Part 4

So he struck Micaiah, and, when no harm happened to him, Ahab took courage and was ready to lead his army against the king of Syria. Fate, I suppose, was winning the day and causing the false prophets to appear more plausible than the true, that so she might find a handle to bring about his end.—_Ant._ VIII. 15. 4 (401-439).

Footnote 81:

_i. e._ Ben-hadad, in the LXX “the son of (H)ader.”

Footnote 82:

Ramoth-gilead.

Footnote 83:

Imlah.

Footnote 84:

1 Kings xxi. 19.

Footnote 85:

1 Kings xiii. 4. The name Jadaus (or, as the Latin has, Jadon) is unscriptural.

III. THE COMING OF THE ROMANS

(8) Loss of Jewish Independence. Palestinian Settlement under Pompey

The quarrels between the brothers Aristobulus II and Hyrcanus II bring about the intervention of Rome in Palestinian affairs. Pompey takes Jerusalem, and Syria becomes a Roman province. [Sidenote: 63 B.C.] See Map 40 in the _Hist. Atlas of Holy Land_ of G. A. Smith and J. G. Bartholomew.

The sanctuary, which hitherto had been inaccessible and screened from view, suffered gross outrage. Pompey, with several of his staff, penetrated into the inner court and saw things which it was unlawful for any save the high priests to behold. There stood the golden table, and the holy candlestick,[86] and the cups for libations, and a mass of spices;[87] besides these, in the treasury was the sacred money amounting to two thousand talents. Yet Pompey out of piety touched none of these, acting here again in a manner worthy of his noble nature.

On the following day he gave orders to those in charge of the Temple to cleanse the precincts and to offer to God the offerings prescribed by the Law. The high priesthood he restored to Hyrcanus, in gratitude for his other services and chiefly because he had restrained the Jews of the country from taking up arms for Aristobulus. Those who had been responsible for the war were beheaded; Faustus and all who had gallantly scaled the wall received at his hands the appropriate rewards of valour.

Jerusalem he made tributary to Rome, and the cities of Cœle-Syria which had in times past been subdued by the inhabitants (of the metropolis) were taken from them and placed under a governor[88] appointed by himself; and the whole nation, whose power had until then been greatly increasing, was strictly confined within its own bounds. He rebuilt Gadara, which had recently been destroyed,[89] to gratify his freedman Demetrius who was a Gadarene. The other cities—Hippos, Scythopolis, Pella, Dium, Samaria, also Marisa, Azotus, Jamnia and Arethusa—he restored to their inhabitants. These, as well as the cities which had been razed, were all in the interior of the country. On the sea-board Gaza, Joppa, Dora and Strato’s Tower—afterwards magnificently rebuilt by Herod and embellished with harbours and temples under the new name of Cæsarea—all these were liberated by Pompey and attached to the province (of Syria).

Jerusalem owed this calamity to the quarrels of Hyrcanus and Aristobulus. We lost our liberty and became subject to the Romans; we were forced to give back to the Syrians the territory which we had taken from them by our arms. Moreover, within a short period the Romans exacted from us over ten thousand talents. The kingship, formerly a privilege bestowed on those who were high priests by right of birth, now passed into plebeian hands;[90] of this we shall speak in due course.

Pompey then handed over Cœle-Syria with the rest of Syria,[91] from the river Euphrates to Egypt, to Scaurus, leaving him two Roman legions, and departed for Cilicia _en route_ for Rome. He took with him Aristobulus as a prisoner with his children.—_Ant._ XIV. 4. 4 f. (71-79).

Footnote 86:

Or “lampstand.”

Footnote 87:

Another reading has “silver vessels.”

Footnote 88:

Or “prætor.”

Footnote 89:

By the Jews (_B. J._ parallel passage).

Footnote 90:

The Herodian family (Idumæans).

Footnote 91:

Text (as read by Niese) doubtful.

(9) Division of the Country into Five Districts by Gabinius

Gabinius completes Pompey’s work in the settlement of the province of Syria.

[Sidenote: _c._ 57 B.C.]

After this Gabinius reinstated Hyrcanus in Jerusalem and committed to him the custody of the Temple. The civil administration he reconstituted under the form of an aristocracy. He divided the whole nation into five unions;[92] one of these he attached to Jerusalem, another to Gadara, the third had Amathus as its centre of government, the fourth was allotted to Jericho, the fifth to Sepphoris, a city of Galilee. The Jews welcomed their release from the rule of an individual and were from that time forward governed by an aristocracy.—_B. J._ I. 8. 5 (169 f.).

Footnote 92:

Or “sessions,” “conventions” (σύνοδοι). “He appointed five councils (or ‘assemblies’, συνέδρια) and distributed the nation into as many portions.”—_Ant._ (parallel passage).

(10) Settlement under Julius Cæsar

[Sidenote: 47 B.C.]

In due course Cæsar concluded the war[93] and set sail for Syria. There he confirmed the appointment of Hyrcanus to the high priesthood, while he bestowed high honours on Antipater—the privilege of Roman citizenship with exemption from taxation everywhere....

Cæsar then appointed Hyrcanus high priest and Antipater civil governor, allowing him to select his own title. Antipater leaving the decision to him, Cæsar made him viceroy[94] of Judæa. He further permitted Hyrcanus, at his request, to rebuild the walls of the capital,[95] which had lain in ruins since their demolition by Pompey. He sent instructions to the consuls at Rome that a record of these decisions should be placed in the Capitol.—_Ant._ XIV. 8. 3, 5 (137, 143 f.).

Footnote 93:

In Egypt, where Antipater had rendered him yeoman service.

Footnote 94:

Or “procurator” (ἐπίτροπος).

Footnote 95:

Lit. “fatherland.”

IV. HEROD THE GREAT

(11) The Youth Herod frees Galilee from the Brigands

[Sidenote: _c._ 47-6 B.C.]

Antipater, when he saw that Hyrcanus was of an inert and sluggish disposition, put his eldest son Phasael in command of Jerusalem and the surrounding district, and committed Galilee to his second son, Herod, then a mere stripling; he was but fifteen[96] years old. Still his youth was no hindrance to him, and, being a lad of high spirit, he at once met with an opportunity for the display of his quality. Finding that one Ezekias, the captain of a band of brigands, with a large horde, was overrunning the adjoining parts of Syria, he caught him and put him to death with many of his confederates. This achievement of his won him the warmest affection of the Syrians; he had purged their country of this nest of robbers of which they were longing to be rid. They would sing his praises for this feat throughout their villages and cities, acclaiming him as one who had brought them peace and the secure enjoyment of their possessions. This action, moreover, brought him to the notice of Sextus Cæsar, a kinsman of the great Cæsar and now governor of Syria.—_Ant._ XIV. 9. 2 (158-160).

Footnote 96:

So the MSS; probably we should read “twenty-five.” See Schürer, _Jewish People_, I. 1. 383, n. 29.

(12) Herod on his Trial before the Sanhedrin

[Sidenote: _c._ 47-6 B.C.]

But the principal Jews, when they saw Antipater and his sons growing so great through the good-will of the nation and the revenues which they derived from Judæa and from the wealth of Hyrcanus, became ill-disposed to him. For Antipater had made an alliance with the Roman Emperors and had induced Hyrcanus to send them money; he then appropriated this money and despatched it as a gift from himself and not from Hyrcanus. Hyrcanus, when the matter came to his ears, was indifferent. Not so the Jewish leaders. The sight of Herod—violent, audacious and hankering after autocratic power[97]—filled them with alarm. So they approached Hyrcanus and now openly accused Antipater. “How much longer,” they said, “will you remain unmoved by what is happening? Do you not see that Antipater and his sons have girded themselves with the ruler’s power, leaving you but the barren name of king? Mark these things and do not expect to escape peril by carelessness for yourself and your kingdom. Antipater and his sons are no longer stewards of your realm—do not deceive yourself with that thought—but openly and confessedly despots. One son, Herod, by killing Ezekias,[98] with many of his followers, has transgressed our law, which forbids the slaying of any man, even a malefactor, unless he has first been condemned to this penalty by the Sanhedrin. Yet Herod took it upon him to do this without your authority.”

This speech had its effect upon Hyrcanus. His indignation was further roused by the mothers of Herod’s victims, who continued day by day in the Temple to petition the king and the people to bring Herod to judgement before the Sanhedrin for his actions. Thus instigated, Hyrcanus summoned Herod to trial upon the charges laid against him. He came. His father had advised him to meet his judges not as a private individual but with a bodyguard to protect him, after securing his position in Galilee in the manner that seemed most to his own advantage. He set his affairs in order accordingly, and with an escort just sufficient for his journey, so as neither to intimidate Hyrcanus by appearing with a larger body, nor yet to be quite exposed and unprotected, went to his trial.

However, Sextus, the governor of Syria, sent written instructions to Hyrcanus to acquit Herod, adding threats in the event of his disregarding them. This letter of Sextus gave Hyrcanus a handle for delivering Herod unscathed from the Sanhedrin, for he[99] loved him as his own son.

Herod, as he stood in the Sanhedrin with his body-guard round him, overawed them all, and none of those who before his arrival had been maligning him, now dared to accuse him. There was deep silence and perplexity how to proceed.

In this critical situation one Sameas, a man whose upright character made him superior to fear, rose up and said: “Fellow-councillors and King, I know of none, nor, I suppose, can you name any, of those who in times past have been summoned before you, who appeared in such guise as this. Every one, of whatever rank, entering this council-chamber on his trial, comes with an air of humility and the appearance of one in fear and craving your mercy, with his hair long and in black raiment. But this most worthy Herod, a defendant on trial for murder, when summoned to answer so grave a charge, stands here in purple array, with well-trimmed hair adorning his head, and with armed men around him, ready, if we condemn him in accordance with the law, to kill us and to save himself in defiance of justice. Yet it is not Herod I would blame for such conduct, if he puts his own interests above the laws, but you and the King for giving him so great licence. Be assured, however, I call God Almighty to witness, that this man, whom, to gratify Hyrcanus, you now desire to acquit, will one day punish both you and your King.”

And his words came true. For Herod, on inheriting his kingdom, slew all those who were in the Sanhedrin, and Hyrcanus with them, Sameas alone excepted. For he had a high regard for Sameas on account of his upright character and because, when the city was afterwards [Sidenote: 37 B.C.] besieged by Herod and Sossius, he advised the people to admit Herod, telling them that for their sins they could not escape him.—_Ant._ XIV. 9. 3 f. (163-176).

Footnote 97:

Lit. “tyranny.”

Footnote 98:

See § (11).

Footnote 99:

Apparently Hyrcanus, though Sextus might be the subject.

(13) Herod and Cassius. Murder of Antipater, Herod’s Father

[Sidenote: 44 B.C.]

After the death of Julius Cæsar, when civil war was impending, Cassius came to Syria and exacted heavy taxes, in the collection of which he was assisted by Antipater and his sons. Malichus had plotted against Antipater; Antipater had pardoned him, and had also saved his life when he was in danger from the Romans.

[Sidenote: _c._ 43 B.C.]

In saving Malichus, however, Antipater, as the event proved, had saved his own murderer. For Cassius and Murcus[100] collected an army and entrusted the entire charge of it to Herod, appointing him to the command of Cœle-Syria with a fleet and a force of horse and foot. They promised, moreover, to make him King of Judæa after the war, which had already broken out, against Antony and the young Cæsar.[101] Malichus was then more in terror than ever of Antipater, and endeavoured to put him out of the way.[102] So he bribed the butler of Hyrcanus, at whose house the two were being entertained, and had him poisoned. With his armed men he was able to keep the city quiet.

When Herod and Phasael heard of the plot against their father and were indignant at it, Malichus, as on the former occasion, denied any part in it, and professed that he had not been murdered. Such was the end of Antipater, a man pre-eminent for his piety, justice and patriotism. Of the two sons, Herod at once resolved to lead his army against Malichus and avenge his father; Phasael, the elder, preferred to defeat him by resort to craft, for fear they should seem guilty of provoking civil war. So he accepted Malichus’ defence, feigning belief in his innocence in the matter of Antipater’s death, and arranged a splendid funeral for his father.—_Ant._ XIV. 11. 4 (280-284).

Footnote 100:

The governor of Syria.

Footnote 101:

Octavius, the future Emperor Augustus.

Footnote 102:

Cf. _B. J._ I. 226: “It was his son’s power and expectations which brought about Antipater’s end. For Malichus was afraid of these,” etc.

(14) Antony makes Herod and Phasael Tetrarchs of Judæa

See the _Historical Atlas_ of Smith and Bartholomew, Map 41.

[Sidenote: 42 B.C.]

After the death of Cassius at Philippi, the victors departed, Cæsar going to Italy, Antony to Asia. Embassies from the [Sidenote: _c._ 41 B.C.] various states waited upon Antony in Bithynia, and among them came the Jewish leaders, who accused Phasael and Herod of usurping the government and leaving to Hyrcanus merely titular honours. Herod thereupon appeared and by large bribes so wrought upon Antony that he refused his adversaries a hearing. So for the time being these enemies were dispersed. But on a later occasion a hundred Jewish officials approached Antony, now a slave to his passion for Cleopatra, at Daphne beside Antioch, and, putting forward the most eminent and eloquent of their number, laid accusations against the brothers. The defence was undertaken by Messala, Hyrcanus supporting him because of his marriage connexion with Herod. After hearing both parties, Antony enquired of Hyrcanus who was the best qualified ruler. Hyrcanus pronouncing in favour of Herod and his brother, Antony was delighted, because he had formerly been their father’s guest, and had been hospitably entertained by Antipater when he accompanied Gabinius on his Judæan campaign. So he [Sidenote: 57-55 B.C.] made the brothers tetrarchs and entrusted them with the administration of the whole of Judæa.—_Ant._ XIV. 12. 4 f. (242-244).

(15) How Herod won his Kingdom

[Sidenote: 40 B.C.]

Herod, forced to flee from Palestine by a great invasion of Parthians, who reinstate Antigonus, son of Aristobulus, as King of Judæa, arrives a suppliant at Rome in mid-winter.

Antony commiserated the reversal of Herod’s fate. The trite reflection arose in his mind that even those in the highest rank are at the mercy of fortune. He was moved partly by the memory of Antipater’s hospitality,[103] partly by Herod’s promise, as on a former occasion when he was made tetrarch, to give him money if he were made king. But his main incentive to assist Herod in his suit was animosity towards Antigonus, whom he regarded as a promoter of sedition and an enemy of the Roman people.

Cæsar[104] was even more ready to meet Herod’s claim and to further his ends because of the part which Antipater had played in his father’s campaigns in Egypt and his hospitality and undeviating loyalty; the desire to gratify Antony, who was a warm admirer of Herod, was a further motive.

The senate was accordingly summoned, and Messala, followed by Atratinus, introduced Herod and rehearsed his father’s services and reminded the assembly of the good-will which Herod himself had always borne to the Roman people. At the same time they denounced Antigonus and proved him to be an enemy, not merely from his former antagonism to them, but because he had now been guilty of indignity to the Roman people in accepting his rulership at Parthian hands. At this the senate was exasperated. Antony also came forward and advised them that it was expedient for the war with Parthia that Herod should be king. This met with unanimous approval and a decree was passed accordingly.

The clearest evidence of Antony’s regard for Herod was afforded not merely by his obtaining for him the kingdom for which he had not looked, but by his procuring this unexpected honour so expeditiously that he was enabled to leave Italy within the space of seven days. For Herod had not come to the capital to ask the kingship for himself. He did not suppose that the Romans, whose custom was to confer such a privilege on members of the royal family, would grant it to him. He had come to ask for it for his wife’s brother Alexander, the grandson on his father’s side of Aristobulus, on his mother’s of Hyrcanus. How this youth was afterwards put to death by Herod will be told in due course.

When the senate was dissolved, Antony and Cæsar left the senate-house to offer sacrifice and to deposit a copy of the decree in the Capitol. Herod was between them, and the consuls and other magistrates led the way. Antony celebrated the king’s accession-day by a festival. Thus did Herod obtain his kingdom in the 184th Olympiad, under the consulship of Gnæus Domitius Calvinus (for the second time) and Gaius Asinius Pollio.—_Ant._ XIV. 14. 4 f. (381-389).

Footnote 103:

Cf. § (14).

Footnote 104:

Octavius.

(16) How Herod made his peace with Augustus (after the Battle of Actium)

Herod was soon filled with anxiety about the security of his position. He was Antony’s friend, and Antony had been defeated by [Sidenote: 31 B.C.] Cæsar[105] at Actium. His fears, however, proved worse than his fate; for Cæsar considered his victory to be incomplete so long as Herod remained Antony’s ally. [Sidenote: 30 B.C.] The king resolved to confront the danger and set sail for Rhodes, where Cæsar was then stationed. He presented himself before him without a diadem, a commoner in dress and demeanour, but with the spirit of a king. His speech was direct; he told the truth without reserve.

“I was made king by Antony,” he said, “and I acknowledge, Cæsar, that I have in all things devoted my services to him. Nor will I shrink from saying that, had not the Arabians detained me,[106] you would assuredly have found me in arms at his side.[107] I sent him, however, such auxiliary troops as I could and many thousand measures of corn;[108] nor even after his defeat at Actium did I desert my benefactor. When no longer useful as an ally, I became his best counsellor; I told him the one remedy for his disasters—the death of Cleopatra. Would he but kill her, I promised him money, walls to protect him, an army, and myself as his brother in arms in the war against you. But his ears, it seems, were stopped by his infatuation for Cleopatra and by God who has graciously given you the victory. I share Antony’s defeat and with his downfall lay down my diadem. I am come to you resting my hope of safety upon my integrity, anticipating that the subject of enquiry will be not whose friend, but how loyal a friend, I have been.”

To this Cæsar replied: “Nay, be assured of your safety, and reign henceforth more securely than before. So staunch a champion of the claims of friendship deserves to be ruler over many subjects. Endeavour to remain as loyal to those who have been more fortunate, since I, too, entertain the most brilliant hopes for your high spirit. Antony, however, did well in obeying Cleopatra’s behests rather than yours; for through his folly we have gained you. But you take the lead, it seems, in acts of beneficence; for Quintus Didius[109] writes to me that you have sent him a force to assist him against the gladiators. I therefore now confirm your kingdom to you by decree; and hereafter I shall endeavour to do you some further service, that you may not feel the loss of Antony.”

Having thus graciously addressed the king, he placed the diadem on his head, and signalized the grant by a decree, containing many generous expressions in eulogy of the monarch.—_B.J._ I. 20. 1 ff. (386-393).

Footnote 105:

Octavius.

Footnote 106:

Herod was engaged in fighting the Arabians at the time of the battle of Actium.

Footnote 107:

Reading ἀχώριστον with Havercamp; MSS εὐχάριστον, “grateful” (? = “willingly”).

Footnote 108:

Lit. “many ten thousands of corn.”

Footnote 109:

Conjectural emendation (Hudson), cf. Dio Cassius, 51. 7, and the parallel passage, _Ant._ XV. 195.

(17) Herod and Mariamne

But Fortune, in revenge for his successes in the field, visited Herod with troubles at home; his ill-fated career originated with a woman to whom he was passionately attached....

On the eve of his departure abroad he committed his wife[110] to the care of Joseph, his sister Salome’s husband, with private injunctions to kill her, should Antony kill him. He could trust Joseph; the ties which united them made him a true friend. Joseph, out of no malice but from a desire to convince her of the love which the king bore her, since even in death he could not endure to be separated from her, betrayed the secret. When Herod, on his return, [Sidenote: _c._ 29 B.C.] in familiar intercourse was protesting with many oaths his affection for her and that he had never (so) loved any other woman, “A fine exhibition you gave,” she replied, “of your love for me[111] by your orders to Joseph to put me to death!”

He was beside himself, the moment he heard the secret was out. Joseph, he exclaimed, would never have disclosed his orders, had he not seduced her; and, frenzied with passion, he leapt from the bed and paced the palace to and fro in his distraction. His sister Salome, seizing this opportunity to slander Mariamne, confirmed his suspicion of Joseph. Mad with ungovernable jealousy, he ordered that both should instantly be put to death. But remorse followed hard upon rage; his wrath subsided, his love revived. So consuming, indeed, was the flame of his passionate desire that he believed she was not dead and in his affliction would address her as though she were alive; until time taught him the reality of his loss, when his grief was as profound as the love he had for her while she was alive.—_B.J._ I. 22 (431, 441-444).

Footnote 110:

Mariamne (Μαριάμμη).

Footnote 111:

Lit. “for us.”

(18) Extension of Herod’s Realm. His Popularity with Augustus and Agrippa

For Palestine under Herod see the _Hist. Atlas_ of Smith and Bartholomew, Map 42.

[Sidenote: 27 B.C.]

When Herod was engaged on these enterprises[112] and had already completed the rebuilding of the city of [Sidenote: 23 B.C.] Sebaste,[113] he resolved to send his sons, Alexander and Aristobulus, to Rome, to have audience of Cæsar.[114] On their arrival at the capital they were given lodging in the house of Pollio, one who was very assiduous in cultivating Herod’s friendship; permission was also given them to lodge in the palace of the Emperor, who gave the lads the most kindly reception. The Emperor, moreover, empowered Herod to bequeath his kingdom to any of his children at his discretion; and added to his realm the district of Trachonitis,[115] Batanæa and Auranitis, which he gave him for the following reason....