CHAPTER XXII.

CALVIN’S BIOGRAPHERS AND APOLOGISTS.

Among writers nearer our own time there are few who openly and unreservedly uphold Calvin in his conduct to Servetus, none who now advocate persecution unto death for divergence in religious opinion. Even they who hold the memory of Calvin in the highest honour are driven, as we have seen, to find excuses for him in his pursuit of the indiscreet but pious Spaniard. We in these days do, indeed, believe that they who should approve his deed would sin even as he did. Paul Henry, the author of one of the latest lives we have of Calvin, and his measureless partisan and apologist, even with the moderate acquaintance he has with Servetus’ works, feels himself forced at times to pause in the unmitigated condemnation of their author he is disposed to indulge in. Like Farel, in contact with the victim, telling the people that ‘after all the man perhaps meant well;’ Henry says, that ‘from the executed man, _der Gerichtete_, we hear certain echoes of Christianity which sadden as they flow not from the true faith. But his pyre still gleams portentous to the world, and even when it burned it was a herald of the dawn of better days to come. Servetus, in his steadfast protestation even unto death, became a true Reformer. His fate has for ever impressed the Protestant (Henry has the Evangelical) Church with hate of the besetting sin of the Church of Rome, the crime of dealing with religious error by inflicting death. It has even familiarised the world with the thought that there is a still higher development of the religious principle in man than has yet found expression in either the Roman or Reformed Churches, awaiting a coming time.’

This surely is noble writing. Nor does the apologist pause here, but goes on to speak of him who to Calvin and his age was a blasphemer of God, as being really and in truth ‘a pious man.’ ‘Were an assembly of Deputies from every Christian Church now to meet on Champel,’ says Henry, ‘to take into consideration all that is extant on the life and fate of Servetus, and to review the facts in the light of the times to which they refer, they would speak Calvin free from reproach and pronounce him not guilty; of Servetus, on the other hand, they would say, guilty, but with extenuating circumstances.’ We venture to believe, and trust we have shown cause sufficient to warrant our conclusion, that the sentence would be precisely the reverse. Calvin would be found guilty, but with extenuating circumstances; Servetus not guilty in all but the use of intemperate and sometimes improper language.

Henry, to his honour, goes yet farther; he does not approve of Calvin’s attempt to detract from the horror and pity we feel for Servetus’ fate, by charging him with cowardice in the face of death. ‘Let us observe in Servetus,’ says the biographer of Calvin, ‘those beautiful traces of the true life which he showed at the last: his regret for former tergiversations, his humility, his constancy, his earnest prayer to God, and his forgiveness of his enemies. Had he but had the truth in his heart he would have died a true martyr; but he must tremble in his death hour, for he had blasphemed the Majesty of God.’ But Servetus did not tremble in his death hour, he never blasphemed the Majesty of God, and he died in charity with all men, even with him who had brought him to his untimely end, and who ten years after the death of his victim had no better title for him than _Chien et meschant Garnement_,--dog and wicked scoundrel!

Mosheim, to whom we owe the gathering and preservation of much that is interesting in connection with Servetus, working in the middle of the bygone century, and referring to what Calvin himself avows, viz., ‘that he would not have persevered so resolutely on the capital charge had Servetus been but modest and not rushed madly on his fate,’ exclaims, ‘What an avowal! Servetus, after all, must burn not because he had outraged the word of God, and infected the world with error, but because he had addressed John Calvin in disrespectful language! Calvin’s avowal is truly a hard knot for those to untie who hold that revenge had nothing to do with the death of Servetus. For my own part I am not bound to weigh all the grounds that tell for or against the Reformer, and I am not, perhaps, altogether impartial. I am minded, however, that they are not wholly in the right who say that Calvin proceeded against the unhappy Spaniard led on by hatred and revenge alone; and I am not so certain that they are in the wrong who think it was not mere religious zeal which suggested and carried the tragedy to its conclusion. What is man! The very best often serve God and themselves when they fancy they are serving God alone.’

With these words of the pious historian of the Church we conclude; tempering the severer criticism suggested by the facts as they present themselves, with the more charitable construction of the ecclesiastic.

APPENDIX

APPENDIX.

An account of the extant copies of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio;’ of the reprints of the work by Dr. de Murr and Dr. Mead, and of the notices the work has received in earlier and later times.

The ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ of Michael Servetus is one of the rarest books in the world. Of the thousand copies known to have been printed, two only are now known to survive; one of these being among the treasures of the National Library of Paris, the other among those of the Imperial and Royal Library of Vienna. The history of both of these copies, curiously enough, is complete from rather a remote date, and it is somewhat provoking to know that both of them were once in this country; but bigotry sent the one, and want of religious sympathy, presumably, suffered the other to leave our shores. The Paris copy certainly belonged to Dr. Richard Mead, the distinguished physician and medallist, who lived in the reign of Queen Anne, and is believed, before it came into Mead’s possession, to have formed part of the Library of the Landgrave of Kur-Hesse. How it got dissevered from this is not known. It was probably stolen and brought to England as to a sure market. Mead, liberal in politics and presumably in religion also, appears to have felt so much interest in Servetus’ work, not only by reason of the physiological matter it contained, but because of the free spirit of inquiry it breathed, that he was minded to have it reprinted and made generally accessible. He had accordingly got half-way with a new and handsome edition of the work in 4to. form, so far back as the year 1723, when his purpose reached the ears of Gibson, the then Bishop of London. Alarmed at the idea of light being let in on the world that had not been strained through the haze of Episcopalian orthodoxy, Gibson addressed himself immediately to the Censor of the Press for an injunction; and at his instance and order the impression, so far as it had gone, was seized, adjudged heretical, and publicly burned. A few copies of the reprint, however, must have escaped the conflagration, of which one is now in the Library of the London Medical Society. This I have had an opportunity of examining, and find that there wanted but little to have completed the most essential part of the work, the last page printed being the first of the chapter entitled ‘De Justitia Regni Christi.’

Disgusted, we may imagine, with the bigotry of Bishop Gibson and his abettors, and, it may be also, to secure his copy of the original against the chance of seizure, confiscation, and the fire, Doctor Mead exchanged it with M. de Boze, Member of the French Academy of the Fine Arts, for a series of medals, of which the Doctor was a known collector. The library of M. de Boze being purchased after his death by M. Boutin, late Intendant of Finance, and the President de Cotte, in common, the Servetus fell to the share of De Cotte, who sold it by-and-by at an exorbitant price, as said, to M. Gaignat, who parted with it in turn for a still larger sum--as much as 3,810 livres--to the Duc de la Vaillière, the greatest book collector of the age. On the death of De la Vaillière, and the dispersion of his magnificent library under the hammer, in 1784, the ‘Rest. Christianismi,’ believed at the time to be the only copy in existence, was secured for the sum of 4,120 livres tournois for the Bibliothèque du Roi, and it now remains one of the treasures of the great National Library of France. Much of the above information we gather from the letter of M. l’Abbé Rive, Librarian to the Duc de la Vaillière, which is appended to the London edition of Dutens’ ‘Recherches sur l’origine des Découvertes attribuées aux Modernes,’ of the year 1766.

But this is not all, nor even the most interesting of all we know about the Paris copy of the rare and remarkable book. It has the name of ‘Germain Colladon’ on the title-page, and the various passages on which Servetus was finally arraigned and condemned are underscored. It can, therefore, be no other than the copy which belonged to Colladon, the barrister, who prosecuted Servetus at Geneva, and must have been given him along with his brief by the attorney in the case. But the attorney in the case of Servetus was John Calvin; and we need not, therefore, doubt that the underlining is by ‘l’impitoyable Calvin’--the ruthless Calvin, as M. Flourens, who gives so much of the foregoing information as we have not supplemented, characterises the Genevese Reformer. The book shows what M. Flourens supposed to be scorching in one part; and this he gratuitously accounts for, by supposing that it is the copy which was to have been burned along with its author, but was saved in some unaccountable way. That copy, we may be well assured, was reduced to ashes and scattered to the winds with those of its hapless writer; and the presumed scorching, on the careful examination it received from the Rev. Henry Tollin, turns out to be the effect of damp. See Flourens’ ‘Histoire de la Découverte de la Circulation du Sang’ (Paris, 1854), 2nd Ed. Ib. 1857, p. 154.

The Vienna exemplar of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ again, when we first meet with a notice of it, belonged to Markos Szent Ivanayi, a Transylvanian gentleman, resident in London in the year 1665. Szent Ivanayi must, we presume, have held Unitarian principles, and on his return to his native country (in some districts of which Unitarianism is the established or prevailing form of religion), he presented his copy of the ‘Restitutio’ to the Congregation of Claudiopolis, with which he was in communion; and they, at a later date, by the hands of their superior, Stephen Agh, gave it, as the most valuable thing they possessed, to Samuel, Count Teleki de Izek, in acknowledgment of some act of favour from the magnate. The Count, on his part, informed of the rarity of the book, and rightly deeming that it was a gift such as a subject might offer to his sovereign, presented it to the Emperor Joseph the Second of Austria, by whom it was graciously accepted and forthwith enshrined in the great Library of Vienna. This copy of the ‘Restitutio’ is in better condition than that of Paris--‘_præstat nitiore_,’ says Dr. de Murr, from whom we have the foregoing information (De Murr, Chr. Th., M.D., ‘Adnotationes ad Bibliothecas Hallerianas, cum variis ad Scripta Michaelis Serveti pertinentibus.’ 4to. Erlangen. 1805).

The authorities of Roman Catholic Austria, in 1790, more liberally disposed than those of Protestant England in the year of grace 1723, not only gave Dr. de Murr permission to have a transcript made of the ‘Restitutio,’ but raised no objections to his having his copy printed and published--a task which he happily accomplished in 1791, ‘when the work appeared anew, like a Phœnix from its ashes,’ as he says. The reprint is, indeed, an exact counterpart of the original--line for line, page for page being followed throughout; and as the letter and paper have also been chosen to correspond as nearly as possible with those of the prototype, it might have been found difficult to distinguish between the one and the other, were a third copy of the original ever to turn up, had not Dr. de Murr put a mark upon his edition in the date of its publication in extremely small figures--thus, 1791, at the bottom of the last page. This, too, is a scarce book, so we presume the edition was small.

The earliest intimation the world at large received of the existence of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ of Servetus is to be found in Dr. Wm. Wotton’s ‘Reflections upon Learning, Ancient and Modern’ (London, 1694); but his reference is to nothing more than the passage bearing on the way in which the blood from the right side of the heart reaches the left. ‘The passage,’ says Wotton, ‘was communicated to him by his friend Mr. Charles Barnard, a very learned chirurgeon, who had had it transcribed for him by a friend who copied it from Servetus’ book.’ Wotton, therefore, had never seen the book himself. The copy from which the passage was transcribed, in all likelihood was the one which either was at the time or afterwards became the property of Dr. Mead.

The next writer who refers to Servetus and his new views of the pulmonic circulation is Dr. James Douglas, in his ‘Bibliographiæ Anatomicæ Specimen’ (London, 1715). But neither had Douglas had an opportunity of examining the work for himself. He does no more, in fact, than copy the passage as given by Wotton.

The first member of the medical profession who gave any account of Servetus’ physiological and psychological opinions from an actual survey of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ from De Murr’s reprint, I believe to have been the late Dr. G. Sigmond, an amiable man and accomplished scholar, who has not been very long gone from among us. Sigmond, however, has left us the result of his study in an appreciative Dissertation in Latin and English; the introduction being in our mother tongue, the text in the old language. Sigmond’s work is entitled, ‘The Unnoticed Theories of Servetus; a Dissertation addressed to the Medical Society of Stockholm. 8vo., London, 1826.’ To his great honour, Dr. Sigmond is the first naturalist in these days who dared to see Michael Servetus for what he was in truth: an accomplished and sincerely pious man, but differing, to his sorrow, from both Catholics and Protestants on some of the dogmatical assumptions of their common creeds. The copy of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ which Dr. Sigmond possessed, as said above, was one of Dr. de Murr’s reprints, which had been bequeathed to him by his friend Dr. James Sims, for many years President of the Medical Society of London, a learned man and lover of books, who believed it to be the original--a belief not shared in by Sigmond, however, though he seems to have known nothing of De Murr or his edition. This copy, I think, must be the one which is now in the Library of the British Museum, purchased in 1855, when Sigmond, having lost the property he inherited from his father, seems to have parted with his books, though he only died in 1873.

The question touching the Discovery of the Circulation of the Blood, which will ever make Servetus an object of interest to the medical profession, and had been in abeyance for some considerable time past, has been brought under renewed consideration of late, and busts and statues of several learned and meritorious individuals have been inaugurated to their memory as ‘discoverers of the circulation.’ In the porch of the Instituto Antropologico of Madrid, for example, there is a statue raised by Dr. Velasco to the memory of Michael Servetus on this score, and we have but just heard of a bust set up at Rome to Andrea Cæsalpino on the same ground. So distinguished a physiologist as Dr. Valentin, moreover, has come forward as an advocate of the claims of another and until now unheard of discoverer of ‘the great physiological fact’ in anticipation of Harvey. In his work entitled, ‘Versuch einer physiologischen Pathologie des Herzens,’ Leipzig, 1866, Dr. Valentin will be found saying that ‘it must now be conceded that the pulmonary circulation was known to Servetus in 1553 [and he might have added, to Realdus Columbus in 1559], and both this and the general systemic circulation to Ruini, in 1598. That the pulmonic or lesser circulation--more properly the passage or mode of transference of the blood from the right to the left side of the heart--was known to Servetus and to both Columbus and Cæsalpinus after him, there can be no question; but I have assured myself, from a careful study of the works of these distinguished individuals, that none of them, least of all Ruini [Dell’ Anatomia del Cavallo, Bologna, 1598], was fully or truly informed on the subject. None of them apprehended the circulation of the blood as did Harvey, and as we his followers do in the present day.

It were out of place did I pursue this subject further now; but I hope to take it up anon in a new ‘Life of Harvey,’ long meditated and all but completed, in which I shall show that after all that had been done by those who went before him, there still wanted the combining intellect, the inductive genius of a Harvey to bring light out of darkness, order out of confusion, and to lay the foundations, strong and sure, of our modern physiology and rational medicine by proclaiming the heart the moving power, and the arteries and veins the channels of a continuous, general circulation of the blood.

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FOOTNOTES:

[1] The Reverend Henry Tollin, Pastor of the French Protestant Church, of Magdeburg, who has made the life and works of Servetus the particular subject of his studies for many years, inclines to Tudela as the place, and 1511 as the year, of Servetus’s birth. See his ‘Servet’s Kindheit und Jugend’ in Kahnis’ _Zeitschrift für die Historische Theologie_. Jahrg. 1875, S. 545.

[2] _Vide_ Tollin: ‘Servet’s Kindheit und Jugend,’ in Kahnis’ _Zeitschrift für die Historische Theologie_, 1875, S. 557. We have, however, searched in vain for any evidence of Angleria’s presence in Saragossa at any time, even as a casual resident. In his comprehensive and highly entertaining work, the ‘Opus Epistolarum,’ we find letters of his from Valladolid, Burgos, Vittoria, Madrid, and elsewhere, but not one from Saragossa during the years covered by Servetus’s stay at the university, according to Tollin.

[3] Tollin (Toulouser Studenten-Leben im Anfang des 16ten Jahrhunderts), in Riehl’s _Historisches Taschenbuch von 1874_, S. 76, speaks as if he had been present with Servetus at Toulouse; accompanied him over the St. Michael’s bridge that spanned the Garonne; beheld the iron cage suspended from its balk above the river for ducking heretics until they died; looked on at the religious processions that filed incessantly through the streets, etc.

[4] McCrie’s _Hist. of the Reformation in Spain_.

[5] The last edition of Sabunde we have seen is neat and available, ‘curante Joachim Sighart,’ Solisbach. 1852, 8vo. It is unfortunately without the Prologue.

[6] There is a copy of what we believe to be the second edition of Sabunde, fol. Argentorat. 1495, in the British Museum, over which we spent some hours with much delight. Also a copy of Montaigne’s translation, beautifully printed, and in fine preservation.--8vo. Paris, 1569.

[7] Tollin: ‘Die Beichtväter Kaiser Karls V.;’ in _Magazin für die Literatur des Auslandes, April, Mai, 1874_. A series of three short papers, but of surpassing interest, to which we are happy to refer.

[8] Robertson, _History of Charles V._, vol. ii. book v. p. 40.

[9] ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ p. 462.

[10] Dialogi de Trinitate II., ad calcem (1532). ‘Ce n’est point par des réticences hypocrites qu’on fait durer un jour de plus une croyance qui a fait son temps. Toute opinion librement conçue est bonne et morale pour celui qui l’a conçue. De toutes parts on arrive à résumer la législation extérieure de la Religion en un seul mot: LIBERTÉ.’ Renan, ‘Fragments philosophiques,’ 1876.

[11] By Tollin, who makes him visit Luther at Coburg, in company with Bucer. See his _Luther und Servet, eine Quellenstudie_. 8vo. Berlin, 1875.

[12] Cochlæus, _De Actis et Scriptis Martini Luther_, p. 233, fol. Mogunt. 1549.

[13] Tollin, _Die Beichtväter Karls V._, S. 261.

[14] _Jo. Œcolampadii et Huldrici Zwinglii Epist._ Lib. iv. Basil, 1536, fol.

[15] Op. cit. ut supra.

[16] Sandius, _Bibliotheca Antitrinitariorum_, 12mo. Freistadt. 1684.

[17] Tollin in _Magazin für ausländische Literatur_, Juni 10, 1876.

[18] _Epist. Zwinglii et Œcolampadii._ Basil. 1535, fol.

[19] _Vom Ampt der Oberkait in Sachen der Religion. Ain Bericht auss götlicher Schrüft des hailigen alten Lerers und Bischoffs Augustini, &c._ 4to. Augsb. 1535.

[20] Luther’s Werke by Walch, vol. xxii.

[21] _Epist. Melanchthonis apud Bretschneider: Corpus Reformatorum._

[22] _Epist. Melanchthonis apud Bretschneider: Corpus Reformatorum._ Ep. ad Camerarium.

[23] Conf. H. Tollin, _Melanchthon und Servet, eine Quellenstudie_. 8vo. Berlin, 1876, pp. 9-31.

[24] Ep. ad Camerar. apud Bretschneider, ut sup.

[25] It is upon this passage, which we translate and interpret somewhat differently from Tollin, that he grounds his statement of Servetus having come into contact with Luther; a presumed meeting of which we fail to find a trace in any contemporary document. See Tollin’s _Dr. M. Luther und Dr. M. Servetus--Eine Quellenstudie_. 8vo. Berlin, 1875.

[26] _Epistolæ ab Ecclesiæ Helveticæ Reformatoribus, a Jo. Fueselino editæ._ 8vo. Tigur., 1742.

[27] ‘E noi non cercano la Divinità fuor del Infinito Mondo e le Infinite Cose, ma dentro questo et in quelle’ (1585). _Opere di Giordano Bruno, da Dottore Adolpho Wagner_, i. 275. Lips. 1830.

[28]

‘Natur hat weder Kern noch Schale: Sie ist das All mit einem Male.’

Nor core nor husk in nature see: The All and All in One is she.

Im Innern ist ein Universum auch; Daher der Völker löblicher Gebrauch, Ein jeglicher das Beste das er kennet Er Gott--ja seinen Gott--benennet.--_Goethe._

Which may be rendered somewhat literally thus:--

Within there is an Universum too; Whence the folks’ custom, good and true, That each the Best he knows of all, He God--his God, indeed--doth call.

[29] ‘Der alte und der neue Glaube.’ All Theists agree in this: that God is One, Changeless, and Eternal. But God without the Universe would not be the same as God with the Universe; whence the conclusion that God and the Universe can only be conceived of as correlatives. Seeing the impossibility of dissevering Property from the Object in which it inheres, the modern philosopher discards hypothetical agencies, under the name of Spirits, of every kind; from the all-pervading force that keeps suns and planets in their spheres, to such special agencies as those of brain and nerve. Servetus, we have seen, had himself got the length of saying that out of man there was no Holy Spirit.

[30] To Calvin God was no other than the Immanent Pantheistic principle of Modern Philosophy: ‘Ubique diffusus, omnia sustinet, vegetat et vivificat in cœlo et in terra--everywhere diffused, he gives life and growth and continuance to all things in heaven and earth.’ These are his words. He then goes on to say: ‘Fateor quidem pie hoc posse dici, modo a pio animo proficiscatur, _Naturam esse Deum_--I own, indeed, that provided we speak reverently it may be said that _Nature is God_.’ As this would be a ‘hard and inappropriate expression,’ however, and as in using it ‘God is confounded with his works,’ he thinks it is objectionable. _Institut. Religionis Christianæ_, I. iv. 14, and I. v. 5 of an early edition.

[31] Newspaper report of a Sermon preached by Dean Stanley on Christmas day, 1875.

[32] At the end of the copy of the ‘De Trin. Error.,’ which Alwörden describes in his _Historia Michaelis Serveti_, now in the National Library at Paris, there is a MS. _Refutation_ of the views of the writer, which Tollin ascribes with great show of probability to Bucer, who, as we know, was personally acquainted with Servetus. Of this Refutation (Confutatio) Tollin has given an extended analysis in _Riehm und Köstlin’s Theologische Studien und Kritiken für 1875_, S. 711.

[33] Conf. _Epist. Zwinglii et Œcolampadii_. Basil, 1592.

[34] _Dialogi de Trinitate_, 12mo. (1532), in the same form and type as the _De Erroribus_, and still without the name of the publisher or place of publication.

[35] Servetus’s _De Trinitatis Erroribus_ is generally believed to be one of the rare books, yet it is commonly enough met with in England. So long ago as the year 1725, however, a copy bound with the _Dialogi_ sold for the large sum of between four and five hundred French livres. There is a counterfeit edition published in Holland, and only to be distinguished from the original by the paper being somewhat better and the type a shade larger. The Book was never, in so far as we know, publicly condemned and burned. It was translated into Dutch (4to. 1620) with the epigraph: Prœft alle Dingen ende behout het gœde, 1 John iv.

[36] ‘Claudii Ptolemæi Alexandrini Geographicæ Enarrationis Libri Octo; ex Bilibaldi Pirckhemeri Tralatione, sed ad Græca et prisca exemplaria a Michaele Villanovano jam primum recogniti. Adjecta insuper ab eodem Scholia,’ etc. Lugduni, ex Officina Melch. et Gasp. Trechsel, 1535. Fol.

[37]

Accipe non noti præclara volumina mundi, Oceani et magnas noscito lector opes. Plurima debetur typhis tibi gratia, gentes Ignotas, et aves quas vehis orbe novo; Magna quoque autori referenda et gratia nostro Qui facit hæc cunctis regna videnda locis.

[38] Tollin has collected a great deal of very interesting information on Servetus’s geographical studies, in his paper entitled ‘Michel Servet als Geograph,’ in the _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde_, 1875, S. 182 et seq.

[39] Quoted by Tollin in his Essays: ‘Wie Servet ein Mediciner wurde,’ in Goschen’s _Deutsche Klinik_, No. 8, 1875; and ‘Servet und Symphorien Champier,’ in Virchow’s _Archiv für pathologische Anatomie_, Bd. 61. Berlin, 1875.

[40] _Paradoxorum Medicinæ_, Libri iii., fol. Basil. 1535.

[41] In _Leonhardum Fuchsium Defensio Apologetica_, pro Symphoriano Campeggio.

[42] _Disceptatio Apologetica pro Astrologia._ I have searched the libraries of London in vain for either of these Treatises of Servetus. That the one addressed to Fuchs once existed among us, however, is certain; for its title is to be seen in the catalogue of Dr. Williams’s Library (Grafton Street, University College); but unfortunately the work is not now to be found--it had disappeared before the present Librarian, Dr. Hunter, came into office. Mosheim went so far as to maintain that the Defence of Champier was a myth (Versuch, &c., einer Ketzergeschichte, S. 72), and Dr. de Murr, though he did not question its existence, never saw it. (_In Bibliothecas Hallerianas additamenta_, 4to. Helmst.) The Rev. Henri Tollin of Magdeburg has been more fortunate; for he has not only seen but actually possesses copies of both the Apologetic defences, as well as a copy of the pamphlet against the Parisian Doctors, if I understand him aright. In a letter with which I was lately favoured, he informs me that he intends to publish the more interesting passages from the Defence of Champier, and the entire Tract on Judicial Astrology.

[43] ‘Qua in re auxiliarios habui, primum Andreum Vesalium, juvenem Mehercule! in Anatome diligentissimum; post hunc, Michael Villanovanus familiariter mihi in consectionibus adhibitus est, vir omni genere literarum ornatissimus, in Galeni doctrina vix ulli secundus. Horum duorum præsidio atque opera, tum artuum, tum aliarum partium exteriorum, musculos omnes, venas, arterias et nervos in ipsis corporibus examinavi studiosisque ostendi.’ _Io. Guinteri Institutionum Anatomicarum_, Lib. iv., 4to. Basil, 1539.

[44] The reader who is curious on this matter will find what I believe to be the first representation of the anatomist engaged in dissecting the human body in the _Fasciculus Medicinæ of Io. à Ketham_, fol. Venet. 1495, of which there is a copy in fine preservation in the library of the Royal College of Surgeons.

[45] Syruporum universa Ratio ad Galeni censuram diligenter exposita; cui, post integram de Concoctione disceptationem, præscripta est vera purgandi methodus, cum expositione Aphorismi: Concocta medicari.

Michaele Villanovano Authore.

Πρὸς τὸν φιλιατρον. εύροα ποιήσον τατεσώματα τατεπεπανων Ωμὰ Χυμων, ταυτης δογματα ἴσθι βιθλιου.

Parisiis ex officino Simonis Colinæi. [1537].

[46] _Syr. Universa Ratio_, fol. 9.

[47] Doubtless the _Disceptatio Apologetica pro Astrologia_.

[48] See Landseer’s _Sabæan Researches_, 4to. London.

[49] _Vide_ De Murr, _Annotamenta ad Bibliothecas Hallerianas_, 4to. Helmstadt, 1805. Since this was written I have an interesting letter from Pastor Tollin, in which he informs me that he actually possesses a copy of the pamphlet!

[50] Bolsec, _Vie de Calvin_, 12mo. Paris, 1557.

[51] The title is the same as before. In addition to the old address to his reader, however, Villeneuve now appends these lines:--

Ad Eundem.

Si terras et regna hominum, si ingentia quæque Flumina, cœruleum si mare nôsse juvat, Si montes, si urbes, populos opibusque superbos, Huc ades, hæc oculis prospice cuncta tuis.

Which may be paraphrased thus:--

This world and all its kingdoms wouldst thou know, What mighty rivers to blue oceans flow, What mountains rise, what cities grace the lands, Thick-peopled, rich through toil of busy hands,-- --If for such lore thou hast a mind to call, Open this book, and there survey it all.

[52] _Vie de Calvin_, &c.

[53] This, the second edition of Villanovanus’s Ptolemy, is one of the very rare books. All of the impression that could be discovered when Servetus was burned in effigy at Vienne, along with his _Christianismi Restitutio_, appears to have been seized and committed to the flames. I find both editions in the library of the British Museum.

[54] _Habes in hoc Libro, prudens Lector, utriusque Instrumenti novam Tralationem editam a Reverendo sacræ theologiæ Doctore Sancte Pagnini._ Lugdun. 1527-28, fol. Such is the title of this, which we presume to be the first edition of Pagnini’s Bible. Between it and the one of Cologne of 1541, edited by Melchior Novesianus, we find no other until we come to that of Villanovanus. Pagnini is said in the letter of J. F. Pico de Mirandola, which precedes the text, to have been twenty-five years engaged on the work. It is accompanied by no fewer than two commendatory epistles from Popes Adrian VI. and Clement VII., and is said to be the first edition of the Bible that is found divided into chapters. Richard Simon (_Hist. du vieux Testament_, liv. ii.) speaks slightingly of its merits; but it has been highly prized by others, as good judges as he. To us it appears a very admirable version, our own English Bible being generally so like it, that we fancy it must have been used by our Translators.

[55] Sandius, _Bibliotheca Antitrinitariorum_.

[56] _Neue Nachrichten_, etc. Helmst. 1750, 4to., S. 89-90.

[57] ‘Servetus nuper ad me scripsit, ac literas adjunxit longum volumen suorum deliriorum, cum thrasonica jactantia, dicens me stupenda et hactenus inaudita visurum. Si mihi placeat, huc se venturum recepit. Sed nolo fidem meam interponere. Nam si venerit, modo valeat mea authoritas, vivum exire nunquam patiar.’ Calvin to Farel, dated Ides of February, 1546. From the original letter in the Paris Library; a certified copy, published by Paul Henry in his _Leben Johann Calvins_, 3ter. Band; Beilagen, S. 65; from which the above paragraph is transcribed.

[58] Cont. Bolsec (Hieron. Hermes), Docteur Médecin à Lyon: _Histoire de la Vie, Mœurs, Actes, Doctrine, Constance et Mort de Jean Calvin, Grand Ministre à Genève_. Paris 1577, 12mo. Also in Latin, but of later date--_Vita Calvini, &c._

[59] It is a capital mistake to suppose, as Mosheim and others have done, that the _Christianismi Restitutio_ was ever exposed for sale, or readily to be had either at Geneva or elsewhere. It cannot be shown that more than four or five copies at most of the book ever left the bales in which the whole impression was packed. There was, _first_, the copy sent, as I venture to think, by Servetus through Frelon to Calvin, which led to the arrest and trial at Vienne. _Second_, the copy taken from the five bales seized at Lyons for the use of the Inquisitor Ory. _Third_, the copy transmitted for their inspection to the Swiss Churches and Councils. _Fourth_, the copy given to Colladon by way of Brief by Calvin, with the passages underscored, on which Servetus was finally arraigned and condemned. And _Fifth_, the copy which we find Calvin sending to Bullinger at his request. Of these copies one may even have served two ends: after making the round of the Churches and coming again into Calvin’s hands, it may very well have been that which he despatched to Bullinger. That the book was not to be had immediately after the execution of Servetus is proved conclusively by what Sebastian Castellio, the accredited author of the work entitled, _Contra Libellum Calvini_, says on the subject: _He had not been able to obtain a sight of Servetus’s book, so as to inform himself of what he writes, Calvin having taken such pains to have it burned--‘cum Serveti libros, quippe combustos diligentia Calvini, non habeam, ut ex iis possem videre quid scriberet.’_ The _Christianismi Restitutio_, in fact, remained completely unknown in the Republic of Letters until its existence was proclaimed by Wotton in his _Reflections on Learning, Ancient and Modern_, in the year 1694 (all but a century and a half after the death of its author), by the publication of the passage on the pulmonary circulation, extracted, we must conclude, from the copy that was then in England, and subsequently became, if it were not already, the property of Dr. Meade--the identical copy with the name on the title-page of Germain Colladon, the advocate who prosecuted Servetus at the instance of Calvin, now in the national library of Paris.

[60] The title of the original, in full, is as follows:--

_Christianismi Restitutio._ Totius Ecclesiæ Apostolicæ est ad sua limina vocatio, in Integrum Restituta Cognitione Dei, Fidei Christi, Justificationis nostræ, Regenerationis Baptismi, et Cœnæ Domini Manducationis Restitutio denique nobis Regno Cœlesti, Babylonis impia Captivitate soluta, et Antichristo cum suis penitus destructo.

בעת ההיא יעמוד מיכאר השׂר καὶ ὲγένετο πόλεμος ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ. MDLIII.

[61] ‘Whose soever sins ye remit,’ etc., John, xx. 23--writing added to the original text, beyond doubt, and dating from long after the time of Jesus, when the Church had acquired a status and was looking for power.

[62] It were beyond the scope of my work to pursue this subject further; but let me say that having compared the first edition of the ‘Loci’ (1521) with the one of 1536 and others, of which there are copies in the British Museum Library, I find it impossible to overlook the influence of Servetus on Melanchthon, as of Melanchthon on Servetus. For fuller information the reader is referred to Tollin’s exhaustive, _Philip Melanchthon und Michael Servet, eine Quellenstudie_. 8vo. 1876.

[63] For some account of the existing copies of the _Christianismi Restitutio_, see the Appendix to this book.

[64] It may be well to remark on the confusion in the notice of the _volume_ or book which in Trie’s second letter, as we read it, is said to have been sent among other documents, twenty-four in number; whilst in his third epistle he regrets that _the volume_ cannot be forwarded at the moment, because of its having been lent two years ago to a friend of Calvin, resident in Lausanne. The ‘great book’ first sent may have been the copy of Calvin’s ‘Institutes,’ annotated on the margins by Servetus; a conclusion that is borne out by the reference, by and by made in the impending trial, towards the end of the first day’s proceedings, to pages 421-424, where Baptism is the subject treated. The volume that cannot be forwarded at the time, because it had been lent to some one in Lausanne, is certainly the MS. copy of the ‘Restitutio Christianismi,’ sent by Servetus to Calvin some years before for his strictures, which he could never get returned, Calvin having lent it to Viret of Lausanne, and grown careless to take so much notice of the writer as would have been implied in recovering and returning him his work.

[65] They were leaves from the _Institutions_ of Calvin, with annotations by Servetus.

[66] Chorier, _Etat politique de Dauphiné_, tome i., p. 335, quoted by D’Artigny.

[67] _Calvin to Farel_, Book I., p. 169.

[68]

Who loves not woman, wine, and song, A fool is he his life-time long.

[69] _Lucii Annæi Senecæ De Clementia Libri Tres_, Paris, 1532. The work was published by Calvin at his own expense, as a warning, unquestionably against persecution on religious grounds. It is of great rarity in its original shape, but is reprinted in the Geneva Edition of his _Opera Minora_ of the year 1597.

_Seneca on Clemency_ is also to be found translated into English: ‘Lucius Annæus Seneca, his first Book of Clemency, written to Nero Cæsar,’ Lond. 1553. The sentence quoted above and commented by the French editor is rendered by the English translator briefly but not unhappily thus:

For it doth rather cowardice appear Than clemency an injury in mind to bear: ’Tis he in whose command revenge doth lie That’s merciful if he do pass it by.

[70] _Thesaur. Epist. Calvini a Cünitz et Reuss_, v. 450.

[71] _Thes. Ep. Calvini a Cünitz et Reuss_, v. 577.

[72] Conf. Mosheim, op. cit. Beylagen. S. 255.

[73] _Thes. Epist. Calvini a Cünitz et Reuss_, v. 591.

[74] _Déclaration pour maintenir la vraie foy_, p. 357, in ed. of collected minor works in French.

[75] _Mém. de la Société d’histoire et d’Archéologie de Genève_, tom iii., 1844.

[76] _Déclaration pour maintenir la vraie foy_; original ed., p. 354. Let us reiterate that Servetus spoke truly when he said that the comment on Palestine was none of his. We have already said that it is copied without change of a word from the Ptolemy of Pirckheimer. We add further that the scholium of the German editor was not challenged by Erasmus, Melanchthon, or Œcolampadius, who seem all to have corresponded with Pirckheimer on his edition. (_Vide_ Tollin, in _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin_. Bd. für 1875.) It was only, therefore, when the comment came to be looked at through the distorting medium of personal enmity that it was seen as libelling Moses and outraging the Holy Ghost.

[77] _Déclaration pour maintenir la vraie foy._

[78] See a letter of Jo. Haller to H. Bullinger, quoted farther on.

[79] Compare Galiffe in _Mém. de l’Institut National Genevois_, 1862, p. 75.

[80] The documents connected with the case of Bolsec must, we apprehend, have been communicated to Servetus. He often uses the same words as his predecessor in Calvin’s displeasure; and imitates him also in the desire he expresses to have Calvin interrogated and put on his trial for certain matters especially interesting to himself.

[81] There is in fact a minute in the _Records of Geneva_ of a formal requisition made by Farel on October 30, and so three days after the execution of Servetus, to have Wm. Geroult summoned to appear and give an account of himself to the Council. The Lieutenant-Criminel, Tissot, had even, as it seems, been charged with the business of making the necessary inquiries preliminary to the institution of a criminal suit. But we find no mention of any further step being taken in the matter. The civil authorities, with three days for reflection, probably thought that enough, more than enough perhaps, had already been done by the burning of the principal offender.

[82] By the writer of the _Dialogus inter Vaticanum et Calvinum_.

[83] _Fidelis Refutatio_, and _Déclaration pour maintenir_, &c.

[84] From the _Criminal Records_, first published by Mosheim, op. cit. Beylagen, S. 414.

[85] In the summary of the trial given by Trechsel[86] from the archives of Berne, the articles now brought forward by Rigot, and the questions founded on them, are in the handwriting of the amanuensis usually employed by Calvin to make copies of his letters and papers; and beyond question were all dictated by Calvin himself. He perceived that he could trust Rigot no further without risk of failure, and so resumed the position he had taken with Trie, his servant Fontaine, and even in person, as we have seen.

[86] _Die Antitrinitarier: Michel Servet und seine Vorgänger_, S. 307.

[87] Conf. _Chr. Rest._ pp. 433 and 655, and Ep. 29 to Calvin.

[88] _Vide_ pp. 34, 48, Book I.

[89] Herniosus ab utero Servetus dicit se uno latere _resectum_ fuisse, ad lævandam infirmitatem. Uno oculo amisso, attamen, non ideo cæcus homo; neque teste uno ablato impollens.

[90] The letter of the Council of Geneva and the reply of the authorities of Vienne are published in the new ed. of Calvin by Cünitz and Reuss, vol. xiv.

[91] Conf. _De Trin. Error._ fol. 93.

[92] First under Calvin with Nicolas de la Fontaine as his agent; then under Colladon engaged by Calvin; next under Rigot as public prosecutor and now under Calvin and the Swiss Churches.

[93] Here is what Servetus says on this subject, in connection with the Sabellian or Patripassian heresy, in his earlier work: As the proper passion of the flesh is to be born, so is it the proper passion of the flesh to suffer, to be scourged, to be crucified, to die. But all this does not touch the spirit, for it is not the soul that suffers or that dies, but the body. Who so profane as to imagine that the angel in me dies although I die? (_De Trinitatis Erroribus_, f. 76, b.)

[94] From Mosheim’s _Neue Nachrichten, Beilagen_, S. 102, copied from the archives of the Church of Zürich.

[95] Bullinger’s letter bears date from Zürich, Sep. 14, 1553, and is printed in Calvin’s correspondence by Cünitz and Reuss.

[96] The letter is given at length in the _Thes. Epist. Calvini a Cünitz et Reuss_, v. 591.

[97] Calvin to Bullinger, April 21, 1555, in _Epist. Calvini_, 8vo. Hanov. 1597.

[98] Vue le sommaire du procés de Michel Servet, prisonnier, le rapport de ceux, esquel on a consultez, et considéré les grands erreurs et blasfémes--Est este arreté: Il soyt condamné à estre mené a Champel, et la brulez tout vivfz, et soyt exequeté a demain, et ses livres bruslés.

[99] Defensio Orthodoxæ Fidei, &c.

[100] Calvin only took letters of naturalisation as a citizen of Geneva four years before his death in 1564, eleven years after the death of Servetus.

[101] See the Confession in full, in Cünitz and Reuss’s edit. of the _Opera Calvini_, viii. 704.

[102] _De Voce Trinitate et Voce Persona._[103]

Quoniam voces istas Trinitatis et Personarum plurimum Ecclesiæ Christi commodare intelligimus, ut et vera Patris, Filii et Spiritus Sancti distinctio clarius exprimatur, et contentiosis controversiis melius occurratur, ab his usque adeo non abhorremus, ut libenter amplexemur, sive ex aliis audiendæ sive a nobis usurpandæ sint. Itaque quod antea a nobis factum est, in posterum quoque operam daturos, quoad licebit recipimus, ne earum usus in Ecclesiis nostris aboleatur. Nam neque ab iis inter scribendum, vel in Scripturæ ennarrationibus in concionibus ad populum, abstinebimus ipsi, et alios docebimus ne superstitiose refugiant. Si quis autem, præpostera religione, teneatur quominus eas usurpare libenter ausit, quanquam ejusmodi superstitionem nobis non probari testamur, cui corrigendæ non sit defuturum nostrum studium; quia tamen non videtur nobis hæc satis firma causa cur vir alioqui pius et in eandem religionem nobis sensu consentiens repudietur, ejus imperitiam hac in parte eatenus feremus ne abjiciamus ipsum ab Ecclesia, aut tanquam male sentientem de fide notemus. Neque, interim maligne interpretabimur si Bernensis Ecclesiæ Pastores eos ad verbi ministerium admittere non sustineant quos comperint voces istas aspernari.

[103] Op. sup. cit. viii. p. 707.

[104] _Fidelis expositio Errorum Michaelis Serveti_, &c.

[105] These words I have, however, since found quoted by Henry: _Leben Calvins_, i. 181, and by Kampschulte, _Johann Calvin_, i. 297.

[106] _Fuessli, Epistolæ ab Ecclesia Helvet. Reformatoribus._ 8vo. Tigur. 1748.

[107] _Calvini Epist. et Respons._

[108] The full titles are these: Déclaration pour maintenir la vraye Foy que tiennent tous Chrétiens de la Trinité des Personnes en un seul Dieu. Par Jean Calvin. Contre les Erreurs de Michel Servet, Espaignol; où il est aussi monstré qu’il est licite de punir les heretiques; et qu’a bon droit ce meschant à esté executé par justice en la Ville de Genève. Chez Jean Crespin. A Genève, 1554, p. 356. 8vo.

Defensio orthodoxæ fidei de sacra Trinitate contra prodigiosos errores Michaelis Serveti, Hispani; ubi ostenditur hæreticos jure gladii coercendos, et nominatim de homine hoc, tam impio, justè et merito sumptum Genevæ fuisse supplicium, per Johannem Calvinum. Apud Olivum Roberti Stephani, 1554, p. 262. 8vo. Both of the versions are subscribed by all the Genevese clergy, and though they differ somewhat in minute particulars, they agree in everything essential. We have fine copies of both originals in our national Library.

[109] For a more particular account of Calvin’s severities, the reader is referred to a paper by M. Galiffe in the _Mémoires de l’Institut National de Genève_ for 1862, p. 79. But torture was an old institution in Geneva, and Servetus is said only to have escaped the rack on the remonstrance of Vandel, one of the senators of the libertine party. In older days we read of one Postel, who, failing to answer so satisfactorily as was desired when cited before the Roman Catholic bishop and his court, for some offence, was ‘suspended by the rope’--by the wrists we believe. A first suspension, however, not proving effectual, a second was ordered; but it being now dinner time, the culprit was suspended a second time whilst his lordship the bishop dined! In more recent times, and under Calvin’s rule, a certain Billiard, having been guilty of jeering at the thunder and lightning during a terrible storm, whilst the inhabitants of Geneva generally were on their knees praying to God for mercy, was adjudged to be lashed by the common hangman at the tail of a cart through the streets of the city! Germain Colladon declared that he deserved death; but as he had a wife and family they might be content with the scourging!

[110] _Em. Saisset: Michel Servet comme philosophe. In Mélanges de Critique et d’ Histoire._ 12mo., Paris, 1865.

[111] First printed by Mosheim from the autograph, in his _Neue Nachrichten von dem berühmten Spanischen Aertzte Michael Serveto, Beilagen_, S. 106. 8vo., Helmst. 1750.

[112] _Corpus Reform. Ep. Melanch. ad An._, 1554.

[113] Comment. in _Acta Apostol. ad Regem Daniæ_.

[114] _Institutiones Religionis Christ._ Lib. i. Cap. 2, of the earlier editions.

[115] Joris’s able letter in low German is given by Mosheim, op. cit., p. 421.

[116] The proper title of this rare book, of which we have a copy in the library of the British Museum is: _De Hæreticis an sint persequendi et omnino quomodo sit cum eis agendum, doctorum virorum, tum veterum tum recentiorum, sententiæ_, &c. The opinions of the learned, both of ancient and modern times, concerning heretics: Are they to be persecuted; or how otherwise are they to be dealt with? A book most necessary and useful in these distracted times to sovereign princes and magistrates in dealing with a matter of such difficulty and danger. 12mo., Magdeburgh, 1554.

[117] _Contra libellum Calvini quo ostendere conetur hæreticos jure gladii coercendos esse._ S. L. [1554]. Of this rare book I have not met with an original copy; but there is the reprint (after 1602) in the Brit. Mus. Library.

[118] Conf. _Fuessli: Sebastian Castellio, eine Lebensgeschichte zur Erläuterung der Reformation_. 8vo. Zürich und Leipz. 1767.

[119] _Mini Celsi Senensis de Hæreticis capitali supplicio afficientibus; adjuncta sunt Theod. Bezæ ejusdem argumenti et And. Duditii Epistolæ duæ contrariæ._ 8vo. s. L. 1584.

[120] _Ketzergeschichte_, S. 301.

* * * * * *

Transcriber’s note:

Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation are as in the original.