SMALL LETTER TURNED K~}asi and In'e-waqube-acin, and certainly consisting of the descendants of the chief Wa-jinga-sabe or Blackbird). 2, Niniba-t'an. 3, Minxa-san-wet'aji.

The {~LATIN SMALL LETTER TURNED T~}a-*d*a were divided into four parts: 1, Niniba-t'an, Keepers-of-the-pipe, under Lion. 2, Naqce-it'aji, Touches-no-charcoal, under Boy Chief. 3, Thunder-people, under Pawnee Chief. 4, Deer-people, under Sinde-xanxan (Deer's-)tail-shows-red-at-intervals (-as-it-bounds-away).

The Ictasanda gens also was in four parts: 1, Niniba-t'an, Keepers-of-the-pipe. 2, Real Ictasanda people, (Numbers 1 and 2 were consolidated prior to 1880.) 3, Wacetan or Reptile people, sometimes called Keepers-of-the-claws-of-a-wildcat. 4, Real Thunder people, or Those-who-do-not-touch-a-clamshell, or Keepers-of-the-clamshell-and-the-tooth-of-a-black-bear.

The social organization of the Omaha has been treated at length by the author in his paper on Omaha Sociology.(6)

THE PONKA

The Ponka tribal circle was divided equally between the Tcinju and Wajaje half-tribes. To the former belonged two phratries of two gentes each, i.e., numbers 1 to 4, inclusive, and to the latter two similar phratries, including gentes 5 to 8.

FIG. 36.--Ponka camping circle.