ii. Cotton Otho C 13, British Museum (O); injured in the fire of 1731;

on vellum; 145 folios in double columns of 38 lines; written in one hand, of the third quarter of the thirteenth century.

C is by far the better representative of the original, yet O alone not infrequently preserves it in details; though fifty years later than C, it has probably been transmitted through fewer copies than the latter. Mistakes common to both versions have been derived from an intermediate manuscript X. O represents a recension of X, made by a man who was mainly interested in the chronicle of events, a matter-of-fact person who stood in a critical attitude to his exemplar and took no pleasure in simile, epic repetition or descriptive touch. Under his handling, much that is characteristic of the author disappears.

#Facsimiles:# Of C. Madden, i. p. xxxv, and New Palaeographical Society, plate 86. Of O. Madden, i. p. xxxviii.

#Editions:# Madden, Sir Frederic, Laȝamons Brut, London, 1847. Of the present extract: Mätzner, E., Altenglische Sprachproben, i. 19-39; Morris, R., Specimens, 64-86.

#Literature:# =Manuscripts and Texts.= *Bartels, L., Die Zuverlässigkeit der Handschriften von Laȝamons Brut, Halle, 1913; Seyger, R., Beiträge zu Laȝamons Brut, Halle, 1912; Stratmann, F. H., ES iii. 269; iv. 96, 7; v. 375; Zessack, A., Die beiden Handschriften von Layamons Brut und ihr Verhältnis zu einander, Breslau, 1888. =Sources.= Brown, A. C. L., Welsh Traditions in Layamon’s Brut. Modern Philology, i. 95-103; Imelmann, R., Laȝamon Versuch über seine Quellen, Berlin, 1906; Krautwald, H., Layamon’s Brut verglichen mit Wace’s Roman de Brut, Breslau, 1887; Wülker, R., Ueber die Quellen Layamons, Paul-Braune, Beiträge, iii. 524-55. =Phonology.= Bowen, E. W., Open and close ē in Layamon. Anglia, xvi. 380; Lucht, P., Lautlehre der älteren Laȝamonhandschrift, Berlin, 1905; *Luhmann, A., Die Überlieferung von Laȝamons Brut, Halle, 1906; Stratmann, F. H., Das paragogische N in Laȝamon. Anglia, iii. 552, 3. =Grammar.= Bohnke, M., Die Flexion des Verbums in Laȝamons Brut, Berlin, 1906; Funke, O., Kasus-Syntax bei Orrm und Laȝamon, Wien, 1907; Hoffmann, P., Das grammatische Genus in Laȝamons Brut, Halle, 1909, completed in Morsbachs Studien, xxxvi; Lange, H., Das Zeitwort in . . . Laȝamon’s Brut, Strassburg, 1906; Lichtsinn, P., Der syntaktische Gebrauch des Infinitivs in Laȝamon’s Brut, Kiel, 1913. =Vocabulary.= Monroe, B. S., French Words in Laȝamon, Modern Philology, iv. 559. =Metre.= Brandstädter, K., Stabreim und Endreim in Layamons Brut, Kirchhain, 1912; Luick, K., Anglia, Beiblatt, xii. 37, 8; Trautmann, M., Anglia, ii. 153-73; Bartels, as above. =Style.= Regel, K., Spruch und Bild im Layamon, Anglia, i. 197-251; *Seyger, as above. =Antiquarian.= Kolbe, M., Schild, Helm und Panzer zur Zeit Laȝamons, Breslau, 1891; Krautwald, as above. B. S. Monroe, in Modern Philology, iv. 559-67, gives a detailed bibliography.

#Phonology:# (1) =of C.= Oral #a# is _a_, fare 176, habben 189, but færeð 43, færen 45, hæfuest 50; uerden 48 is from #fēran#. #a# before nasals is normally _o_, comp 120, moni 93 (5 times), but whanene 31, whænnenen 27, þenne 182, muni 113; #a# before lengthening groups is _o_, hond 201, imong 141, but and 9 &c., andswerden 11 (6), answarede 51 (4), angles 34. #æ# is _a_ (48), _e_ (20), _æ_ (16), after 179, æfter 186, bad 241, bed 298, hafde 212 (7), hæfde 233 (3), hehde (for hefde) 69, wes 8 (5), wæs 78, nes 104 (3), heleðes 248, sætterdæi 75. #e# is normally _e_, bereð 44, sellic 267 (often elsewhere seollic), speken 12; before lengthening groups, ende, uelde 211, hende 273; but _æ_ is common, spækeð 159, ænde 34, 109, fæld 209, hændest 95, hændeliche 99; Hængest 89 (8) is the common form; _a_ occurs in fareð 276 (#ferian#), ualde 203, þa 15, 39, 68, _u_ in sugge 52, suggeð 167; _eo_ in heoreð 58 (if from #herian#): #bærnan# gives berneð 108, #forbærnan#, forbærnen 165, #ærnan#, ærneð 108, #mengan#, mæingde 292, beside mengde C 15530 (Morsbach, § 107, anm. 3). #i# is _i_, blisse 146, wille 25, but _u_ in nulle 191, nuste 264, us 62, wulle 25, and the pres. forms of #willan#; before lengthening groups _i_, child 44, þinge 61. #o# is _o_, folc 36, hope 58, but durste 137, dursten 158; #on# is mostly an or o, once æn 211; before lengthening groups _o_, bord 215, wolde 20 (4), wolden 19, 192, but walden 12, 42. #u# is _u_, burh 173, cumen 137, iwune 117, but ilomp 122, sonedæi 75; before lengthening groups _u_, funde 298, murnede 293. #y# is normally _u_, cume 118, wunne 188, but kime 263, kineborne 168, kineliche 173, kinelond 56, 192; before lengthening groups _u_, guldene 257, vmbe 36: king 139 is the regular form, but kenge 94.

#ā# is regularly _a_, hali 66, ihaten 34, but _æ_ in bræd 218, bræ[d]ne 209, mære 42, særi 103; before two consonants _a_, hatte 32, ladlic 294, madmes 134, but hæhte 59 (7). #ǣ{1}# is _æ_, bilæfuen 24, hæðene 8 (3), sæ 2, spræde 210, or _e_, bitechen 191, breden 250, stenene 222, but _a_ in bitache 173, haðene 295 (possibly Scandinavian), _ea_ in leare 150; before two consonants _æ_, ælche 129, æuer 44, læfdi 74, lædden 259, næuere 176, or _a_, alc 51, alchen 280, auere 7, nauere 23, vnwraste 80, wraððe 150, but _e_ in arerde 223, elchen 21. #ǣ{2}# is _æ_, æten 251, dæde 197, þræd 218, or _e_, deden 96, vnimete 254, but _eo_ in weore 8, weoren 2 (9), neoren 138, and _a_ in mare 223; before two consonants, þærfore 175, setten 250. #ē# is _e_, greten 144, ueden 190, but heo 73, þæ 63, 231; before two consonants, imetten 18, lette 283, but igrætten 18 (_r. w._ imetten), iuædde 100. #ī# is _i_, bliðe 24, 116, swiðe 2, fiftene 36, but bluðeliche 282, swuðe 129. #ō# is _o_, com 113, godne 49, most 110, but neoðeles 83. #ū# is _u_, bute 176, runen 148, 159, but ronenen 156. #ȳ# is _u_, biclused 177, cudðe 98, iscrudde 100, but forþi 48, 66, þa 8, 184.

#ea# before #r# + cons. is _a_, ȝare 224, iȝarked 238, 240, and _æ_, hærm 8, 295, kærf 217; the _i_-umlaut is seen in awariede 81, and, before a lengthening group, in ferde 85. #ea# before #l# + cons. is regularly _a_, al 37, and the numerous forms of #eall#, scat 189, but hælf 117, helue 129; before lengthening groups, _a_, alde 28, anwalde 83, athalden 20, halden 150 &c., walden 71, but athælde 83, hælden 13, holden 143, olden 187: the _i_-umlaut is _a_ before lengthening groups, aldeste 29, halde 290, iuald 109, but _æ_ in ælderen 193, ælderne 69. #eo# before #r# + cons. is _eo_, feor 160, heorte 288, but hærcne 147, werpeð 37; before lengthening groups, ȝeorne 288: the #wur# group has _u_, iwurðe 90, wurðliche 190, wurðscipe 71. The _i_-umlaut before lengthening groups is seen in ȝirnde 206, sturne 120, but deorne 148: #wiersa# is wurse 81, 291. #eo# before #l# + cons. is _eo_ in seolf 81 &c. #eo#, the _å_-umlaut of #e#, is seen in feole 119, weoli 60; #eo#, _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #i#, in cleopien 249 and its forms, heore 37 &c., seoluer 88, seoððen 96, 97, seoueðe 64, but hennen 160, iluued 22, and without umlaut, niðer 82. #ea# after palatals is _a_, scal 38, _æ_, ȝæf 134, _e_, ȝef 133, 299, and before nasal _o_, scome 86. #ie# after #ġ# is _e_, biȝeten 87, ȝeuen 88, and _i_, biȝite 172, ȝif 201, ȝiuen 297: after #sc#, _æ_ in schæren 216. #ȝef#, _conj._, is ȝif 10 &c. #eo# after #ġ# is _u_, ȝunge 160, ȝungen 187: #geond# is ȝeond 209. #eo# after #sc# is seen in scolde 241, scolden 45, scullen 24, 39, 68. #heom# is heom 9; #eom#, am 175, æm 24, 263, næm 176.

#ēa# is usually _æ_, æc 28, hæne 204, særes 216, slæn 165, but _e_ in ȝette 242, ȝettest 184, iȝette 206, hehne 102, ileuen 53, 80, _a_ in bad (influenced by #bæd#) 239; before two consonants _æ_, hæfden 87: the _i_-umlaut is _e_, bemen 249, dremden 146, heren 13 and its forms, ileueð 53, but _æ_ in hæren 19, 68, ihærde 264, ihærd 156, _i_ in hiren 184, biliueð 91, _eo_ in heoreð 58 (if from #hīeran#), ileoueð 80, 81. #ēo# is regularly _eo_, beon 175 &c., biheold 288, feollen 127, freond 273, leoden 165, þreo 4; the _i_-umlaut is mostly wanting, deore 68 (4), freonde, _dat._ 273, neode 171, 212, but (fif)tene 36, 233. OE. #sīen# is seon 27. #ēa# after a palatal is seen in ȝer 36, ȝere 44, ȝeuen 76, ȝiuen 73 (4), ȝifuen 72, 76. #gīet# is ȝet 65.

#a# + #g# is _aȝ_, laȝe 69 (6), ofslaȝen 163, but dæȝen 69, ofslæȝen 138. #æ# + #g# is mostly _æi_, dæie 23, fæire 18 (9), fræinede 265, mæi 73, mæidene 290, sæide 152, uæin 263, but _ai_ in dai 130, fain 286, mai 174, 204, main 290, maide 266, 283, maiden 282, _ei_ in feire 210, feirest 89, seide 240 (3), seið 270, _æ_ in færeste 7, _æȝ_ in dæȝe 193, 194. #e# + #g# is generally _ei_, leide 215, toȝeines 240, þeines 101, weies 202, but awæi 129, bilæde 220: #e# + #h# is seen in hæhte 225, hæhten 230: #i# + #g# in þrien 284, þreoien 277 (influenced by #þrēo#): #i# + #h# in dihteð 67, dihte 135, isihðe 103: #o# + #g#, #h# in hohfulle 156, dohter 181: #u# + #g#, #h# in duȝeðe 141 (6), fluȝen 129, 130, but floȝen 129, fuhten 127. #ā# + #g# is _aȝ_, aȝene 208, 296, aȝere 201; #ā# + #h# is _oh_, oht 113, ohte 84 (3). #ǣ{1}# + #g#, #h# is seen in fæie 127, bitæht 205, bitæhten 284; #ǣ{2}# + #g# in maies 182; #ē# + #g# in beyne 168, twene 168 (with loss of g); #ī# + #g# in fridæi 74; #ō# + #g# in droȝen 93, inoȝe 134, sloȝen 126, ofsloȝen 119, vnnifoȝe 130; #ō# + #h# in biþohte 111, 142, noht 80, rohten, sohten 10, þohten 122, exceptionally afeoh 188. #ea# + #h#, #ht# is seen in æhtene 234, isæh 116, mæhti 65, sæh 23, sæxisce 97, sæxelonde 271, but saxelonde 124, 278, saxisce 114, sexisc 180; the _i_-umlaut in mihte 46, mihte 58, nihtes 23. #eo# + #h#, #ht# is mostly _i_, cnihtes 17, fihte 115, 172, rihten 20, but feht 120, 126, sexte 39, fæhte 155, sæxte 63, Peohtes 84, 107. #ēa# + #h#, is _eh_, heh 66, neh 291, _æh_, hæh 64, 65, hæhliche 16, 190, hæhne 205; #ēa# + #g# gives hæȝe 141, 259: the umlaut is wanting in hæhste 62 (3), hærre 13, ihæȝed 153. #ēo# + #g#, #h# is seen in driȝen 25, 196, iuaid 175, ræh 291. #ā# + #w# appears in nawiht 104; #ī# + #w# in tisdæi 76; #ēo# + #w# in acneowe 261, bleowen 249, neowe 28, 106, treowe 28, eouwer 24 (4), eoure 54, æoure 53, eou 26: feorðe 61, 72 is #fēorþa#.

The prefix #æt# is _at_, atstonde 183, atwite 204; #on# is _a_ in afon 178, afeoh 188, among 146, but imong 157 is #gemang#. #oþ# is _a_ in aþet 229: #o# is levelled to _e_ in whanene 31, whænnenen 27, wunder 213: _eo_ is written for #e# in cusseoð 277; _i_ for #e# in cristine 294. The glide e is inserted in æuere 132, nauere 23, læuedi 65, næueden 228; i is prefixed in iliue 22, probably by anticipation of iluued.

#w# is lost in þong 219, beside þwong 217, 218; for #w#, _u_ is written in Cantuarieburi 15, #l# is lost in scat 189. #m# is doubled in icummen 3, #n# in hennen 160, iborenne 259, whænnenen 27. #n# is lost in gome 228, and often in i 137 for #in#, iþan 126, iþere 72, a 81 for #on#: in 240 represents #inn#. #f# is kept in the combinations _fd_, _fn_, hafde 212, læfdi 74, æfne 70, 296, and as a final, hælf 117, initially after a word ending in a voiceless sound, færeð 43, fain 286, feorr 160, folc 36. Otherwise it is _u_, initially, as classified at 365/3-6, uorð 41, ualde 203, uerden 48, uast 132, uæin 263, ueden 190, uiue 105, uul 276, 277, medially, bilæuen 39, biuoren 95, uuele 280, deluen 221, helue 129; it is written _fu_ in hæfuest 50, bilæfuen 24, ȝifuen 72, 76, leofue 54, 79. But exceptions are numerous, fare 176, færen 45, feole 119, fiue 39, forð 39, fforð 14, fuliwis 225, biforen 17, toforen 144, ifaren 105, vfel 78. #of# is shortened to o 213. For #t#, _d_ is written in bed 100, _th_ in bithecheð 276: in bezste 200 (4), z = ts; #t# is doubled in bett 100, lost in henges 32, 151, Hænges 55; for #tt#, _ht_ is written in hæhte 59 &c., if it represents #hatte#. #d# is lost in lon 64, selcuðe 2, 35, walden 71. For #þ#, _d_ appears in cudðe 98, dod 86, falled 38, iuald 109, ladlic 294, luted 54, madmes 134, odere 228, 276, swide 120, 236; whar 28 represents #hwæðer#. #sć# is regularly _sc_, scal 38, scenden 192, monscipe 153, bruttisc 281, but særes, schæren 216. The stop #c# is written _k_ before _e_, _i_, also in kærf 217, in other positions _c_, castel 173, dronc 283; ah 8 (6) is Anglian #ah#, WS. #ac#. #č# is _ch_, ælchen 78, elchen 21, bitechen 191, drenche 272, muchel 42, richen 154, sechen 49, swulche 23, wulche 53, but alc 51, swulc 218. #ic# is ich 22, ic 175; #cæster#, Chastre 226. #čč# is _cch_ in ræcchen 148; #cw# is _qu_, queð 147. Palatal #g# is written _ȝ_, ȝare 224, ȝirnde 206, hærȝieð 108: a parasitic ȝ appears in iȝeten 252. #g# is lost finally in weoli 60, moni 93; it exchanges with _w_ in herberwe 131. #čǧ# is _gg_ in sugge 52, 167, ligge 174 &c. Initial #h# is lost in lauerd 49, læuedi 65, loten 37, iloten 252, lust 30, lusten 149, nap 275, ræh 291, and added in hi[s] 36; also medially in hehne 102 (#hēanne#), whar 61. #hw# is regularly _wh_, whæt 27 &c., whar 28, while 237, but wulche 53. In burhȝe 205, burhȝen 251, the scribe wavers between h and ȝ; elsewhere he writes burhe, burȝen, burje, buruwe.

(2) =Of O.= Oral #a# is _a_, ac 8, faren 45; #a# before nasals is regularly _a_, fram 203, gan 92, 207, nam 92, wan 183, wane 189, wanene 27, þanne 204, 282, but drong 283, isomned 36; #a# before lengthening groups is _o_, among 156, londe 19 (16 times), longe 104, but amang 251, answerede 21, 78, lang 217, þwang 217, 218, onderfang 188: #and# is and 18, an 133, #man#, _pron._, me 276. #æ# is _a_, after 186, bar 257, sat 261, 287, spac 195, 262, nas 104, but þes 292. #e# is normally _e_, beste 238, Dence 229, selliche 2 (seollich O 14409); before lengthening groups _e_, ende 109, Englene 262, Englisse 226, felde 203, but Ænglis 34 (comp. 266/15), Œnglisse 281: #forbærnan# is forbearne 165, bearneþ 108; #ærnan#, erneþ 108; #mengde#, meynde 292. #i# is _i_, amidde 203, ligge 177, wille 196; before lengthening groups _i_, children 187, þing 60, but cheldren 159, þenges 35. The present forms of #willan# have _o_, wolle 20, wolleþ 87, wolt 184, a French writing for _u_, but nelle 191: #ġift# is ȝeftes 88, 133. #o# is _o_, bolle 257, dorste 137; before lengthening groups _o_, borde 215, wolde 19: #on# is a 117, 261, an 53; þane 74 (7) descends from LWS. #þane#. #u# is regularly _o_, borh 191 (4), come 137 (3), drongken 251, foliwis 225, gomes 2, loue 69, þos 183, wonie 173, but þus 48, 77, vp 38; before lengthening groups it is _u_, funde 298, grunde 109, hundred 5, 233, but mornede 293, wonder 35. #y# is _u_, Bruttesse 225, cunne 181, custe, clupte 289, dude 117, fulþ 276, lust 269, nuste 264, vuele 21; for _u_, _o_ is written in come 118, comes 263, mochel 123 (6), soche 23, 291, woche 53 (#hwylc#), and before a lengthening group, goldene 257; but #y# is _i_ in win 63, winne 188, kinelonde 192, and as usual in king 50, and _e_ in dedest 162, wercheþ 68.

#ā# is regularly _o_, brod 218, ihote 34, 67, non 258, no 23, 204, (#nā#), on 59 &c., but a 60, 63, an 64, 65; before two consonants _o_, loþlich 294, one 214 (#ānne#), but ane 217, 223, 257, nanne 191, hatte 32 (8), haxede 265: #þā# is þe 7 &c., #þās#, þeos 18, 69, 215; #þām#, þan 1 &c.; #hwām#, wan 38. #ǣ{1}# is _e_, bilefue 24, 46, erest 262, heþene 8 (3), sprede 210, but bitak 173, bitake 191, bitakest 205 (confusion with #tacan#), deal 220, heaþene 295, leore 150, rounded before r, stonene 222 (*#stānen#); before two consonants _e_, arerde 223, ech 185, euere 7, wendesdei 72, but leafdi 65, ladde 259, wraþþe 150. #ǣ{2}# is _e_, dedes 87, onimete 254, sete 250, þere 44, 48, weren 2 (10), but _ea_ in beade 298, reade 110, 171, 298, _a_ in þar 119, þarin 283, þaron 5, þare 37 (4), ware 176, 210, _eo_ in beore 93, eoten 251 (elsewhere #ge-eten#, _pp._, is represented by iheote O 6691, iȝeote O 14952); before two consonants it is _a_ in þarfore 48, 86, adradde O 7575, _ea_ in sealþe O 25574, and _e_ in wepne O 14838. #ē# is _e_, cweme 184, seche 41, wene 175; before two consonants, cwemde 139, grette 18, 144, lette 221 (4), OE. #lēt#: aȝen 131, toȝenes 240 represent #ongēn#, #togēnes#; #gē#, pron., is ȝeo, 27, 53, 79; doþ 292, _pr. s._, has o from plural. #ī# is _i_, bliþe 24, swiþe 2, 51, wif 178 &c., written always _ii_ in hii 8 (20), and _y_ in tydinge 1 (3); but bloþeliche 282 (#blȳþe#), heredmen 67 (? influenced by #heord#); before two consonants _i_, fifþe 62, wisne 214, but womman 299. #ō# is _o_, com 1, soþ 50; before two consonants, most 110, moste 46. #ū# is _ou_, French writing for u, aboute 220, couþe 214, nou 48, þou 20, but _u_ in dun 246, vre 35, 64, vs 20, 45, and _o_ in bote 177, 218. #ȳ# is regularly _u_, biclused 177, cuðen 269, hude 202, lutel 206, prude 254, scrude 190: #þȳ# is þe 8, 184.

#ea# before #r# + cons. is regularly _a_, harm 8, iȝarked 238, ȝarue 224. The _i_-umlaut is represented by deorne 148, which points to Anglian _e_. #ea# before #l# + cons. is regularly _a_, al 22 &c., falleþ 38, halt 275, halle 99, half 117, salt 189, wal 222; before lengthening groups _o_, anwolde 83, atholde 20, 83, biholde 209, 223, holde 143, 150: the _i_-umlaut is seen in elder 29, heoldre 187, falleþ 109 (Ang. #fællan#). #eo# before #r# + cons. is _eo_ in heorte 288, _e_ in hercne 147, werpeð 37, _o_ in for 203; before a lengthening group _eo_ in ȝeorne 288: words of the #wur# group have _o_, worsipe 26, 68, worþliche 190, iworþe 91; the _i_-umlaut is _o_, forst 26, ȝornde 206: #wyr# is represented in worse 291, 292. #eo# before #l# + cons. is _eo_ in seolue 113, seolf 209. The _u_-umlaut of #a# is wanting in care 123, 176. #eo#, _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #i#, gives cleopede 230, soueþe 64, and analogically ileued 22, but #heora# is hire 69 &c. #ea# after palatals is _a_, sal 89, _e_, ȝef 133 (3), before nasal, _a_, same 86. #ie# after #g# is _e_, biȝete 172, ȝeue 88, ȝefue 69, ȝef 201. #ȝef#, _conj._, is ȝif 20. #eo# after #g# is _o_, ȝonge 159, 187; after #sc#, _o_, solde 45, 178. #eom# is ham 24, 175, nam 176; #heom#, heom 69 (4).

#ēa# is divided between _ea_, dead 175, deaþe 46, slean 165, and _e_, bileue 53, 79, gret 63, lefue 92, lesing 50: the _i_-umlaut is represented by bilefeþ 53, ihure 149; before two consonants by ihord 50 (4). #ēo# is regularly _eo_, beo 27 &c., deor 43; before two consonants, biheold 246, 288, freond 273, 274; but biful 122, 140, ful 45: bitwine 167 descends from #betwinum#: deore 88, 236, freond, _dat._, 273, neod 38, 171 are without umlaut. OE. #gīet# is ȝet 65. #ēa# after #g# is _e_, ȝer 36, ȝere 44.

#a# + #g# is _aȝ_, daȝes 69, ofslaȝe 138 (#ofslagen#), and _aw_, lawe 285. #æ# + #g# is mostly _ai_, dai 23, faire 18 (7), mai 173, saiþ 273, saide 51 (5), or _ay_, mayde 282, moneday 70, but _ei_ in seide 19, 240, seiþ 270, tisdei 70, wendesdei 72. #æ# + #h# occurs in iveiþed 175. #e# + #g# is _ei_, leide 220, oþerweies 122, or _ey_, awey 129, but _ai_ in laide 215. #e# + #h# occurs in hehte 162, 225; #i# + #h# in sihte 103; #o# + #h# in dohter 181; #u# + #g# in floȝe 129. #ā# + #g# is _ow_, owe 201, owene 208. #ā# + #h# is seen in ohte 84; #ǣ{1}# + #h# in bitahte 284; #ī# + #g# in friday 74; #ō# + #g# in sloȝen 126, ofsloȝen 119; #ō# + #h# in iþohten 122, noht 41, 218. #ea# + #h# is _eh_, seh 23; the _i_-umlaut of #ea# + #ht# is _i_, mihte 210, mihti 60, 65. #eo# + #ht# is _i_, cnihtes 5, fihte 126, rihte 20, sixte 63, but Peutes 84, 107; the _i_-umlaut is represented by nihte 23. #ēa# + #g# occurs in hehȝe 259; #ēa# + #h# in heh 64, neh 291: the _i_-umlaut in hehest 62. #ēo# + #w# is _ou_, ȝoure 53 &c., ȝou 24, 88, ou 83, but cnouwe 261.

#e# is added in here 7, ofte 86. #on# is reduced to an 53, a 117, and in the prefix of aboute 220, amidde 203; #o# becomes _e_ in forte 229. For #u#, _o_ occurs in onderfang 188, onimete 254. The suffix #-ung# is _ing_ in rouning 143, tydinge 147.

Initial #f# is once _v_, vare 176, elsewhere _f_, faren 45, fareþ 48; between vowels or vowel and liquid it is _u_, _v_, delue 221, ived 100, iveiþed 175, vuele 21, but bilefeþ 53, life 46, and before #u# _f_ is retained, biful 122: _fu_ is written in bilefue 24, 46, lefue 92, 207, leofue 79, 274, lifue 22, lofuieþ 286, wifues 43 (5). For #t#, _d_ is written in bed 100; fifþe 62 (#fīfta#) is an early instance of the modern form. #d# is lost in an 133, answerede 21. For #þ#, _th_ appears in deathe 157; _ð_ occurs only in louieð 57. #sc# is regularly _s_, sal 89, same 86, sende 192, solle 24, worsipe 26, Ænglis 34, but _ss_ in Bruttesse 225, 281, Englisse 226, Œnglisse 281, and _c_ in Dence 229 (#Denisc#), which appears to indicate a pronunciation for #sc# of [s]. The stop #c# is written _k_ before _e_, _i_, ilke 34, kinelonde 192, and finally bitak 173, folk 36; #nc# is _ng_, dring 282, dringe 273, 275, dringþ 275, drong 283, drongken 251. #č# is _ch_, childe 43, ech 185, ich 22 (ihc 177), mochel 123, soche 23, 291, speche 266. Palatal #g# is regularly written _ȝ_, aȝen 131, ȝarue 224, sloȝen 126: hehȝe 259 represents #hēage#, meynde 292 #mengde#. h is added initially in ham 24 &c., haxede 265, heoldre 187, hifulled 258, himakede 240, hin 131. Initial #hl# is reduced to _l_, lotes 37, lust 269, #hn# to _n_, nap 275, #hw# to _w_, wan 38, wanene 27, ware 176, wat 27, wile 237, woche 53. #heo#, _pron._, she, is regularly ȝeo 67 &c., comp. Orm’s ȝho, 112/2.

#Accidence:# (1) of C. A peculiar feature of these texts is the occasional addition of n after a final vowel. This ‘nunnation,’ fairly common in C, rare in O, is marked here by round brackets. Its use makes it doubtful at times whether a noun or adjective ending in n is a weak form or a strong form with added n. Strong declension of _masc._ and _neut._ nouns. In the _s. n. a._ maide 266, 283, 295 has lost final n. _Gen._ -es, þunres 73, twines 218: _dat._ -e, ræde 197, gomene 291, londe 3, vfele 51, crafte(n) 214, cume(n) 24, cunne(n) 188, inne(n) 112, liue(n) 25, rihte(n) 20, wurðscipe(n) 26; without inflection are ræd 298, gomen 231, kinelond 56, lond 162, vfel 78, gome (#gamene#) 228, lon 64, and the proper name Saturnus 75. The _pl. n. a._ of masculines ends in -es, cnihtes 17 (6), madmes 134, but cnihten 5, 27, ridern 233, sunen 105 are weak forms: neuters are ȝer 36, þing 50, wif 43, but haefden 87, loten 37, scipen 4 (3) are weak. Genitives are londe 33, þinge 260, weak forms are ænglene 262, cnihtene 55, 89, and, before a vowel, cnihten 77, 152, 195: datives have mostly -en, cnihten 155, dæȝen 69, goden 68, scipen 92, 232, but londes 137, þinge 61. The _fem._ nouns of the strong declension have -e in the _s. n. a._, duȝeðe 170, 252, 272, hude 202, 210, dæde 197, ferde 85, duȝeðe(n) 166, but sæ 2. _Gen._ -e, duȝeðe 141; humbre 117 is an indeclinable form: _dat._ -e, halle 99, helue 129, honde 257, halle(n) 259, but hælf 117, hond 201. _Pl. n._ are laȝe(n) 278, 285, probably weak; _d._ deden 96, laȝen 163, leoden 295 (from pl. noun #lēode#), runen 159, nihtes 23; _a._ leode(n) 165, 285, rune(n) 148, 156, probably weak. Nouns of the weak declension have mostly -e in all cases of the singular, but iueren 276, monen 76, læfdi 74 are dative, læuedi 65 acc.: the plural has -en throughout, _n._ gumen 2, ileuen 53, 80; _d._ iueren 233; _a._ bemen 249, nomen 231. The minor declensions are represented by mon _s. n._ 41, wimmon 180, monne _s. d._ 205, mon _s. a._ 214, wimmon 299, men _pl. n._ 7 &c., wimmonne(n) _pl. g._ 270, monnen _pl. d._ 112 (5), hiredmonnen 157, scipenmonnen 6 (for scipmonnen), cunnesmen _pl. a._ 98; burh _s. n._ 228, _s. a._ 173, 191, 223, burhȝe 205 (? confusion with pl. #burga#), burhȝe(n) _s. d._ 251; broðer _s. n._ 29; dohter _s. d._ 181; freond _s. n._, freonde _s. d._ 273; walden _s. n._ 71; childe _s. d._ 43, child _s. a._ 44, children _pl. d._ 187.

Adjectives, which in OE. end in a vowel, have e in all cases, bliðe 116, deore 181, ȝare 224, hende 287, mare 223, sturne 120, vnimete 254, wilde 43; those in #-ig# lose g, hali 66, mæhti 65, weoli 60. Of the weak declension are _s. n._ cristine 294, holde 154, leofue 274, _d._ bare 158, quicke 25, _a._ feire 210, hæðene 193, haðene 295. Strong inflections are _s. d. m._ richen 154, soðen 26, fæire 211, hæȝe 141, hæðene 205, _s. d. neut._ uncuðe 40, _s. a. m._ brædne 209, hæhne 205 (with #burg# _f._), hehne 102, godne 49, guldene 257, stenene 222, wisne 214, but long, smal 217 are not inflected, _s. a. f._ gode 136, kineliche 173, stronge 85. #mycel# is _s. n._ muchel 42, _d._ muchele _f._ 171, _a._ muchele _m._ 221 (but dic is usually _f._ in L), muche 220, muchele _f._ 223, muchel _neut._ 201, _pl. n._ muchele 234: #āgen# gives aȝene _s. n. neut. wk._ 296, aȝere _s. d. f._ 201, aȝene _s. d. neut._ 208. The plural of all adjectives ends in -e, except særi _pl. n._ 103 (#sārig#), dæde(n) 110, ȝungen _d._, olden 187. OE. #ān# is _s. n._ an 59, 64, 161, a 218, 267, _g._ anes _m._ 202, _d._ ane _m._ 140, 141, 203, 213, an _neut._ 51, _a._ ænne _m._ 173, 209, 214, enne (ende) 211, with _d._ uelde 211, 217, ane 257, a 153, anne _f._ 65, ane 173, 212, 223, an _neut._ 240, a 215: #nān# is _s. n._ na 41, _d._ nane _neut._ 47, nan 228, _a._ nane _f._ 191, nan _neut._ 281: #bēgen# is beyne 168. Adjectives used as nouns with inflection are hæne _s. n. m._ 204, hæhste 62, bezste _s. d._ 238, fæie _pl. n._ 127, ælderen _pl. g._ 193, ælderne 69. Comparatives end in -e, mære 42, mare 8; the superlative has weak inflection in aldeste _s. n. m._ 29, bezste 268, hæhste _s. a. f._ 69, but strong in aðelest 33, fæirest 55, 89, 152, 270, hæhst 155, hendest 77, 95, 195; plurals are færeste _n._ 7, bezste 200, 256, deoreste 244.

The personal pronouns are ich 22, ic 175, me, we, us, þu, þe, ȝe, eou. The pronoun of the third person is _s. n._ he _m._ 16, heo 73, heo _f._ 66, hit _neut._ 5; _d._ him _m._ 72, heom 71, hire _f._ 74, 224; _a._ hine _m._ 13, 230 (with #burg# _f._), 275, heo _f._ 66, 225; _pl. n._ heo 3 &c., _d._ heom 9, _a._ 67. Reflexives are þe seoluen 166, hine 111, him seoluen 145: definitive, seolf 81, 209: possessives, _s._ mi _n. m._ 32; mine _d. m._ 83, mire _f._ 181, 199, 201, mine _neut._ 22 (7); mine _a. f._ 149, 197, mi _neut._ 182; _pl. a._ mine 182; _s._ þin _n. m._ 154, þine 170, þine _d. m._ 154, 197, 263, þire _f._ 171, þine _neut._ 183, 186, _a. m._ 153 (possibly _f._, the nouns in #-scipe# are mostly _f._ in L), _f._ 166, þi _neut._ 108, 165, þin 196; _pl._ þine _n._ 167, _d._ 155, _a._ 165; his 10, hire 232; ure 35; eoure 54, eouwer 24 (4), æoure 53, heore 37. The definite article is _s._ þe _n. m._ 29, 218, þæ 63, 231, þa 15, 39, þe _f._ 224, þæ 228, þa 238, þat _neut._ 36, þe 43, þas _g. m._ 292, þere _f._ 117, þan _d. m._ 4, 40 (with #leode# _f._), þa 73 (miswritten for þan), þere _f._ 3, 72, 217, þene 75 (miswritten for þere), þan _neut._ 1, 126, 136, 253, 290, þene _a. m._ 72 (7), þane 139, þa _f._ 174, 193, þat _neut._ 283, (for) þi _instr._ 48, 66, þa 8, 184, 252; _pl._ þa _n._ 7 &c., þan _d._ 6, 137, 187, þa _a._ 229, 285. Þat is used demonstratively, 8, 277, 283, 266 (with speche _f._), 34 (with ænde _d. m._); the article is also used pronominally in vppen þan þe, upon whom 38. The compound demonstrative is _s._ þes _n. m._ 162, þis _neut._ 7, 278, þas _d. f._ 117, þisse _neut._ 19, 162, þissen 285, þis 56, þas _a. f._ 215, þis _neut._ 116, 178, 209, 280; _pl._ þas _n._ 17, 79, 169, _a._ 231. The relatives are þe, þat 7, 150 (= that which), þa 58, 68, 96, 105, 172, 174; þer . . . on, on which, 210. Interrogatives are whæt 27 (3), what 31 (4), wulche _pl. n._ 53, the correlative is swulchere _s. d. f._ 103, swulche _s. d. neut._ 231, _pl. n._ 23: #ilca# is ilke _s. n. m._ 237, 275, ilken _s. d. m._ 34, ilke _pl. a._ 285. Indefinites are me 276; oðer _s. n. m._ 29, odere _d. neut._ 228, oder _a. m._ 276, oðer _a. neut._ 283, oðere _pl. n._ 164; anoðer _s. n. neut._ 122; ælches _s. g. m._ 202, ælche _d. m._ 203, _f._ 129, _neut._ 155, 291, aelchen 78, 185, alchen 280, elchen 21, alc 51; æueralche _s. d. neut._ 44; æi _s. n. f._ 272, _a. f._ 205; nohtes _g. s._ 82; moni 93, 153, 286, muni 113, _pl._ monie 126, 130; feole 119; al _s. n. neut._ 37, alle _d. f._ 244, _neut._ 22, al 56, alle _a. m._ 130, al 109, _f._ 197, _pl._ alle _n._ 99, all 110, alre _g._ 33 (8), alle _d._ 61, 68, al 112, alle _a._ 50, 135.

Four-fifths of the infinitives end in -en; cleopien 249 is the only infinitive of the second weak conjugation; there are no examples in -in or -i; those in -e are athælde 83, bilæue 46, cuðe 158, ligge 174, liðe 39, 92, 207, 243, ræde 171, spræde 210, all at the end of line or half-line, cume 164, iwurðe 90: contract verbs are afon 178, slæn 165. The _dat. inf._ is not inflected. Presents are _s._ 1. habbe 22, libbe 174; 2. ȝettest 184, hæfuest 50; 3. bereð 44, bitecheð 276, dihteð 67, drinkeð 275, fareð 276, falled 38, fordemed 170, exceptionally gladieð 272; contracted are halt 275, seið 270, sæið 274, sæiðe 273 (miswritten for sæið); _pl._ 1. biliueð 91, luuieð 57; 2. haldeð 193, luted 54; 3. ærneð 108, cusseoð 277, liggeð 82, hærȝieð 108, hatieð 157, luuieð 66, spilieð 159, wunieð 160, iuald 109 (#gefiellaþ#): _subjunctive s._ 1. fare 176, habbe 182; 2. biȝite 172, bitache 173, habbe 205, sugge 52: _imperative s._ 2. afeoh 188, drinc 282, hærcne 147, lust 30, 269. Past of Strong Verbs: I a. _s._ 1. sæh 23; 3. bad 241, 297, bed 298, ȝæf 134, ȝef 133, 299, isæh 116, queð 147, sæt 261, sat 287, spæc 195; _pl._ 3. æten 251, setten 250: I b. _s._ 3. bar 257, com 113 (4), nom 92, 207, 215; _pl._ 3. comen 1, 235 (11), come 229; _subj. s._ 3. come 241: I c. _s._ 3. bigon 221, dronc 283, funde 298 (weak form), gon 92 (3), ilomp 122, 140, kærf 217; _pl._ 3. drunken 146, 251, fuhten 127, gunnen 14, 249: II. _pl._ 3. driuen 229: III. _s._ 3. bad 239; _pl._ 3. fluȝen 129, 130, floȝen 129: IV. _s._ 3. scop 224, stod 136 (3); _pl._ 1. uerden 48 (weak form from #fēran#); 3. droȝen 93, sloȝen 126, ofsloȝen 119: V. _s._ 3. biheold 246, 288, hæhte 225 (weak form), lette (weak form), 283; passive, _s._ 1. hatte 32; 3. hatte 64, hæhte (#hatte#) 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 161, 162, if it be not the active form with passive meaning; _pl._ 3. bleowen 249, feollen 127, hæhten 230, hetten 250. Participles past: I a. biȝite 212, iȝeten 252: I. b. iborenne _adj. pl._ 259, (kine) borne _pl._ 168, icumen 2 (6), icummen 3, icume 117, ouercumen 128: III. iloten 252: IV. ifaren 105, ofslæȝen 138, ofslaȝen 163, atstonde 183: V. ihaten 34, ihate 67, ihalden 102, 279, underfon 241. Past of Weak Verbs: _s._ 3. andswerede 21, arerde 223, bilæde 220, fræinede 265 (#gefrægnan#), ȝette 242, hafde 212 (5), hæfde 233, hehde (for hefde) 69, bitæhte(n) 284, hæfde(n), 214, næuede(n) 228; _pl._ 3. andswerden 11, cleopeden 226, halde 290. Participles past: biclused 177, bitæht 205, ibrusted 256, iȝarked 238, 240, ihæȝed 153 (*#hēagian#), islit 219, iuaid 175; inflected are iscrudde, iuædde 100. Minor Groups: nuste _pt. s._ 264; cuðe _pt. s._ 214, 281, cuðen _pt. pl._ 11; dursten _pt. pl._ 158, durste 137; scat 2 _pr. s._ 189, scal _pr. s._ 38, scullen 1 _pr. pl._ 68, 2 _pr. pl._ 24, _pr. pl._ 39, scolde _pt. s._ 241, scolden 1 _pt. pl._ 45; mai 1 _pr. s._ 174, _pr. s._ 204, mæi 73, mihte _pt. s._ 111, 210, mihte we 1 _pt. pl._ 46; most 2 _pr. s._ 110; beon _inf._ 28, am 1 _pr. s._ 175, æm 24, 263, næm 176, is _pr. s._ 32, js 67, us 62, nis 56, beoð 45, 1 _pr. pl._ 31, 33, 48, 110, seoð 31 (with s for b from #sind#, #sīen#), beoð 2 _pr. pl._ 79, _pr. pl._ 35, 271, 278, beo 1 _pr. s. subj._ 183, _pr. s. subj._ 41, beon 2 _pr. pl. subj._ 27, seon 27 (#sīen#), wes _pt. s._ 8 (6), wæs 78, nes 104, 218, weoren _pt. pl._ 2 (8), weore 8, neoren 138, weore(n) _pt. s. subj._ 266, ibeon _pp._ 154; wulle 1 _pr. s._ 25 (7), wulle(n) 30, 88, 184, nulle 191, wult 2 _pr. s._ 149, 178, wule _pr. s._ 202, wulleð 1 _pr. pl._ 194, 2 _pr. pl._ 87, _pr. pl._ 164, wulle _pr. s. subj._ 90, wullen 2 _pr. pl. subj._ 28, wolde _pt. s._ 20 (4), wolden _pt. pl._ 19, 192, walden 12, 42; don _inf._ 111, to don _dat. inf._ 298, dod _pr. pl._ 86, dude _pt. s._ 292, duden _pt. pl._ 71, 117, idon _pp._ 9, 63, 180; eode _pt. s._ 144, 253.

Noteworthy are the adverbs forðrihtes 107, at this very moment, stilledliche 159, probably miswritten for stilliche of the exemplar, rather than for stilleliche, which is unmetrical wherever it occurs, and whænnene(n) 27, representing #hwanone#. OE. #nā# _conj._ is once na, nor 191, but no 23, no . . . no, neither . . . nor 138.

(2) =Of O.= Strong declension of _masc._ and _neut._ nouns. In the _s. n. a._ maide 266 (3) has lost final n. _Gen._ -es, kinges 292: _dat._ -e, crafte 214, lifdaȝe 138, ȝere 44, inne 253, londe 19 (9), but dai 23, and the neuters folk 295, ȝer 36, hin 131, lond 64, 262 are uninflected; game 285, 291 represents #gamene#: borde _s. a._ 215 has added e. The _pl. n. d. a._ ends in -es, _n. m._ comes 263, kempes 5, _neut._ sipes 4, þenges 35, wifues 43, _d. m._ cnihtes 133, godes 68, _neut._ sipes 232, þinges, 61, _a. m._ cnihtes 23, _neut._ bordes 250, godes 93, londes 37, 193, lotes 37: _gen._ are cnihtes 112, Englene 262 (weak form), þing 260 (miswritten for þinge). The _fem._ nouns of the strong declension have -e in the _s. n. a._, blisse 251, hude 202, speche 266, tydinge 1, care 123, see 2, but leafdi 65, lesing 50, rouning 143: _dat._ -e, halue 221, winne 188, but half 117, hond 201, 257, win 63. _Pl. n._ are lawe 285, tydinge 104, lawes 278, _d._ rouninges 148, wiþerededes 87, _a._ leode 165, tydinge 147, ȝeftes 88, 133. Nouns of the weak declension have -e in all cases of the singular, _n._ wone 271, _d._ ivere 276, _a._ bolle 257; _pl. n._ are bileue 53, bilefues 79, gomes 2, _d._ ivere 233, _a._ rideres 233. The minor declensions are represented by man _s. d._ 205, _s. a._ 214, womman 299, men _pl. n._ 7, heredmen 67, wommanne _pl. g._ 270, men _pl. d._ 193; borh _s. n._ 224, _s. a._ 191; nihte _s. d._ 23; broþer _s. n._ 29, _s. a._ 164; dohter _s. n._ 181; childe _s. d._ 43, 44, cheldren _pl. d._ 159, children 187; freond _s. n._ 273, _s. d._ 273.

Adjectives, which in OE. end in a vowel, have -e throughout, bliþe 24, deore 236, deorne 148, ȝarue 224, hende 299, onimete 254, riche 33, 133, wilde 43; those in #-ig# lose g, mihti 60, sori 103. Of the weak declension are _s. n. m._ cristene 294, leofue 274, but heh 64, 205 is not inflected, _s. n. f._ faire 287, _s. d. f._ bare 157 (deathe is treated as _f._), _s. a. neut._ heaþene 295. Strong inflections are _s. d. m._ heþene 205, _s. a. m._ goldene 257, stonene 222, wisne 214, but lang, smal 217, strong 222 are uninflected. #mycel# is moche _s. n. neut._ 181, mochele _s. d. m._ 26, _f._ 171, moche _s. a. m._ 220, mochel _f._ 123, _neut._ 201: #āgen#, owe _s. d. f._ 201, owene _s. d. neut._ 208. All adjectives have -e in all cases of the plural, except wonder 35, noun used as adj., and ȝong 187, miswritten for ȝonge. #ān# is _s. n._ an 64, on 59, 161, a 60, 63, _d._ one _m._ 203, on 140, 177, _f._ 237, one _neut._ 33, _a._ ane _m._ 217, 223, 257, one 173, 214, an _f._ 65, on _neut._ 240; #nān# is _s. n._ non 258, _a._ nanne _m._ 191, no _f._ 50. Adjectives used as nouns with inflection are Bruttesse _s. d. neut._ 225, 281, beste 238, Œnglisse 281. Of comparatives heoldre 187 is _pl. d._; the superlatives beste _s. n. m. wk._ 268 and faireste _pl. n._ 7 are alone inflected.

The personal pronouns are ich, ihc 177, me, we, vs, þou, þe, ȝe, ȝeo 27, 53, 79, ȝou, ou 83. The pronoun of the third person is _s. n._ he _m._ 21, ȝeo _f._ 67 (6), hit _neut._ 5, _d._ him _m._ 19, _a._ hine _m._ 18 (5), hire _f._ 67, 225, _pl. n._ hii 8 (21), _d._ heom 69, _a._ 188: reflexive is him seolue 113; definitive, him seolf 209. Possessives are _s. n._ min _m._ 32, mi 269, _f._ 181, _neut._ 178, _d._ min _m._ 83, _f._ 201, mine _neut._ 22 (4), _a._ mine _f._ 149; _s. d._ þine _f._ 171, _neut._ 186, _a._ þine _m._ 196, þin _neut._ 108, þi 165, _pl. n._ þine 167, 263, _d._ 156, _a._ 165; his 19, 99, 101; hire 224; vre 35; ȝoure 26; hire 37 (6). The definite article is _s. n._ þe _m._ 29, _f._ 224, þat _neut._ 36, 38, 128, _g._ þes _m._ 292, _d._ þan _m._ 1 (11), þane 72, 144, þare _f._ 157 (with deathe, usually _m._), þan 103 (_m._ form with sihte _f._), _neut._ 1, 126, 238, _a._ þane _m._ 74 (7), þat _neut._ 206, þe _instr._ 8, 184, _pl. n._ þe 7 &c.: þat is used demonstratively 8, 45, 283. The compound demonstrative is _s. n._ þis _neut._ 278, _d._ þis _f._ 117, þisse _neut._ 137, þisne 285 (miswritten for þisse), _a._ þeos _f._ 215, þis _neut._ 178, 280, _pl. n._ þeos 18, þes 7, _g._ þeos 112, _d._ 68, _a._ 69. The relatives are þat 7 &c., þe 57, þat . . . he, who, 21, wan _s. d._, whom 38. Interrogatives are wat 27, 264, 266, 270, woche _pl._ 53, with correlative soche 23, 291: #ilca# is ilke _s. n. m._ 237, 275, _s. d. m._ 34, _f._ 103, _neut._ 285. Indefinites are me 276; oþer _s. n. m._ 29, _a. neut._ 283, _pl. n._ 164; anoþer 114; eche _s. d. m._ 203, _neut._ 21, 36, 280, ech 185; euereche _s. d. f._ 129, euerech 221, euereche _neut._ 44; eni _s. a. f._ 205; mani _s. n._ 114, _pl. n._ 286, manie _pl. a._ 119, 126; al _s. n. neut._ 89, alle _d. m._ 78, al _neut._ 22, alle _a. m._ 109, al 196, alle _pl. n._ 99, alre _g._ 77 (3), alle 260, alle _d._ 61, 68, al 270, al _a._ 93.

Nineteen-twentieths of the infinitives end in e; wonie 173 is the only infinitive of the second weak conjugation; those in -en are cuðen 269, faren 45, slean 165, wreken 164; in i-, granti 184, sarui 19, both French. The _dat. inf._ is not inflected, to biholde 209, 223, for habbe 293, for to . . . seche 37. Presents are _s._ 1. habbe 22, wene 175; 2. bitakest 205, hauest 50; 3. falleþ 38, fareþ 48, takeþ 276, stondeþ 227; contracted, dringþ 275, fulþ 276, halt 275, saiþ 273, 274, seiþ 270; _pl._ 1. habbeþ, louieð 57, but ȝefue 69 (5); 2. bilefeþ 53; 3. bearneþ, erneþ 108, falleþ 109, hatieþ 157, louieþ 67, 286, sleaþ 108: _subjunctive s._ 2. biȝete 172; 3. ȝefue 297: _imperative s._ 2. bitak 173, dring 282, ȝef 201, hercne 147, lust 269, nim 186, onderfang 188, send 186. Past of Strong Verbs: I a. _s._ 1. seh 23; 3. bad 239, 297, ȝaf 206, ȝef 133, 299, sat 261, 287, spac 195, 262; _pl._ 3. eoten 251, sete 250; _subj. s._ 3. beade 298, speke 266: I b. _s._ 3. bar 257, com 1 (3), come 144, nam 92 (3), _pl._ 3. beore 93, come 7, 104, 285, comen 18, 119; _subj. pl._ 3. come 113, 245: I c. _s._ 3. drong 283, funde 298 (weak form), gan 92, 207; _pl._ 3. drongken 251, gonne 245: II. _pl._ 3. driuen 229: III. _pl._ 3. floȝe 129: IV. _pl._ 3. sloȝen 126, ofsloȝen 119; _subj. s._ 1. bitoke 193: V. _s._ 3. biful 122, 140, biheold 246, 288, ful 45, hehte 225 (weak form active), 162 (in meaning passive), lette (weak form) 221, 250, 254, 283; passive _s._ 1. hatte 32; 3. 32 (8). Participles past: I b. ibore 259, icome 2 (4), icomen 27, 107, ouercome 128: IV. atstonde 183, ofslaȝe 138: V. ihote 34, 67. Past of Weak Verbs: _s._ 3. answerede 21, arerde 223, bitahte 284, grette 144, hadde 214, mornede 293 (#murnde#), swipte 284; _pl._ 3. cleopede 230, grette 18, hadde 123, ladde 259, seide 19, sette 230, wende 99, iþohten 122. Participles past: biclused 177, hifulled 258, iȝarked 238, ihord 50, 156, ileued 22, iscrud 100, isomned 36, ived 100, iveiþed 175, iwoned 121, himakede 240. Minor Groups: nuste _pt. s._ 264; couþe _pt. s._ 214, 281; dorste _pt. pl._ 137; salt 2 _pr. s._ 189, sal _pr. s._ 89, solle 2 _pr. pl._ 24, solde _pt. s._ 178, 1 _pt. pl._ 45; mai 1 _pr. s._ 173, _pr. s._ 204, mihte _pt. s._ 210, 258; most 2 _pr. s._ 110, mot _pr. s._ 38, 41, moste we 1 _pt. pl._ 46; beo _inf._ 175, ham 1 _pr. s._ 24, 175, nam 176, his _pr. s._ 34 (9), beoþ 1 _pr. pl._ 33 (4), 2 _pr. pl._ 79, _pr. pl._ 35 (5), beo _pr. s. subj._ 41, 2 _pr. pl. subj._ 27, beon _pr. pl. subj._ 172, was _pt. s._ 8 (10), nas 104, 218, weren _pt. pl._ 2 (5), were 4 (5), nere 138, were _pt. s. subj._ 218, 266; wolle 1 _pr. s._ 26 (8), nelle 191, wolt 2 _pr. s._ 149, 184, wole _pr. s._ 202, wolleþ 1 _pr. pl._ 184, 2 _pr. pl._ 87, _pr. pl._ 164, wolle 2 _pr. s. subj._ 20, woldes 2 _pt. s._ 178, wolde _pt. s._ 143, _pt. pl._ 19, 192; don _inf._ 178 (4), doþ _pr. s._ 292, _pr. pl._ 86, dedest 2 _pt. s._ 162, dude _pt. pl._ 117, idon _pp._ 138; goþ _pr. pl._ 43, 44.

#Dialect:# The speech of North Worcestershire, where the Brut was written, descended from a Saxon patois which was substantially South-Western, but with an Anglian element derived from the neighbouring Mercia. Occasional forms in the texts, which are foreign to this dialect, may be due, as Luhmann thinks, to the poet himself, who, as he tells us, had travelled ‘wide ȝond þas leode,’ or to some intermediate copyist, but otherwise the manuscripts present, on the whole, the natural development of the dialect of the original. What the professional scribes who copied them contributed to the divergences from the original text was mainly graphic and in a great measure due to the clash of native spelling with the French scribal methods to which they were accustomed.

#Vocabulary:# Scandinavian words in C O are bule bole, gærsume garisome, gistninge gystninge, hæil hail, laȝe lawe, swaines sweines, wæshail wassayl; in C only, ibon, dring, grið, loten, tiðende, utlaȝen; in O only, sleh, þorisdai: French in C O, castel, latimer; in O only, granti, pore, sarui.

#Metre:# (1) =Of C.= Like the Worcester Fragment, p. 232, and the Proverbs of Alfred, pp. 292-4, Layamon’s verse presents an intermediate stage in the transition from the OE. alliterative long line to the rhyming couplet as exemplified in King Horn (KH p. xlvi). Our text has i. lines which continue the OE. practice of binding together the two halves of the line by alliteration only, as Ah héo weore hǽðene[;] þat wes hǽrm þa máre, 8; of þat ílken ǽnde[;] þe ángles is iháten, 34; these have four stresses separated by light syllables varying in number: ii. lines which add rhyme as an ornament to alliteration, as heo cómen into hálle[;] hǽndeliche álle 99; út of þan léode[;] to úncuðe lónde, 40; swiðe monie péohtes[;] heo slóȝen iþan féhte, 126, and with similar imperfect rhymes 79, 92, 174, &c.; the rhythm of these also is alliterative: iii. lines like those of the second class in structure, but already showing in various degrees the disintegrating effects of rhyme in their wavering rhythm, as þat ouer sǽ weorẹn icúmen[;] swíðe | sélcuðe | gúmen, 2, or with a regular syllabic rhythm, as ne mí|hte wé | bilǽ|uè[;] for lí|ue né | for dǽ|ðè, 46: iv. lines with rhyme only, as þe féor|ðe hǽh|te Jú|pitér[;] of ál|le þín|ge hé | is whár, 61; and ǽf|ter óh|te món|nèn[;] þa béz|stẹ of mí|ne cún|nè, 200; these can be scanned as syllabic verse without assuming any licence which is not to be found in the Poema Morale: v. lines without alliteration or rhyme, as 67, 242, 286, 297; these may be regarded as corrupt. The alliteration is varied, rarely 2 + 2, as 75, 127, 161; 2 + 1, normal in OE., as 17, 29, 32 &c.; 1 + 1, by far the commonest, as 30, 36, 38, 42, &c.; 1 + 2, as 2, 13, 33: the last stress sometimes falls at the end of the second half-line, contrary to OE. usage, as 17. Crossed alliteration occurs at 31, 39, 40, 91, 124; distinct alliteration in each half-line at 76, 249. Perfect rhymes like sohten : rohten 10, imetten : igrætten 18 are comparatively few, imperfect ones frequent, as vnwraste : criste 80, ænde : grunde 109, dæðe : cuðe 158, monnen : hennen 160, ræde : neode 171, spræde : hude 210, hude : neode 212, inne : cunne 235, nap : up 275, wīn : ĭn 283; a final consonant is negligible, to : idon 9, wolde : athalden 20, laȝe : dæȝen 69, peohtes : fehte 126, fluȝen : vnnifoȝe 130, fæhte : cnihten 155, cumeð : gærsume 189, monnen : cunne 200, hude : ouerspræden 202, sætte : hæhten 230, scruden : prude 254, even a final syllable, scenden : lond 192; assonances are frequent, as driȝen : liuen 25, lond : strong 56, londe : stronge 85, 124, ligge : libbe 174, faste : castle 177, atwite : riche 204, ende : uelde 211, while : time 237, time : liðe 243; inflectional rhymes are admissible, as andswerden : cuðen 11, peohtes : londes 137, andswarede : wolde 151, children : olden 187, ihærde : seide 264; partial correspondences of sound suffice, as tiðende : kinge 1, wenden : kinge 14, leofue : laðe 79, læue : liðe 92, arerde : mare 223 (Bartels, 61), tiðende : londe 271, hende : kinge 287; proper names have special freedom, as Jupiter : whar 61, appollin : idon 63, Teruagant : lon[d] 64, alemanisce : horse 125, vortigerne : sone 265. The text has suffered much less from a metrical point of view than the Proverbs of Alfred, the interval of time between the original and the extant copy being shorter, but the changes are the same in kind. i. Words altered: for þa king 15 read muri; comp. ‘Swa he uorð to Cantuare-buri[;] þer him þuhte swiðe muri,’ L 29519, 20: l. 37, see note: l. 63, MS. O has possibly preserved the original: l. 85, read leod-ferde ful stronge: l. 146, for blisse--heom, read dune wes heom among; comp. ‘Þer wes swiðe muchel dune[;] þeines þer dremden,’ L 11574, 5: l. 242, for wolde read ȝirnde (Bartels 55); comp. 106/206: l. 268, for ær read euere: l. 286, for fain read sæl: l. 288, read þe leuedi he ȝeorne biheold[;] and comp. ‘He clepede to þere leuedi[;] heo wes him on heorten leof,’ L 1190, 1: l. 297, read dringe : ȝunge (for child). ii. Words omitted: l. 67, read dihteð alswa (Bartels 69): l. 107, read Lauerd king! nu forðrihtes; comp. 94/30, 96/50, 108/263: l. 131, read Vortigerne þe king[;] to herberwe wendẹ on hiȝing; comp. ‘Þa sæide þe king[;] Nu to scipe an hiȝing,’ L 32040, 1: l. 134, read hehȝe maðmes inoȝe; comp. ‘þa hæuekes ⁊ þa hundes[;] ⁊ hehȝe mine maħmes,’ L 22397, 8: l. 148, read runen swiðe deorne; comp. ‘and Hengest spæc wið Vortigerne[;] of rune swiðe derne,’ L 14768, 9: l. 209, where two lines have been compressed into one, read ‘⁊ he seolf wende[;] wide ȝeond þissen londe | To sechen on folde[;] ænne brædne fæld’; comp. ‘Ah anan heo wende[;] toward þissen londe,’ L 11634, 5; ‘Leir king wende on a{n}ne feld[;] ⁊ reste hine on folden,’ L 3510, 11: l. 215, read bule hude: l. 224, read nome þare; comp. ‘Þa andswarede eorles þare[;] Alle we beoð ȝarẹwe,’ L 27332, 3. iii. Substitution of forms: read l. 5, cnihtes; l. 110 alle; ll. 149, 178, wule; comp. ‘Ȝif ȝe hit lusten wlle,’ L 919: read l. 159, stilliche; l. 196, iwille : alle; l. 233, rideren. iv. Words rearranged mostly in a prose order: read l. 3, icumen weoren to londe; l. 14, wenden gunne; l. 82, nohtes ne beoþ; l. 83, ich eou wullẹ; l. 129, ⁊ awæi floȝen swuðe[;] forð an ælche helue; l. 214, ænne wisne mon he hæfden; l. 232, hider liðen; l. 250, Bord heo breden hetten[;] cnihtes þer to setten (Bartels 35). v. Padding: omit l. 9, and; l. 23, aer; l. 31, we; l. 86, muchele; l. 88, lond; l. 93, heore scipen; l. 97, heore; l. 113, read mani oht mon: omit l. 121, ofte; l. 128, þa; l. 218, noht; l. 248, mid him; l. 252 þa (wes); l. 285, þissen; l. 293 read hire for þat mæiden.

Elision takes place under the usual conditions, auerẹ 7, 132, cnihtenẹ 55, 89, sendẹ 198, bezstẹ 200, hudẹ 217, but hiatus is not infrequent, þinge 61, swiðe 84, alle 135, fæire 144, fulliche 183, hafde 212. In trisyllabic words the vowel of the middle syllable sometimes suffers syncope, as neoðẹles 83, hengẹstes 232, nauẹre 23, læuẹdi 65, naeuẹden 228, similarly answerẹde 21, 29, 55 and generally bịliue, weorẹn. The added n has small share in the metrical scheme; of the twenty-six certain instances of its use, three, rihten 20, cumen 24, comen 235, prevent hiatus, to which, however, the poet seems indifferent; once it makes a rhyme, hallen : men 259; twice it is in excess cunnen : wunne 188, Rouwenne : wimmonnen 270; once it rhymes with itself, hæfden : craften 214 (as emended above); four times it completes a rhyme, driȝen : liuen 25, iwiten : wurðscipen 26, ræden : dæden 110, innen : monnen 112; the remaining instances are whænnenen 27, wullen 30, 88, 184, duȝeðen 166, næueden 228, burhȝen 251, weoren 266, bitæhten 284. Doubtful are runen 148, ronen 156, leoden 165, 285, laȝen 278, 285; but they are most probably weak forms, and it may well be that the use of n spread from such cases to other forms. It is noteworthy that, out of these twenty-seven instances, the added n appears sixteen times at the end of line or half-line.

(2) =Of O.= The author of this recension had little regard for the metre of his original; ll. 68, 93, 112, 193, 226, 265, 297 are quite formless. Two lines are compressed into one, mostly unmetrical, at 67, 90, 157, 159, 173. Rhyme is substituted for alliteration at 114, 123, 131, 133, 149, 178, 221, 245; occasionally attempts are made to improve the rhyme, as at 35, 63, 253. At l. 7 a prose order is adopted; archaic words and phrases are rejected at 92, 108, 138, 139, 184, 207, 230, 251, 258, 267, 273, 278 &c.

#Introduction:# The priest Layamon, son of Leovenath, served the church at Ernley (Arley Regis) on the Severn near Radestone, ‘sel þar him þuhte.’ There it came into his mind that he would tell of the noble deeds of the English, and journeying wide over the land he got the noble books, Bede’s History in English, the Latin text of the same, which he ascribes to S. Austin and S. Albin, and the history which a French clerk made. Such is the poet’s account of his authorities, but of the two first he made no use, Wace’s metrical version of Geoffrey of Monmouth’s Historia Britonum was his main source. This he greatly amplified out of his legendary store and from other sources, writing in epic style and a somewhat archaic diction derived from the older English literature, and investing the whole with the charm of his imaginative and descriptive powers. But Imelmann maintains that, apart from some insignificant details, Wace was his only source, not indeed the text as we have it in Le Roux de Lincy’s edition, but a later lost redaction enlarged from an intermediate version which blended the original Wace with the first part of Gaimar’s Chronicle.

Layamon wrote in the early years of the thirteenth century, and finished his book before 1205 A.D.

This extract gives ll. 13785-14382 in Madden ii. pp. 152-177: it corresponds to Wace (W) 6860-7168. The references are to the older text of L, unless O is prefixed.

1. #Vnder ðan#, meanwhile; OE. #under þām#, where the prep. means among: ‘Entretant,’ W. Comp. ‘Under þis,’ SK 1858; ‘vnder þat,’ R. of Gloucester 116/11. L has also ‘Vnder þan ilke þinge,’ 29849, ‘Wnder þon,’ 6433. #tiðende# is OWScand. tíðindi: #tydinge# in O is OE. #tīdung#: see Björkman, 167. #vortiger# is from W: the OE. form is #Wyrtgeorn#.

5. #Alse hit weoren#, to all appearance: usually with swulc in L, ‘heo leopen ut of þan wuden[;] swulc hit deor weoren,’ 12828, 3070, 11571. For hit comp. 1/10. Kempes, champions, in O is a characteristic toning down of Kinges in C, but comp. L 25301.

6. #wiðuten#, not counting. #scipen monnen# is probably a scribal mistake for scipmonnen. #þer wiðinnen#, in the ships.

7. #þis#: _sing._ like þet 1/10 note: so too at 110/278, and with Hit, 110/271. #færeste#: ‘Od biax viaires et biax cors,’ W 6863.

8. #ꝥ--mare#: a typical comment, comp. ‘hire cheap wes þe wrse,’ L 385; ‘his hap wes þe betere,’ id. 4894, 816, 3857, &c.

9. #hu--idon#: Madden translates, ‘how they were disposed (their business)’: Mätzner, Sprachproben, says it corresponds exactly to OHG. wio getân, how conditioned, circumstanced; but his dictionary does not notice this use, which appears to be without support, for ‘þine ræddes ne beod noht idon,’ L 24956, where Madden translates, vaguely, ‘good,’ seems to mean, your counsels are not completed, i.e. ripe, perfect. On the other hand, wel idon occurs in L at least twenty-three times; with it Madden compares MHG. wol getan, translating good, excellent, brave; but it means more specifically, well equipped, (1) mentally, comp. 104/180; ‘þa wifmen wel idone[;] and þa betere biwitene,’ L 24677: (2) physically, 96/63; ‘ah he ne blakede no[;] for he wes cniht wel ido{n},’ L 7524; well fitted out, ‘scipen he hæfde sone[;] monie ⁊ wel idone,’ L 28234; well provided with money, ‘þe riche burh wel idone,’ L 5923; ‘Ðu ert wel don man,’ OEH ii. 29/15, the latter answering to the colloquial ‘well-to-do.’ Similar expressions are seen in ‘cnihtes wel bihedde,’ L 18010; ‘Jurdan is his bur-cniht[;] he is swiðe wel idiht,’ id. 18960; ‘twa hundred scipene[;] þer weoren wel biwitene,’ id. 20505; ‘wel bifunden,’ Orm 73/2176. The meaning here is accordingly, how they were provided for; a polite way of asking what they wanted.

11. #cuðen#, knew how, were able.

13. #heren#, obey: comp. 94/19; ‘nulle we him nauere hæren[;] ne hælde for ure hærre,’ L 7671, 4887, 8483.

15. #Cantuarie#: see 1/14.

16. #Hæhliche spilede#: Madden translates ‘nobly diverted themselves,’ with the usual meaning of OE. #spilian#, to play; and his interpretation is supported by, ‘mid haueken ⁊ mid hunden[;] hired-plæie luuien,’ L 14480. Luhmann, p. 91, regards this place as the only instance of that meaning in Layamon; he points out that everywhere else (as at 110/266) spilien has, from expressions like ‘spilede mid worden,’ L 17269, ‘plaȝede mid worden,’ L 17335, developed the meaning, to discourse, proper to OE. #spellian#. It seems unnecessary to make an exception here; the explanation, held high counsel, gives a good sense, and one more suitable for ‘hæhliche’ than the other.

17. #folc kinge#: comp. 96/47: variants are, ‘biforen þen folke kinge,’ L 9107; ‘þeos folkes ki{n}g,’ id. 4872; ‘leod king,’ id. 6797; ‘leode king,’ id. 3691; ‘leodene king,’ id. 5394; ‘leodisc king,’ id. 2144. As here, O avoids the archaic expression in each case except the last, where it has, ‘on leodene king.’ Comp. OE. #folc-cyning#, #lēod-cyning#.

18. #Sone swa#: see 130/51.

20. #mid rihten at halden#, retain them and treat them fairly.

21. #of--war#: this phrase, which is repeated after the epic manner with the king’s name, as 96/51, 98/78 &c. appears for the first time at 13254, ‘of ufele he wes wel iwar,’ where the context requires the meaning, he was well versed, practised in evil-doing. (OE. #wær#, having knowledge of.) His character is bad, ‘Fax fu et faussement parla,’ W 6796; ‘þat iharde Uortigerne[;] þe swike wes ful derne,’ L 13603. Less ambiguous is, ‘Æfter Cap Oein[;] for elchen vuele he wes fein,’ L 6993. #Þat . . . he# in O = who.

23. Comp. ‘Ne seah ic el-þeodige | þus manige men mōdiglīcran,’ Beowulf, 336, 247-50. #bi nihtes#: comp. ‘feorh færde bi nihttes,’ L 4415.

24. #for--bliðe#: comp. 108/263; ‘Þe king wes gled for his kime,’ L 3962: with _of_, 128/9, 206/321; ‘forr mani mann | Wass off hiss come bliþe,’ Orm, 24/795, as in OE., ‘ealle wæron swiðe bliðe his ongeancymes,’ Ælf. Lives, ii. 208/292.

26. #þurh--wurðscipen#, by your true worthiness, as truly as you are honourable. For the position of eouwer comp. 102/154, 104/171. With for in O comp. 78/66, 119/78.

28. #whar#: OE. #hwæðer#. #alde# &c., at all seasons, under all circumstances: comp. 25/226.

32. #hors#: so W; in Hist. Britonum, Horsus: comp. such double forms as Sceaf, Sceafa; Geat, Geata.

34. #ænde#, quarter: comp. 100/109, 127/344, ‘heofon biþ open on sumum ende,’ BH 93/1; ‘þe alre leste ende,’ SK 587 (= de remotis partibus); Minot, ix. 3. #angles#, Ænglis O: the OE. names are Angel, Engel, Ongel; the final _s_ here is probably due to Englisc. ‘De Saisone, dist-il, venon,’ W 6889; but they were Jutes.

35. #tiðende#, lit. happenings, here, customs, ways: comp. 110/271; ‘In Fra{n}ce weore læwen[;] sulkuðe a þan dawen. | ⁊ selcuðe tidende,’ L 5137, where læwen and tidende are synonymous. #gonde# in O is regarded by Madden as a mistake for goude, a spelling found in C, but not, I think, in O: he translates ‘many good things’; Mätz. ‘wondrously good things’; but that gives a very unsuitable sense and spoils a rhyme. In Specimens it is taken for goinde: O has goinde, 1582, but mostly goinge, which is hard to parallel at this date in the sense of taking place, progressing. Brotanek, in Zupitza-Schipper, 339 suggests that gonde is OE. #geondan#, yonder; but L otherwise has only ȝeond, ȝond, _prep._ as at 106/209. Possibly it is a mistake for wonde, accustomed, instead of the usual iwoned 101/121; ‘To hire weren iwoned[;] wonder craftie men,’ O 1153: C has iwunde, wounded, 10420, and the prefix is occasionally dropped, as somned, 104/167.

36. #vmbe# is ambiguous: bi eche &c., O, means every fifteenth year: ‘Li prince qui les teres ont | Tos les jenes asamblé font | Qui de quinze ans sunt et de plus,’ W 6909. #hi[s]# for is: him MS. cannot be reflexive here: comp. ‘Þa ferde wes isumned,’ L 1482, and so always in L. But Kock, Anglia, xxv. 318 takes #isomned# as isomneð, assembles, with #him# as reinforcing dative, like 13/34.

37. #iledene# is regarded by Mätzner as for ledene, with otiose _i_ prefixed, as in ‘iliue’ 94/22; it would in that case be _pl. g._ of leod as in ‘leodene king,’ L 5394. But ‘folk of the people,’ ‘nation-folk,’ Madden, is a strange expression (though leod-folc is common enough), and it would be a meaningless repetition; besides _e_ for OE. #ēo# is rare in L. Kellner, Archiv cxiv. 164, proposes ileuede representing OE. #gelyfed#, advanced in age, and one MS. of W has ‘Tout li viellart et li plus fort’ as a variant of ‘Tot li millor et li plus fort | Sont mis fors del païs, par sort,’ 6193. But ileuede is not used elsewhere in L, and would connote decrepitude. Geoffrey of Monmouth has ‘totius regni iuvenes coram se venire praecipiunt (principes): deinde sorte proiecta potiores atque fortiores eligunt,’ 82/20; something corresponding to ‘iuvenes’ is required here, such as iwepned; comp. L 9942-6.

38. #of#: see 80/47.

45. #feole# is impossible: Mätzner suggests the substitution of lot, as in O, for beoþ, but that would require feol instead of feole. More probably the scribe has been influenced by beoð into miswriting feole for fallen: #beoð# is singular.

46. #for liue# &c. apparently means, for any consideration, at any price, like ‘for love or hire.’

47. #for þan#, because of the, for fear of the.

49. #vnder lufte#, under heaven: comp. ‘nes þa na man vnder lufte[;] þe cuðe betere cræftes,’ L 10104: lufte is Madden’s correction.

50. #þurh alle þing#, in every respect, qualifying Soð: comp. ‘he wes god þurh alle þing,’ L 6894: somewhat different is ‘⁊ þar an hiȝinge[;] þurh ut alle þinges,’ L 2358.

51 O. #wis . . . war#: comp. 18/16.

52. #sugge#: for the subj. comp. ‘geliefeð ðæt he swelc sie swelce he gehierð,’ Cura Past. 110/11. #soðriht#, _adv._ truly; comp. ‘a þilke time soh riht,’ L 9668, MS. O.

53. #þat . . . on#, and 54. #þe . . . to#: see 1/3.

55. #cnihtene# &c.: a recurring phrase, as 98/89, 102/152; ‘cnihten alre hendest,’ 104/195.

57. #mode#, feeling: comp. ‘on his heorte he hauede grome[;] on his mode muchele sco{m}e,’ L 4847, and with O, ‘þe leof hire weis on mode,’ L 4489. See KH 281 note.

58. #hope to#: see 178/89 note. #heoreð . . . mid mihte#, strenuously exalt; from #herian#, to glorify: it might be from #hīeran#, to obey, but the former meaning is more suitable here; comp. 102/139.

59-68. There is little doubt that Layamon found this strange jumble of the gods of the Romans, Teutons, and French Romance in his original, but appollin and teruagant are missing in the printed Wace. Identification of the Roman gods with those of the Teutons and Celts proceeded rapidly among the barbarians from the first century onward, so that the Spanish bishop, Martin of Bracara, denouncing in the sixth century the pagan practices of his flock, uses the Roman names of the gods (De Correctione Rusticorum, ed. Caspari, pp. xci, 7-11), in which he is followed by Ælfric in the homily De Diis Falsis (Kemble, Solomon and Saturn, 120; Wulfstan, ed. Napier, 104). L appears not to have known that under this system Mercurius is Woden; Jupiter, Thunor; Mars, Tiw; Venus, Frea; and Phoebus, perhaps the Sun, yet Wace says ‘Mercurion | Qui en nostre langage a non | Woden.’ In L 16790-4, there is a similar list of the Saxon gods with addition of Dido{n} and Mamilon.

60. #weoli#, rich, powerful.

62. #hæhste#: comp. ‘Nu hateð Aganippus[;] þe is þe heȝest ouer us,’ L 3648: ‘Deorum maxime Mercurium colunt,’ Tacitus, Germania, 9: see Müllenhoff, Deutsche Alterthumskunde, iv. 212.

63. #appollin# is the god of Cassivellaunus, L 8081: one of the three idols of the Saracens in French romance, Mahomet and Tervagant being the others; ‘Mahummet sert e Apollin recleimet,’ Chanson de Roland, 8; ‘La lei i fut Mahum e Tervagan,’ id. 611. In L, Tervagant is the god of the Romans, 5353. #wel idon#: see 94/9 note. #of gret win# O, in whom we greatly delight: OE. #wynn#.

66. #hired men#, members of a household, courtiers. But Frea had nothing to do with these; she was the patroness and helper of lovers. Possibly L has misunderstood cortoier or cortois in his original.

67. #dihteð#, guides, directs.

69. Comp. ‘and habben þa ilke læȝen[;] þe stoden bi heore ældre dæwen,’ L 5960. #hehde# is for hefde: comp. ‘what he i Rome hæhde biwunnen,’ L 10547; ‘enne sune he hehde,’ id. 6958, 30185: for other instances in L of h substituted for f, see Luhmann, 45: the expression, to hold the highest law, may well mean, to have the highest authority, for Layamon’s use of laȝe is very wide and varied. But Brotanek treats #hehde# as _past_ of heȝen, OE. #hēgan#, to put in force, to establish: this in L is hæhȝede, heȝede: Logeman suggests hehte (OE. #hatan#), promised.

71. #heom# is written for him, and they did worship to him: the subject heo is not expressed, because it is contained in heore preceding: see 6/18.

72-76. The Romans adopted the week of seven days, with their allotment to the heavenly bodies, from the Chaldaeans. They were already well acquainted with it in the first century A.D., and it was in regular use in the third. Owing to their many points of contact with the barbarians, it spread rapidly everywhere among the northern nations, each of which adapted it by substitution of their own equivalent deities in the names of the days, Saturn alone proving intractable (see Grimm, Teutonic Mythology, 1. 122 ff; Müllenhoff, iv. 644 ff.). The North German invaders were already in possession of the system when they settled in England: comp. Byrhtferth’s Handboc, Anglia, viii. 321/4-17.

72. #to wurðscipe#, in his honour. #wendesdei# O, for Wednesdei, is representative of *Wēdnes-, Wǣdnes-dæg, out of Wōdines. (Holthausen, Anglia, Beiblatt, iii. 39.)

73. #þunres dæi#, day of Thunor: #þorisdai# O is Scandinavian: ODanish þūr (Björkman, 181): OE. #þūres dæg#. Comp. 85/99.

74. #fridæi#: OE. #frige-dæg#, the day of Freya, identified with Venus.

75. #sætterdæi# corresponds to OFrisian saterdei, OE. #Sæterdei#: #sateresdei# O to OE. #sæteresdæg#. The fullest form is #Sæternes dæg# = Sāturni dies (? Sǣ; see Anglia, Beiblatt, xx. 194). #þene# should be #þere#. #sonedæi#: OE. #sunnan-dæg#; perhaps OWScand. sunnudagr has influenced the ME. form.

76. #monedæi#: OFrisian mōnedei. #tisdæi#: OWScand. týsdagr: OE. #tīwes-dæg#. #Tidea# is said in the glossary to Specimens to be a Latinized form of Tiw in the _dat._ case, without support from any parallel and without explanation of _d_: probably it is a mistake for Tiwe, and as O has Tydea, the mistake would be derived from an earlier MS. common to both.

81. #wurse#, the evil one, the devil; comp. 110/291; ‘þat he wið þene wurse spæc,’ L 2841 where O has ‘feonde.’

82. #nohtes#, of a worthless kind: a descriptive genitive used predicatively: comp. ‘eower godas ne synd nahtes,’ Ælf. Lives, i. 182/205; ‘ne beoð ha riht nohtes,’ SJ 22/10: it is in principle the same as ‘ðæt fleax ðæt bið hwites hiewes,’ Cura Past. 86/19.

83. ‘Mult volanters vous retanrai,’ W 6957.

84. #ohte#, doughty: OE. #āht#, shortened from #āwiht#: so the root sense is ‘anything, good for anything, worth something.’ Comp. ‘ahte cniht wes Auelin,’ L 8141.

86. #scome . . . grome#: see 96/57 note, and for the corresponding verbs comp. ‘þerfore him ofte scomede[;] ⁊ his heorte gromede,’ L 13763.

94. #dringches#, warriors: OWScand. drengr, young man: the change of e to i is normal; see Björkman, 292.

95. #hændest# is taken by the editors generally as, nearest (to him), but everywhere else in L it means, courteous, or the like: comp. 98/77: perhaps him should be omitted.

97. #him to#, to Vortigern, but #senden# is corrupt; reading, seoððen siȝen him to, the meaning would be, next the Saxon knights followed after them; comp. ‘þe eorles heom siȝen to[;] mid fele heore cnihtes,’ L 9996.

98. #aldene# cannot be right, its final e does not belong to the dat. sing.: comp. ‘in alden hire de{n}ne,’ L 22027. Read aldrene, of the kin of his ancestors: comp. 98/69, 104/193; ‘of his eoldrene istreon,’ L 18609.

99. #hændeliche# is translated by Mätzner, courteously; rather, making a brave show.

100. #iscrudde . . . iuædde#: comp. ‘he us haueð wel iued[;] he us haueð wel iscrud,’ L 13573; 104/190.

101. #hængest# is the last word on the page, and the scribe has in consequence omitted -es: for #swaine# read swaines.

102. #hehne#, ‘hæhne,’ L 11378, represents OE. #hēanne#, _acc._ of #hēan#, mean, humble, and ‘hæne,’ 106/204, its _nom._ #hēane#: but ‘hæhne,’ 106/205, represents the _acc._ of #hēah#, high (seldom #hēahne#, mostly #heanne#).

104. Comp. ‘Nes hit noh[t] longe[;] buten ane stu{n}de,’ L 14423. #ne#: see 25/241 note. #longe# is adverbial in form.

108. Comp. ‘ꝥ lond heo þurh arnden[;] ⁊ herȝeden ⁊ barnden,’ L 12129, 9934.

109. #ænde#: see 96/34. #iuald#, they fell; comp. ‘sixti þusende[;] he leide to þen gronde,’ L 4751.

111 is formal: see 102/142, L 1035, 3147 &c.

117. #duden--iwune#, behaved as usual: comp. ‘hu Osric Edwines sune[;] dude ut-laȝen wune,’ L 31270.

120. Comp. ‘þat fæht wes swuðe strong[;] ⁊ swuðe stær ⁊ swuðe longe,’ L 4170.

121. ‘Por ce que vaincre les soloient | Lor costume tenir voloient; | Mais lor usage i ont perdu,’ W 6991.

122. #an oðer#, _nom. adj._ agreeing with hit: the construction is frequent in L; comp. ‘ah al an oðer hit iwærd[;] oðer he iwende,’ L 17336: oðer, _adj._ is also found in the same construction; comp. 203/202; ‘ah al hit iwrað (= iwarð) oðer[;] þene heo iwenden,’ L 19506, but it is mostly adverbial, as, ‘ah al heo þohten oðer,’ L 5429; ‘al oþer hit schal go,’ OEM 41/140.

123. If #hele# represents OE. #hælo#, safety, #heom# means, to the Britons, but the transition is abrupt, and Logeman suggests that #hele# may mean, thing hidden, secret; its known meanings being, concealment, hiding-place; it might be better to substitute iheled for #al hele#.

127. #feondliche#, furiously; comp. ‘Dunwal i þan fæhte[;] wes feondliche kene,’ L 4168, where O substitutes ‘swiþe.’ #feollen þa fæie#: an oft-repeated formula in L.

130. #vnnifoȝe#: OE. #ungefōg#, immense; here, countless. Comp. ‘muchel ⁊ unifoh,’ L 8674, ‘monie ⁊ vniuoȝe,’ id. 13187; ‘For noldest þu nefre [hab]ben inouh, buten þu hefdest unifouh,’ Worcester Frag. D 39.

132. #on uast#, close to, fast by him; OE. #on# + #fæst#: comp. ‘He makede an temple onfest þe baðe,’ L 2852: but Luhmann, p. 95, deduces it from #on œfeste#, influenced by the _prep._ fæst bi.

133. The subject of #ȝef# is he, contained in kinge: see 6/18. ‘Et Lindesée et bons manoirs,’ W.

134. ‘unc sceal worn fela | māþma gemǣnra,’ Beowulf, 1783, 4.

136. #a þan ilke#, on the same footing, thus: comp. ‘⁊ þus ane stonde[;] hit stod æ ðon ilka,’ L 3117, 3716, 14890 &c. ‘Ensi ont longement esté | Et lor amor a mult dure,’ W 7001.

137. For #londes# read londe, or for #þan#, þas.

139 O. #hendeliche#, cleverly.

141. #hæȝe dæie#, festival; mostly associated with religious observance; comp. ‘Hit wes an anne hæhȝe dæie[;] halȝede{n} leoden,’ L 10708. ‘Un jor trova le roi haitié | Si l’a à consel afaitié,’ W 7009. #duȝeðe monnen#, the men of his nobility, the retainers of his court; the first element answers to OE. #duguðe#, _s. g._ of #duguð#.

148. #ræcchen . . . runen#, expound, disclose secret counsels; comp. ‘summe heo muche runen[;] ræhten heom bitweone{n},’ L 25123; ‘þe sunne reccheð hire rune euch buten reste,’ SM 9/30. (‘Sol in aspectu annuncians in exitu, vas admirabile opus excelsi,’ Ecclus. xliii. 2.)

150. #halden to wraððe# apparently means, consider it a ground for anger: perhaps wenden should be read for halden.

153. #þine monscipe ihæȝed#, advanced thy dignity; comp. ‘⁊ mine monscipe hæien,’ 5451; ‘þurh þe haueð Morgan mi mæi[;] is mo{n}scipe afallet,’ id. 3838.

154. #þine#: see 92/26.

157. ‘Ai jo assés aparçéu | . . . | Que tu n’en as baron qui t’aint; | Cascuns te het, cascuns te plaint,’ W 7017.

158. #bare#, actual, absolute; comp. ‘his leode hine hateden | in to þan bare dæðe,’ L 7034; ‘bi þine bare life,’ id. 25800. #þare# O is a scribal error.

159. #stilleliche#, secretly; so too stille 104/170; comp. ‘mid stilliche runen,’ L 355; ‘mid heore stil rune,’ id. 3249: with #spilieð# comp. 110/266; ‘Þus speken þeos swiken[;] and spileden mid worde,’ L 3816.

161. #ambrosie#: Aurelius Ambrosius: O has the former name.

163. #laȝen#, ways, practices, a sense developed out of that of custom, but Mätzner translates, in a treasonable manner. His death was compassed by Vortigern, as O says.

169. #androeinnes#: L has elsewhere only Androgeus, and Androgeum as in W, with once Androchies _gen._ 8194. The present form corresponds to Androgen, Andragen, Andragenus of the prose Brut, ed. Brie, p. 33.

173. #kineliche#, royal, and therefore in the king’s gift.

175. Comp. ‘Þin hired þe hateð for me | ⁊ ich æm iuæid for þe,’ L 14458. #iuaid# is _pp._ of ȝefeogen, OE. *#gefēogan#: see NED v. 525, _s.v._ ivee. #iveiþed# is _pp._ of a derivative verb from OE. #fæhð#, feud: it occurs four times in O. #uor þe#, because of your unpopularity. #ic wene# &c., I expect to be killed.

176. #fare# &c.: see 34/86.

177. #biclused#: comp. ‘⁊ hæuede Valentin wel uaste | biclused in ane castle,’ L 12191: elsewhere O substitutes ‘bituned.’ ‘Si ai por toi maint anemi; | Ne puis par nuit estre aséur | Fors de castel et fors de mur,’ W 7040.

180. #of--idon#: see 94/9 note.

182. #wine maies#: OE. #wine mǣg#, a loving kinsman: L has also vniwinen, onwines, enemies, 14466.

184. #hiren#: comp. 94/19, 98/68. ‘Plus séurs en sera de moi | Et jo en servirai mius toi,’ W 7035.

188. #afeoh#: ‘Et bien les recoif et conroie,’ W 7052.

190. #ueden . . . scruden#: see 100/100.

195. #Þa ȝet#, still: OE. #þā git#. Comp. ‘hafde þa ȝet an ho{n}de,’ L 8540; ‘þe ȝet þe he wes i Rome’ (= while he was still in Rome), id. 9733.

196. #driȝen#, submit to. #her# &c., in this and in all things.

201. #stonden--hond#, to be in my possession permanently: comp. ‘Nu stond al þis muchele lo{n}d[;] a Bailenes aȝere hond,’ L 4330. Stonden in L often means little more than beon. #a#, unemphatic on: comp. ll. 215, 210.

202. #anes bule hude#: Madden suggests an or bules, but in the glossary treats bule as genitive: Mätzner thinks bule may represent a Scand. gen. bola; but bule-hude is a compound of which the first element is uninflected, yet genitive in essence, and so capable of association with an adjective in that case: the principle is the same as in ahnes, 74/207 note; the meaning is, the hide of one bull. #Ælches weies#, in every direction, but Mätzner explains, in any wise, any way, quoting ‘Ælches weies him wes wa,’ 18703, where the meaning appears to be, in both directions, on either side. #in grene# O, on a green, is a curious variant, and an early use of the noun in this sense.

204. #hæne . . . riche#; a frequent combination in L: it means the lowly . . . the exalted, the commons . . . the nobles, rather than, the poor . . . the rich.

210. #þer . . . on#, on which: see 1/3.

213. #þe# refers to hude. #wunder ane strong#: this combination of wunder ane with an adjective as here and at 106/219, 108/258, is frequent in the older text of L. So we find wunder ane brad, bliðe, cræftie, deop, fæir, laðe, lihte, monie, wod. It is also found with adverbs, as ‘Þa weop Vðer[;] wunder ane swiðe,’ L 18140, and once ‘bitter ane swiðe’ occurs, L 30302, where O has ‘biterliche swiþe.’ For wunder ane, O usually substitutes swiþe or wunderliche or rewrites or omits, but once for ‘wunder ane kene,’ 19935, it has kept ‘wonder one kene.’ #Wunder# is an adverb, as in ‘Þat feht wes wnder strong,’ L 1744; ‘mid wu{n}der muchele strengðe,’ id. 25078, and #ane# is OE. #ǣne#, #āne#, adverbial derivative of #ān#, in an extended use, uniquely, exceptionally, so that the combination means, wonderfully strong beyond all comparison. The translation in Specimens, ‘a wonderfully strong one,’ does not take into account the form of ane, and anticipates the pronominal use of an. In ‘su{m}me heo sæten stille[;] mucle ane stunde,’ L 25121, ane is the acc. of the article, the meaning being, for a long time.

214. #cuðe a#: on and of interchange with this verb elsewhere in L: so ‘And alle þe cuðe a boken,’ C 14431, ‘Ac al þat couþe of boke,’ O.

218. #swulc#, as it were: OE. #swylce#: O regularly substitutes ase.

220. ‘Une coroie en estendi | De coi grant tère avirona,’ W 7072. Similar tales are found in Virgil, Aeneid, i. 371; Saxo Grammaticus, ed. Holder, p. 143, of Ivar’s foundation of London: comp. Geoffrey of Monmouth, ed. San Marte, p. 313.

223. #muchele ⁊ mare#, great and glorious: B-T. quotes ‘Mære ⁊ miclu weorc drihtnes,’ Ps. Lamb., cx. 2.

224. #scop . . . hire#, shaped for it: OE. #naman#, or #to naman scieppan#, with dat. of person or thing named, as ‘scōp him Heor[o]t naman,’ Beowulf, 78; 179/107 note. L has a weak past also, ‘ah scupte him nome,’ 1951. ‘Cest non Vancastre li a mis, | El langage de son païs. | Vancastre cest nom del quir prent, | Sel puet l’on nomer altrement | Chastel de coroie en romans, | Kaer Kaerai en bretans. | Or l’apèlent pluisor Lancastre | Qui ne savoient l’aqoison | Dont Vancastre ot premier cest non,’ W 7075-84. The traditional site is Tong in Kent: ‘Tong Castle or rather Thong Castle, in Saxon Þwangceastre, in British Caer Kerry . . . both whiche woordes signifie a Thong of leather,’ Lambarde, A Perambulation of Kent, ed. 1576, p. 195. But Camden in his Britannia, published in 1586, p. 306, places it in Lincolnshire, at Caster, six miles from Grimsby. L specializes in place-names; see his account of London, 7099, Hampton, 9376, Caen, 27923, Cernel, 29674. The formula in l. 227 occurs at 6062, 9380 &c.

228. #gome# is translated ‘adventure’ by Madden, rather, proceeding, tricky device.

230. #lane castel# and Wace’s ‘Lancastre’ can hardly be meant for Lancaster; they are possibly due to the Lincolnshire tradition.

232. #com# is practically an auxiliary verb: comp. ‘Leir wes cumen liðen,’ Lear had arrived, L 3626, 5379; ‘Þenne þu cumes faren ham,’ when thou dost fare home, id. 4398: similarly ‘gon forð liðe,’ 108/243, 245.

233. Read rideren: used vaguely for knights.

234. #comen# is probably an interpolation. #to iwiten#, that is to say: comp. ‘and forð he gon liðen[;] mid his Brutleoden. | þat is to iwitene[;] mid twa hundred scipene,’ L 30914. #æhtene#, ‘good,’ Madden; but the meaning wanted is, eighteen large ships; ‘Vinrent dix huit nés cargies | De chevaliers et de maisnies,’ W 7087; and so Madden corrects, iii. 487. Mätzner reads æhtetene, OE. #eahta tyne#, but ahtene occurs again C 18015, where O has ehtetene.

237. #umbe while#, after a (short) time: so ‘umbe stunde,’ L 26505; ‘umben ane stunde,’ id. 15924; ‘umben longne first,’ id. 287: O has usually the same variant as here, but ‘bi on lutel stunde,’ O 11969: see KH 333 note.

238. #mid#, among, ranking with: comp. ‘cniht mid þane beste,’ L 707, ‘swike mid þan meste,’ id. 2547; ‘hærm mid þon meste,’ id. 9806.

239. #bad# in C is OE. #bēad#, offered him hospitality; in O, OE. #bæd#, invited him to a banquet, as also in C 241. #gistninge#, entertainment; ME. gistnen, derivative of OE. #giest#, influenced by OWScand. gista: see Björkman, 152.

240. #to ȝeines him#, against his coming, to receive him: comp. ‘scipen he þer funde. | þat to-ȝenes him weoren ibonned,’ L 9731. Elsewhere in L the preposition is joined with a verb of motion.

241. #fæire underfon#: see 5/11 note.

245. #ꝥ#, until: see 72/179.

246. ‘Le castel et l’oevre agarda, | Mult fu bien fais, mult le loa,’ W 7103.

249. Layamon’s delight in descriptions of feasts and music is in strong contrast to Wace’s prosaic manner. The present passage may be compared with L 3634, 5107, 14946. Mätzner would read gomen-men, musicians, or gleomen, with change of cleopien into gleowien, but #gomen# means games, a regular accompaniment of the feast (see KH 478 note), and #cleopien# proclaim, as in ‘Lette þe king gan awal[;] ⁊ lude clepien ouer al,’ L 3644.

250. #hetten#, ordered; perhaps a mistake for letten, as L has generally hehten in this sense. With #breden# comp. ‘bordes heo brædden,’ L 18523, where O has ‘bordes hii leide{n}’: it means, to cover with cloth and viands.

251. #dræm# &c.: comp. 102/146; ‘blisse wes on folke,’ L 5108, ‘blisse wes on hirede,’ id. 14947.

252. #þa--iloten#, then had the better fallen to their lot; lucky men were they! OE. #gehlēotan#, to share by lot.

253-268. In L 14956-81 Ronwen again appears as cupbearer.

254. #vnimete prude#, boundless splendour: OE. #prȳto#, influenced in this meaning by OWScand. prýþi, ornament.

255. #al ꝥ scrud#, all the clothing; _sing._, the _pl._ is ‘alle þa scrud,’ L 10180: the number changes in #heo weoren#. #ibon#, prepared, adorned: comp. ‘wel wes he ibon,’ L 12805, in O alle wel idiht; ‘þas scipen ibone,’ id. 32037. It is an East Scand. _pp._ bōin, as buen is West Scand. búinn: ‘iboned,’ L 8086, with same meaning is _pp._ of the derivative *ibonen parallel with bounen, derivative of buen. See Björkman, 206.

256. #ibrusted#, made bristly, rough: comp. ‘alle þai mete-burdes[;] ibrusted (ibrustled O) mid golde,’ L 24667; ‘vestes auroque ostroque rigentes,’ Virg. Æn., xi. 72.

261. #sæt#, went down on: comp. ‘þa hie for þam cumble on cneowum sæton,’ Grein, ii. 484/180: see KH 781 note.

263. #wæs hæil# is OWScand. væs heill, be well, good health to you! In ‘Lavert King wes hel tant li dist,’ W 7115, the forms are English: comp. ‘Wes þu, Hroðgar, hal!’ Beowulf, 407. #for--uæin#: see 94/24: O means, for thy coming is wholesome to me; for #comes#, plural with meaning of singular, comp. ‘hwanan eowre cyme syndon,’ Beowulf, 257; ‘hwonan his cyme sindon,’ Grein, iii. 89/1196; and for the usual expression, 94/24 note.

266. See 102/159. #weoren#, might be.

267. #Keredic#: ‘Redic li respondi premiers, | Brez ert, si fu bons latiniers; | Ce fu li premiers des Bretons | Qui sot le langaige as Sessons,’ W 7119. The name, Cerdic, Ceredic, Cerdicelmet, is in Nennius, ed. Petrie, ch. xxxvii. #sellic#, marvellous, gifted.

268. #ær# is probably a scribe’s mistake for æuer, due to #her# following.

271. #tiðende#, _pl._ practice: see 96/35; and for Hit with beoð _pl._ 1/10, 94/7. ‘Costume est, sire, en son païs,’ W 7127.

272. #gladieð of drenche#, find enjoyment in drinking: of with the adj. is common, with the verb rare: comp. 126/310.

273. #Mid--hende#, with pleasant courteous looks, or manner, generally including gesture: ME. lat, lot is OWScand. lát, Björkman, 91. Comp. ‘mid leofliche læten,’ L 19396; ‘mid swiðe uæire læten,’ id. 15661; ‘mid wu{n}su{m}me lades,’ id. 12278. In Havelok 1246, ‘Wesseyl þe[i] ledden fele siþe,’ read seyden for ledden.

274. ‘Quant ami boivent entre amis, | Que cil dist wes hel qui doit boire | Et cil drinkel qui doit recoivre,’ W 7128. #drinc hail#, drink health, the latter word being a noun, OWScand. heill.

276. #oðer--fareð#, one brings another full one there. Different in W, ‘Dont boit cil tote la moitié,’ but afterwards he has ‘Et de boivre plain ou demi,’ 7143.

277. #þreoien#: nothing corresponding in W, only ‘entrebaisier.’

278. #sele laȝen#, pleasing customs: see KH 1110 note.

284 O. #swipte#, tossed it off: OE. #swipian#, to lash; comp. OWScand. svipa, to move quickly.

286. #fain#: the English had a bad reputation for their drinking habits among their French neighbours. Wace describes their revels on the night before the battle of Hastings, ‘Bublie crient e weisseil | E laticome e drincheheil, | Drinc hindrewart e drintome, | Drenc folf, drinc half e drinc tode,’ Roman de Rou, ed. Andresen, 7377, that is, They cry, be blithe and wassail, and let it (the cup) come and drinchail, drink after and drink to me, drink full, drink half and drink to thee. ‘Fercula multiplicant et sine lege bibunt. Wessail et dringail,’ says Burnellus of the English students at Paris at the end of the twelfth century, Nigelli Speculum, 63/19. The parallel place in the prose Brut is, ‘þat was þe ferst tyme þat “whatsaile” and “drynkehaile” come vp into þis lande; and fram þat tyme into this tyme it Haþ bene wel vsede,’ 52/13.

290. #mod . . . main#, mind and might: an OE. combination; comp. ‘ða ongunnon heo sticcemælum mod ⁊ mægen monian,’ Bede, 54/8, = ‘vires animosque resumere.’ #halde to#, inclined to: OE. #hieldan#: its use elsewhere in L is quite different; ‘þa hæðene hundes[;] hælden to grunde,’ L 19558, is typical.

291. Comp. ‘þe wurse him wes ful neh,’ L 13284, 16636; ‘þe wurs him wes on heorte,’ id. 9215; ‘þe scucke wes bi-tweonen,’ id. 276; ‘Tant l’a diables cimoné | Qui maint homme a à mal torné,’ W 7159. For #ælche#, swilce should perhaps be read.

292. #mæingde#, troubled, lit. mingled: the verb is mostly passive in L, as ‘his mod him gon menge{n}[;] he morȝnede swiðe,’ 3407; comp. ‘Almast menged him his mode,’ CM 8804.

293. #murnede#, said of painful longing.

295. #leoden to hærme#, to his people’s hurt: comp. ‘Twenti ȝer he heold þis lond[;] þa leoden al to hærme,’ L 2580; 176/24 note: #folk# in O is dative.

298. #funde--ræd#, thought it advisable: comp. ‘he uunde on his ræde[;] to don þat heo hi{n}e bede{n},’ L 21933; ‘Hit is on mine rede[;] to don þat þu bede,’ id. 31106; 12/5 in piece v. But W says he took the advice of his brother and friends, ‘Loë li ont et consillié | Que il li doint délivrement,’ W 7172.

_Cross-References_

5/11 (note) = II. (Saint Godric’s Hymns) 25/241 (note) = VI. (The Proverbs of Alfred) 94/9, 96/57 (notes) = _present selection_ 178/89 (note) = XXI. (The Bestiary)

_Errata_

#Phonology:# ... _eo_ in heoreð 58 (if from #herian#) [_missing close parenthesis_] #w# is lost ... bilæuen 39, biuoren 95 [39 biuoren] (2) =Of O.= ... The present forms of #willan# [_misprinted as plain (non-bold)_] ... Initial #hl# is reduced to _l_ [_“l” misprinted as bold instead of italic_] #hn# to _n_, nap 275 [_“#hn# to _n_” added by author_] Adjectives ... enne (ende) 211 [enne(ende)] The personal pronouns ... mine _neut._ 22 (7) [22(7)] Four-fifths of the infinitives ... I c. _s._ 3. bigon 221, [221;] V. _s._ 3. biheold 246, 288 [_period after “s.” invisible_] (2) =Of O.= ... man _s. d._ 205, [205.] The personal pronouns ... #ilca# is ilke _s. n. m._ 237, 275, _s. d. m._ [275 _s. d. m._] al _a._ 93. [al.] #Metre:# ... To sechen on folde[;] ænne brædne fæld’ [_close quote missing_] comp. ‘Þa andswarede eorles þare [comp,] 37. ... one MS. of W [W.] 72-76. ... Grimm, Teutonic Mythology, 1. 122 ff [122ff] 123. If #hele# represents OE. #hælo# [_text unchanged: error for “hǣlo”?_] 175. ... because of your unpopularity. [unpopularity,] 263. ... Beowulf, 257 [Beowulf 257]

XV. ORM

#Manuscript:# Junius 1, Bodleian Library, Oxford: an oblong folio, written in double columns on 118 leaves of parchment varying considerably in size, the largest being 508 × 200 mm.; about 1210 A.D., and an autograph, but corrected by a second and third hand. See further Holt, i. p. lxxvi.

#Facsimiles:# Skeat, W. W., Twelve Facsimiles, plate iv. Palaeographical Society; Second Series, plate 133. Napier, A. S., Notes on the Orthography of the Ormulum, Oxford, 1893, also in History of the Holy Rood-tree, E. E. T. S., O. S. 103.

#Editions:# White, R. M., Oxford, 1852. Holt, R., 2 vols., Oxford, 1878. Extracts in Mätzner, Sweet’s First Middle English Primer, 48-81, Emerson and other Readers.

#Literature:# =The Author:= Logeman, H., Archiv, cxvii. 29; Björkman, E., Archiv, cxix. 33, cxxiii. 23; Bradley, H., Athenaeum, May 19, 1906; Wilson, J., ibid., July 28, 1906; =Phonology:= Blackburn, F. A., The Change of þ to t in the Ormulum, American Journal of Philology, iii. 46; Bülbring, K. D., Die Schreibung _eo_ im Ormulum, Bonner Beiträge, xvii. 51; Callenberg, C., Layamon und Orm nach ihren Lautverhältnissen verglichen, Jena, 1876; Hale, E. E., Open and Close ē in the Ormulum, Modern Language Notes, viii. 37; Kaphengst, C., An Essay on the Ormulum, Elberfeld, _n. d._; *Lambertz, P., Die Sprache des Orrmulums, Marburg, 1904; Menze, G., Der Ostmittelländische Dialekt, Strassburg. diss., Cöthen, 1889; *Napier, A. S., as above; =Grammar:= Funke, O., see p. 450; Sachse, R., Das unorganische e im Orrmulum, Halle, 1881; Thuns, B., Das Verbum bei Orm, Leipziger Diss., Weida, 1909; Weyel, F., Der syntaktische Gebrauch des Infinitivs im Ormulum, Meiderich, 1896; Zenke, W., Synthesis und Analysis im Orrmulum, Götting. Diss., Halle, 1910, completed in Morsbachs Studien, no. xl; =Consonant Doubling:= Björkman, E., Orrms Doppelkonsonanten, Anglia, xxxvii. 351 (good summary of previous literature); Effer, H., Einfache und doppelte Konsonanten im Ormulum, Anglia, vii, Anzeiger, 166; Holthausen, F., Wel und well im Ormulum, Anglia, Beiblatt, xiii. 16; Trautmann, M., Orm’s Doppelkonsonanten, Anglia, vii, Anzeiger, 94, 208, Anglia, xviii. 371; =General:= Brate, E., Nordische Lehnwörter im Orrmulum, Paul-Braune, Beiträge, x. 1, 580; Deutschbein, M., Die Bedeutung der Quantitätszeichen bei Orm, Archiv, cxxvi. 49, cxxvii. 308; Kluge, F., Das französische Element im Orrmulum, ES xxii. 179; Kölbing, E., Zur Textkritik des Ormulum, ES i. 1, ii. 494; Monicke, C. H., Notes and Queries on the Ormulum, Leipzig, 1853; Reichmann, H., Die Eigennamen im Orrmulum, Göttingen, 1905, and as no. xxv of Morsbachs Studien; Sarrazin, G., Über die Quellen des Orrmulum, ES vi. 1.

#Phonology:# Orm supplemented the current graphic methods by devices of his own. Thus he systematically doubled a consonant after a short vowel in a closed syllable, so tunnderrstanndenn 109. Whether he meant thereby to indicate shortness of the vowel or length of the consonant is disputed. The latter view seems the more probable; the difficulty which is presented by the occurrence of the doubled consonant in unstressed syllables, where it is short in ordinary speech, is removed if, with Björkman, we suppose that the phonetist isolated his syllables in testing their value. Where the consonant after an open syllable is in fact short, Orm often places a breve over the preceding short vowel, as wĭtenn 3, tăkenn 40, wăke 76, 82, 105, hĕte 87, hĕre 123, but fails at times, as in sune 20, wake 56, here 114, 143. Likewise he uses very seldom an almost horizontal accent to indicate vowel length, as á 174, but more frequently, as if to emphasize his warning against possible error, doubles it, as le̋t, fe̋t 10, ha̋t 37, űt 53, &c., or even for greater insistence trebles it, as clū̋t 2, ȝē̋t 39, mostly before final t. Here, too, he is not systematic, thus time 115 has a single mark of length twenty times elsewhere, and words like ut have sometimes two, sometimes three accents.

Furthermore, Orm invented a special symbol [g] with a flat top projecting on both sides for the guttural stop g, reserving the continental g for the dzh sound in such words as egge (edge), leggen, seggen: the latter occurs in this extract only in gluternesse 167, and that by mistake. In his representation of late OE. #eo#, #ēo#, the author hesitated between eo and e, preferring the former at the beginning, but gradually increasing the use of the latter, so that it becomes normal in the last third of the work and invariable in the Dedication and Preface, which were, no doubt, written last of all. He then appears to have aimed at uniformity by scraping out, not always effectually, the o wherever he had written eo, which was restored in many instances (but apparently not in this extract) by a later scribe in a fainter ink and thinner letter. Holt, by printing eo wherever it once existed, fails to represent the actual state of the manuscript: in this extract o is still visible, though partly erased, in heore 56, heoffness, leome 57, þeossterrnesse 65, deofless 67, heoffness, leome 70, heoffness 77, mildheorrtnesse 78, heoffness 107, 113, deofless 126; everywhere else it is completely erased. Finally, heffness 174 is so written without erasure in a line added lengthwise on the margin, perhaps from the following leaf, which is now missing and may have been withdrawn by the author. It is generally held that Orm employed eo and e to represent the same sound, the former being a traditional spelling. This is unlikely on the part of a determined phonetician like Orm, who would naturally be impatient of traditional spellings. Much more probable is Bülbring’s view that Orm spoke a mixed dialect, in which an [ö] sound existed beside the [e] sound, and that he finally decided for the latter.

Oral #a# is _a_, acc 3, habbenn 51; #a# before nasals _a_, grammcunndnesse 86, ‘năme’ i. 9717; #a# before lengthening groups _a_, faldess 56 (#fal(o)d#), hande 10, sang 131, but short in annd 114, unstressed, stanndenn 67, 117: the indefinite pronoun is mann 36. #æ# is _a_, affterr 21, fasste 59, wăke 76; ꝥat 46 was probably meant for þatt: wrecche 4 (4 times), wrecchelike 24 is OE. #wrecca#. #e# is _e_, cwellen 38, hĕre 123, hĕte 87, sett 146, but se̋tt 68 (probably miswritten), stressed wel 34 (13), qualifying a verb, and in most cases at the end of the first half-line, beside well 29 (4), qualifying adjective or adverb; #e# before lengthening groups is _e_, ende 113, genge 129, but short are senndeþþ 62 and enngle 15 (10), with a consonant after the lengthening group: whillc 152, iwhillc 134, 161 represent #hwilc#, #gehwilc#, swillke 69, #swilc#. #i# is _i_, cribbe 2, friþþ 133, inn 2 &c., mikell 93, wĭtenn 3 (Orm divided wiþþ utenn 113), but in 170: #i# before lengthening groups is _i_, bindenn 10, child 4, shildenn 67, 126, but brinngenn 18, sinndenn 74, 169, winnde clū́t 2, 7. #o# is _o_, follc 30, biforenn 16; before lengthening groups _o_, unorneliȝ 45, worde 60, but short are wollde 5, forrþrihht 1 (usually forþ uncompounded): #o# is _u_ in wurrþenn 33, 48 (#worden#) by analogy of the infinitive. #u# is _u_, stunnt 27, vnnorne 4; before lengthening groups _u_, sungenn 131, tunge 119, wundenn 7, but short are hunngerr 37, unnderrstanndenn 109, wullderr 132, wunnderrliȝ 35. #y# is _i_, dill 27 (*#dyll#), gillteþþ 155, ifell 64, þrisst 37, wrihhte 151; before lengthening groups, kinde 108, but birrþ 3, 44.

#ā# is _a_, á 174, lare 79, whas 90; before two consonants _a_, bitacneþþ 100, gast 73: shortening in hallȝhe 69: #swā# is usually swa 17, but se 1 (#swē#). #ǣ{1}# is _æ_, hæþenndom 161, læreþþ 73, sæ 12; before two consonants _æ_, næfre 41, unnclænnesse 161, but _a_ in aniȝ 157 (#ānig#), lasse 39, mast 169 (North. #māst#). #ǣ{2}# is mostly _æ_, færedd 84, 91, lætenn 45, 54, þær 19 (4), wæde 8, wære 17 (3), wærenn 58 (3), but _e_ in greditleȝȝc 167, and with shortening fordredd 88 (4); before two consonants _æ_, wæpnedd 90, and _e_ with shortening, sellðe 95. #ē# is _e_, betenn 158, eche 19, fe̋t 10, le̋t 10, but _o_ in doþ 29 &c., from the plural. #ī# is _i_, bliþe 85, pinenn 36, riche 5 (4); before two consonants _i_, crist 1, 90, cristenndom 49, but elsewhere usually crisstendom. #ō# is _o_, dom 75, god 71; before two consonants _o_, frofrenn 60, 66: shortened in comm 26, 30, 55, soffte 85. #ū# is _u_, brukenn 174, -clū̋t 2, űt (numen) 53; shortened in vpp 18, 142, uss 3, 62. #ȳ# is _i_, bisne 43 (#bȳsne#), grisliȝ 91 (*#grȳslig#), kiþenn 92, litell 21 (3), shrideþþ 6.

#ea# before #r# + cons. is _a_, naru 13, starrke 75; before lengthening groups _æ_, ærd 5, middelærd 6, but harrd 37, towarrd 87, warrþ 3 (3). The _i_-umlaut is not represented in this extract, it is _e_ in ‘errfe’ i. 1068, beside ‘dærne’ i. 2004, where _æ_ represents #ea# before a lengthening group. #ea# before #l# + cons. is _a_ (Anglian), all 3 &c., hallf 36, 93; before lengthening groups _a_, haldenn 22, kald 37, walde 124; the _i_-umlaut is _e_, beldeþþ 79, corrected out of miswritten beoldeþþ; see 359/5. #eo# before #r# + cons. is _e_, herrte 89, 119, but misspelt herte 134; before lengthening groups _e_, erless 164, erþe 20 (4). To the #wur# group belong forrwerrpenn 149, wurrþenn 17 (3), wurrþshipe 132: ȝernenn 21 is without umlaut, but hirde 53, hirdess 46, irre 75, 167. #eo# before #l# + cons. is seen in sellf 53, sellfenn 19 (4). #eo#, _u_-umlaut of #e# is _eo_, heoffness 57 (5), but _e_ in heffness 5 (11), hefennlike 8, werelld 9: the _å_-umlaut of #e# is wanting in berenn 29; the umlaut of #i# is _eo_ in heore 56, but here 50, ‘fele’ i. 7640. #ea# after palatals is _a_, shall 134, shaffte 9, unnshaþiȝnesse 50 (#scæþþig#). #ie# after #g# is _i_, ȝifenn 14 (5), ȝifeþþ 72, gife 174: #ȝef# is ȝiff 80. #eo# after #g# is _u_, ȝung 108; after #sc#, _o_, shollde 47, 94, sholldenn 50, 96.

#ēa# is _æ_, læfe 49, ræfenn 89, sæm 29, but _e_ in ec 53 &c.; its _i_-umlaut is _e_, ekedd 129, lefenn 96. #ēo# is _e_, ben 7, bitwenenn 141, defell 86 (3), lefe 34, lem 77 (4), sen 40, þed 15, and _eo_, deofless 67, leome 57, seo 91; ȝho 2 (#hēo#) shows shifted accent: the _i_-umlaut of #ēo# is wanting in lesenn 102, nede 33, stereþþ 9, þessterrnesse 63, 160, þeossterrnesse 65. #gīet# is ȝḗt 39. #ēa# after palatals is _e_, shep 50, 54, #īe# after #g#, _e_, ȝemenn 52, 125.

#a# + #g# is _aȝh_, laȝhess 22. #æ# + #g# is _aȝȝ_, daȝȝ 99 (= daī), daȝȝess _s. g._ 100 (= dai-iess), laȝȝ 16, maȝȝ 40 (3), but seȝȝde 92 (as if from *#segde#). #e# + #g# is _eȝȝ_, leȝȝd 13 (= leīd). Final #-ig# is _iȝ_ (= ī), aniȝ 157, bodiȝ 173, grisliȝ 91, modiȝnesse 87; greditleȝȝc 167 is probably miswritten. #i# + #h# is _ihh_, sihhþe 58, 77. #o# + #g# is _oȝh_, forrhoȝhenn 149. #u# + #g# is _uȝh_, muȝhenn 80, 142. #ā# + #g# is _aȝh_, aȝhenn 3, 54. #ō# + #g# is _oh_, inoh 31. #ea# + #h# is seen in waxenn 137; the _i_-umlaut in mihhte 36, 137, nihht 55, 57, but mahht 72, allmahhtiȝ 108, nahht 46 (4) descend from Anglian forms in #æ#. #eo# + #ht# is _ihht_ in brihhte 77, rihhte 49, 89, 91, fihhten 123; the _i_-umlaut is wanting in seþ 84 (corr. out of seoþ). #ēa# + #h# is _ehh_, þehh 74 (#ðēh# shortened by loss of stress), neh 30. #ēo# + #ht# is seen in lihht 57 (as if from #leoht#). #ā# + #w# gives _aw_, sawless 69, 129, wawenn 151. hewe 70 is from Anglian #hēow#: ohht 145 represents #oht#, similarly nohht 40, 91. #ēa# + #w# appears in awwnedd 105 (*#ēawnian#); #ēo# + #w# in reweþþ 158 (corr. out of reoweþþ), trowwþe 90 (#treowþ# without umlaut and with shifted accent), þeww 72 (= þeū: from #þeow#), so, too, þewwten 31.

#Ealswā# is alls 172: for #e#, _i_ appears in drihhtin 42 (6); it is lost in wiþþren 150, added in swikedomess 67, 168, onne 29, ‘offe’ i. 4097 by analogy of inne, uppe: #o# is _a_ in anan 1. The prefix #ge# is _i_, iwhillc 134, 161.

Metathesis of #r# is seen in þrisst 37, wrihhte 151. #n# is lost in i 2, o 36; by inadvertence it is not doubled in unorneliȝ 45, comp. vnnorne 4. #f# is used in every position, faldess 56, hafeþþ 28, hallfe 93, but it was probably voiced between vowels and vowellikes, _v_ as in ‘serven’ i. 506 is rare. For #d#, _þ_ appears by analogy in wurrþenn 33, 48. After #d#, #t#, certain pronominal words change initial þ to _t_, tær 13, tanne 94, tatt 13 &c., teȝȝ 128, te 25, 115, tu 34. #sć# is regularly _sh_, shrideþþ 6, shop 9, nesshe 37; in bisscopess 51, ‘bisskopess’ i. 7233 (but elsewhere bisshopess), and mennisscnesse 38, sc is probably due to Scandinavian influence. The stop #c# is _k_ before _e_, _i_, makenn 5, mannkinn 21, _c_ before _o_, _u_, other consonants and final, comm 26, clut 2, flocc 49, ec 53 (contrast ekedd 129), _k_ or _c_ in other positions, kald 37. #č# is _ch_, child 4, eche 19, but palatalization does not take place in swillke 69, illke 13, illkess 161, iwhillc 134, whillc 152 and ekedd 129, mikell 93, miccle 33. #čč# is _cch_ in wrecche 4: #cw# is regularly preserved, cwellenn 38, cwike 15; _qu_ occurs in the Latin words quarrterrne, quaþþrigan. Palatal #g# is _ȝ_, ȝæn 73, ȝernenn 21, ȝifenn 14 (6), but gife 174: the guttural spirant is _ȝh_, follȝhenn 79, 107, 165, hallȝhe 69, sinnȝheþþ 155. The guttural stop [g] is distinguished from the dzh sound in edge, which is represented by g. #h# is lost initially in laferrd 25, nesshe 37, reweþþ 158: #hēo# is ȝho 2: #hw# is _wh_, whas 90, whatt 137.

#Accidence:# Strong declension of _masc._ and _neut._ nouns. In the _s. n._ sune 20, 106 represents #sunu#. _Gen._ -ess, daȝȝess 100, deofless 67, heffness 14, lifess 100, but, by a scribal error, daȝȝes 75: _d._ -e, hewe 170, sune 96, worde 60, and six others, but the inflection is mostly wanting, as in bodiȝ 173, daȝȝ 99, dom 75, and thirty-two others. The _acc._ heffne 12 is due to the LWS. _fem._ #heofone#. The _pl. n. a._ of masculines ends in -ess, hirdess 46, bisscopess 51; neuters are shep 50, 54, ?wiless 126: genitives are enngle (þed) 15, 122, kinne 64, 71, 157: datives have mostly -ess, bandess 11, claþess 24, but þinge 71, wrihhte 151. The _fem._ nouns of the strong declension end in e in the _s. n. a._, blisse, sellðe 95, are 80, bisne 43, except mahht 72, þed 15, werelld 9, and sæ 12. _Gen._ -e, helle 101, 151, possibly blisse 174: _dat._ -e, blisse 18, cribbe 2, hallfe 93, but hallf 36. _Pl. g._ is þede 122; _d._ sawless 129; _a._ hande 10, shaffte 9, sawless 69. Nouns of the weak declension have mostly -e in all cases of the singular, but demess 75 is genitive and, before the caesura, lem 77, dative, beside leome 57, lem 107, 163 accusative: a _pl. n._ is wawenn 151. The minor declensions are represented by fet _pl. a._ 10, mann _s. n._ 20, manness _s. g._ 172, manne _s. d._ 30, mann _s. a._ 134, menn _pl. n._ 76, _pl. d._ 49, 56; nahht _s. d._ 46, nihht _s. a._ 57; moderr _s. d._ 1; child _s. n._ 4.

Adjectives which in OE. end in e retain that termination throughout, as bliþe 85, cweme 152, eche 19, 100, 103, milde 82, riche 5, 112, 165, soffte 85, vnnorne 4. Instances of weak inflections are _s. d. m._ laþe 165, lefe 34, rihhte 49, starrke 75, _s. d. f._ brihhte 77, _s. a. m._ laþe 32, 73, 123, _s. a. neut._ rihhte 89, rume 14: strong inflections are few, _s. d. f._ fulle 90, hefennlike 8, 173, _s. a. m._ gode 153: all others are uninflected in the singular. The plural ends in -e, glade 127, gode 147, hallȝhe 69, laþe 31, 66, 126, cwike 15. Adjectives used as nouns are not inflected. #mycel# in the strong declension is mikell, _s. d. f._ 131, _s. a. f._ 93, _s. a. neut._ 61, in the weak, miccle _s. d. f._ 33 (#myclan#), _s. a. neut._ 120 (#mycle#). #āgen# gives aȝhenn 3, 54 without inflection. OE. #ān# is an _n. m._ 114, a 172, aness _g. m._ 170, an _d. f._ 2, _a. m._ 49, _a. f._ 3. Comparatives are bettre, mare 145, lasse 39; superlative, mast 169.

The personal pronouns are uss, tu, after t, 34, þe. The pronoun of the third person is _s. n._ he _m._ 3, ȝho _f._ 2, itt _neut._ 28 (with asse _mf._); _d._ himm _m._ 17, 23; _a._ 2, itt _neut._ 29 (with sæm _m._); _pl. n._ þeȝȝ 130, teȝȝ, after t, 52; _d. a._ þeȝȝm. Reflexives are himm 10, 173, þe sellfenn 44, 45, himm sellfen 19, 35: definitive, himm sellf 53: possessives, ure 4; hiss, as general form for the singular, 1, 3, 16, 34, 47, 54, but hise _g. m._ 155; _pl. a._ hise 22; here 50, heore 56, teȝȝre, after t, 32. The definite article is þe, te, after t, 25, 126: þatt (ꝥ), tatt, after t, is demonstrative adjective 13 or demonstrative pronoun 26; its plural is þa _adj._ 56 and _pron._ 22. The compound demonstrative is _s._ þiss 6, _pl._ þise. The relative is þatt, tatt, after t, 13, 27; þatt 30, 36, = in, on which, þurrh whatt 137, 144, by that by which. Interrogative is whillc 152 (#hwelc#); its correlative is swillke _pl. a._ 69: #ilca# is illke _s. n._ 13, 152, _a._ 97, 118. Indefinites are mann 29, 36, 38, 169; whase 154, whas 90, whoso; illkess 161, every; iwhillc 134, 161; aniȝ _pl. g._ 157; all _s. n. neut._ 30, _d. neut._ 64, 94, _a. m._ 32, _f._ 9, _neut._ 14, but alle _s. d. f._ 6; _pl._ alle _n._ 128, alre _g._ 169, alle 64, 71, all 122, alle _d._ 172, _a._ 5, 9, 22: all 168 is apparently _s. n._ = everyone.

Infinitives end in -enn, except sen 40, fon 36: of the second weak conjugation are follȝhenn 107, forhoȝhenn 149, lofenn 110, lokenn 156, makenn 5, pinenn 36, ræfenn 89, sammnenn 48, tacnenn 47, þankenn 120. The _dat. inf._ is not inflected, to berenn 29, tunnderrstanndenn 109, to sen 116, forr to kiþenn 92, for . . . to makenn 112. Presents are _s._ 3. beldeþþ 79, bitacneþþ 100, and nineteen others; contracted, birrþ 3, 44, seþ 84, stannt 158; _pl._ cumenn 70, haldenn 22, lufenn 23, stanndenn 117, waken 66, wiþþrenn 150: _subjunctive s._ 3. gife 174, seo 91. Past of Strong Verbs: I a. _s._ 3. laȝȝ 16: I b. _s._ 3. comm 26, 30, 55: I c. _s._ 3. wand 2, warrþ 3, 20, 42; _pl._ 3. sungenn 131: IV. _s._ 3. shop 9, toc 60, 82; _pl._ 3. unnderrstodenn 135, wokenn 46, 56 (form from #wacan#, meaning from #wacian#): V. _s._ 3. let 10. Participles past: I a. ȝifenn 17: I b. borenn 1, 97, cumenn 92, utnumen 53: I c. wundenn 7, wurrþenn 33, 48: IV. V. waxenn 138: V. forrdredd 88, forrdredde _adj. pl._ 59, 83, offdredde 74. Past of Weak Verbs: _s._ 3. leȝȝde 2, seȝȝde 92. Participles past: bitacnedd 81, ekedd 129, leȝȝd 13, sett 68, 146. Minor Groups: witenn _inf._ 3, witt 2 _s. imp._ 34, wisste _pt. s._ 83, wisstenn _pt. pl._ 128, 139; shall _pr. s._ 134, shollde _pt. s._ 47, 94, shollden _pt. pl._ 50, 96; muȝhenn _inf._ 142, maȝȝ _pr. s._ 40, 152, 171, muȝhenn _pr. pl. subj._ 80, mihhte _pt. s._ 36, 137; ben _inf._ 7, iss _pr. s._ 63, 151 (apparently with _pl._ nominative), niss 91, sinndenn _pr. pl._ 74, 169, be _pr. s. subj._ 28, si 3 _s. imp._ 132, wass _pt. s._ 1, wærenn _pt. pl._ 58, 76, 127, wære _pt. s. subj._ 17, 138, 172; wile _pr. s._ 88, wollde _pt. s._ 5; to don _dat. inf._ 32, doþ _pr. s._ 29, 109, missdoþ 157, don _pp._ 61, 118.

#Vocabulary:# Scandinavian are afell 28, aȝȝ 44, baþe 10, fra 67, gætenn 52, griþþ 133, laȝhenn 44, lahȝhre 43, mec 85, occ 117, sahht(nesse) 140, skerrenn 88, skill (læs) 27, summ 27, takenn 40, till 49, (inn)till 18, þeȝȝ 74, þeȝȝre 32, þohh 28, usell 4, usell(dom) 24, and the suffix in (modiȝ)leȝȝc, (gredit)leȝȝc 167; possibly also bandess 10, come 148, deȝeþþ 41. French is gluter(nesse) 167; long i in Crist shows new borrowing from French.

#Dialect:# East Midland bordering on the North; a mixed dialect, which possibly accounts for the wavering in the representation of #eo#, #ēo#. The large Scandinavian element in the vocabulary and the absence of u in final syllables (372/34) point to the East; the representation of #ā# + #w#, the development of #c#, #g#, and perhaps the uniform appearance of #ā# as a in this thirteenth-century text, show Northern influence. Lambertz has noted so many correspondences between the phonology of Orm and that of the Rushworth gloss on the Gospel of S. Matthew as to make it probable that they belong to the same dialectal area. The Northern border of Lincolnshire was most probably the place where the Ormulum was written.

#Metre:# For the scheme of the Septenarius see p. 327. Orm’s verse is monotonously regular; every line has its fifteen syllables exactly counted out and ends in x́ x; the caesura comes after the eighth syllable; the rhythm is iambic without substitution. For the sake of this uniformity he does violence to the natural accent in Niþþrédd 35, Bisscópess 51, Enngléss 69, sahhtnésse 140, drihhtíness 171, though Schipper regards such cases as examples of ‘hovering accent,’ wherein the stress is distributed equally over the two syllables having the word-accent and the verse-accent,--a spondee rather than an iamb. Elision takes place regularly before an initial vowel or h, sonẹ, leȝȝdẹ 2, vnnornẹ, wrecchẹ 4, heffnẹ 12, mihhtẹ 36, wolldẹ 54, wilẹ 88, seȝȝdẹ 94, whasẹ 154, &c. Sometimes e is not written, as in whas 90; crasis is found elsewhere in he̋t (= he itt), ȝhőt (= ȝho itt), þűtt (= þu itt), and similar combinations.

#Introduction:# The author of the Ormulum speaks of himself under two names in ‘Þiss boc iss nemmnedd Orrmulum Forrþi þatt Orrm itt wrohhte,’ Preface 1, 2, and ‘Icc wass þær þær I crisstnedd wass Orrmin bi name nemmnedd,’ Dedication 323, 4. The former was a fairly common name in the Scandinavian districts of the North; in the latter, not found elsewhere, he has probably added, as befitting the ritual occasion, the Latin termination īn from īnus, as in Awwstin (= Augustinus). In the same way, as Bradley suggests, he has taken the termination of Ormulum from Speculum, as often occurring in titles of devotional books, like Speculum Laicorum, Conscientiae, Sanctorale. He tells us that he wrote at the request of his brother Walter, who was, like himself, an Augustinian Canon; his purpose was to paraphrase and expound, for the benefit of unlearned English folk, the Gospels of the Mass throughout the year. His exposition is drawn for the most part from S. Bede, and particularly from his sermons and commentaries, and to a small extent from S. Gregory the Great. Traces of his acquaintance with S. Isidore and Josephus, through Hegesippus, have been found by Sarrazin.

Nothing further is known of Orm, but Bradley has made it probable that he was an inmate of Elsham Priory in North Lincolnshire (Dugdale, vi. 560). The contention of J. Wilson that he was identical with Orm, brother of Walter, Prior of Carlisle between 1150 and 1170, would be very attractive, if it were not for the philological difficulty, for the Ormulum is undoubtedly written in the Midland dialect, and must be dated about 1210.

This extract gives ll. 3662-4009, in Holt, i. pp. 126-38.

1. #Forrþrihht anan se#, lit. Straightway forthwith as, i.e. as soon as. Orm has ‘forrþrihht se, anan se, sone swa, son se, forrþrihht summ, anan summ,’ all with this same meaning, and forrþrihht summ, immediately, ii. 42/11404. Orm’s expletives are a feature of his dreary style; in his dedication he says that he has set ‘maniȝ word | þe rime swa to fillenn,’ that is, to make up the number of syllables required for his metre; he makes extensive use of all, 112/3, 16 &c. Beside anan, Orm has the primitive onn an, continuously, without a break.

2-18. The original of this passage is, ‘_Et pannis eum involvit et reclinavit eum in praesepio . . . parvulus natus est nobis_, ut nos viri possimus esse perfecti. Qui totum mundum vario vestit ornatu, pannis vilibus involvitur, ut nos stolam primam recipere valeamus. Per quem omnia facta sunt, manus pedesque cunis adstringitur, ut nostrae manus ad opus bonum exertae, nostri sint pedes in viam pacis directi. Cui coelum sedes est, duri praesepis angustia continetur, ut nos per coelestis regni gaudia dilatet. Qui panis est Angelorum, in praesepio reclinatur, ut nos quasi sancta animalia carnis suae frumento reficiat,’ Bede, v. 234.

2. #⁊# = annd; see 115/114.

3. #uss birrþ#, we ought: a favourite expression of Orm.

5. #heffness ærd#, heaven’s region: a phrase suggested by #middellærd#.

9. #shaffte#, creatures: OE. #gesceafta#.

10. #baþe# belongs to #fet ⁊ hande#.

12-14. This section diverges in form from those before and after it, as also from the original. The subject of #filleþþ# is #Þatt illke child#. #heffness rume riche#, the wide kingdom of heaven: perhaps suggested by ‘ut amplitudinem nobis supernarum sedium tribueret’ of Bede’s Sermon, vii. 300.

16. #all alls# = all alse, alswa, quite as.

17. #Swa summ#, so as, just as if: #summ# is OEScand. sum: more usually the phrase means, just as, 112/27, 113/47, 55. Variants are ‘all swa summ,’ O. Introd. 43; ‘all all swa summ,’ 114/76; ‘all all swa se,’ O. Dedication, 281. #fode#: the ass represents the Gentiles, of whom Bede says, ‘plurimi . . . coelestibus eius (= Christi) quaerebant alimoniis ad perpetuam crescere salutem,’ vii. 300.

19. And give himself as everlasting food there to us with angels.

21. #to ȝernenn#, &c., to be content with a humble lot.

27. #stunnt ⁊ dill#: comp. ‘⁊ stunnt ⁊ stidiȝ, dill ⁊ slaw | to sekenn sawless seollþe,’ O. i. 344/9885.

28. #afell#, strength. O. has also a _pp._ afledd, endowed with strength, ‘Forr cnapechild iss afledd wel,’ O. i. 274/7903; opposed to ‘unnstrang.’

30. #þatt#, when: so þe 15/84, þa 15/93. #comm . . . to manne#, was incarnate: comp. 36/117, 114/97; ‘þe becom to mannum mid iudeiscum folce,’ Ælf. Lives, ii. 60/89; ‘hu hi to mannum comon,’ AS. Hom. ed. Assmann, 26/44; ‘Hwarto was he aure iscapen te manne,’ VV 113/14, regularly with _pl. dat._; contrast ‘ic ðe to men gebær,’ I bore thee as a man, Ælf. Lives, ii. 78/175.

31. #laþe gastess#, hateful spirits, i.e. false gods: ‘in asino autem exprimit populum gentium, qui sordibus idololatriae semper manebat immundus,’ Bede, vii. 300.

33, 34. #þurrh ꝥ . . . þurrh ꝥ#, inasmuch as, whereas . . . thereby, as a consequence; propter quod . . . propter id: so 115/114, 116. O. is fond of these formal correlatives: comp. ‘forr þi . . . Forr ꝥ,’ 113/48.

35. #niþþredd#, lowered, humbled: OE. #geniþerod#, _pp._ of #niþerian#. #wannsedd#, diminished: OE. #wansian#. Comp. ‘⁊ illc an lawe ⁊ illc an hill | Shall niþþredd beon ⁊ laȝhedd,’ O. i. 321/9205; ‘Aȝȝ niþþreþþ Godess genge, | ⁊ cwelleþþ hemm ⁊ wannseþþ hemm,’ id. 279/8032.

36. #o ꝥ hallf ꝥ#, in that part of his nature in which: see 46/292.

39. #ȝet lasse#, still lower: ‘qui modico quam Angeli minoratus est,’ Heb. ii. 9.

43. #lahȝhre inoh#, sufficiently lower, i.e. much lower.

45. #lætenn#, &c., think very meanly: comp. 44/260.

46-53: suggested by, ‘Apte autem satis hoc superna est providentia dispositum, ut nascente Domino pastores in vicinia civitatis (eiusdem) vigilarent, suosque greges a timore nocturno vigilando protegerent. Oportebat namque, ut cum magnus pastor ovium, hoc est, animarum nutritor fidelium, in mundo natus est, testimonium eius nativitati vigilantes super gregem suum pastores darent. . . . Nam et futurum (iam) tunc erat, ut per orbem universum electi pastores, id est, praedicatores sancti, mitterentur, qui ad ovile Dominicum, videlicet sanctam Ecclesiam, populos credentium cogerent,’ Bede, vii. 301.

46. #wokenn#, kept watch: comp. 113/56.

48. #forr þi . . . Forr ꝥ#, for that reason . . . because: like ‘eone es ferox, quia habes imperium in beluas?’ Terence, Eun. iii. 1. 25.

49. #rihhte læfe#: see 89/28.

52. #ȝemenn . . . gaetenn#: comp. 114/68, 115/125: synonyms, the former English, the latter Scandinavian.

53. #utnumenn hirde#: ‘princeps pastorum,’ 1 Pet. v. 4.

56. #wakemenn#, watchers.

57. #lihht ⁊ leome#: often in O.; comp. 114/70, 77, 115/107; ‘Ah swuch leome ⁊ liht | leitede þrinne,’ SK 1582. #leome# is flame, a bright and flashing light. With 57-70 comp. ‘Bene autem vigilantibus pastoribus angelus apparet, eosque Dei claritas circumfulget. Quia illi prae ceteris videre sublimia merentur, qui fidelibus gregibus praeesse sollicite sciunt, dumque ipsi pie super gregem vigilant, divina super eos gratia largius coruscat,’ Bede, v. 235.

63. #þessterrnesse#: comp. ‘Þiss þessterrnesse iss hæþenndom | ⁊ dwillde inn hæfedd sinness,’ O. ii. 303/18855.

64. #Inn--sinne#, in sin of all kinds; comp. 114/71, 116/157, ‘O fele kinne wise,’ O. i. 123/3573, and see 132/9 note.

67. #stanndenn inn#: comp. 116/158; ‘Affterr þatt he beoþ fullhtnedd, | Birrþ stanndenn inn to þeowwtenn Crist,’ O. ii. 43/11434, where Mätzner says it = perseverare: in Specimens it is translated, continue. Orm is, in his literal way, translating L. _instare_, to press on, to be zealous, a meaning which suits well here and elsewhere: the phrase is peculiar to him.

71. #god innsihht#, ‘recta sapere,’ ‘a right judgement in all things.’

72. #hiss þeww#, to his servant.

74. #þohh swa þehh#, notwithstanding: OE. #þēah#, yet, was reinforced by the addition of #swā#, #swā þēah# meaning even so yet: to this in Orm is prefixed the Scandinavian þoh, although. See Björkman, 73.

75. #starrke#, rigid, stern: ‘se hearda dæg,’ Christ, 1065.

76-91: this passage is mainly a repetition of O. 20/657-80, which comments on the appearance of Gabriel to Zacharias, S. Luke i. 11: it is drawn from Bede’s Commentary: ‘Trementem Zachariam confortat Angelus: quia sicut humanae fragilitatis est spiritalis creaturae visione turbari, ita et angelicae benignitatis est paventes de aspectu suo mortales mox blandiendo solari. At contra daemonicae est ferocitatis quos sui praesentia territos senserit ampliori semper horrore concutere, quae nulla melius ratione quam fide superatur intrepida,’ v. 220.

78. #hihht#, joyful expectation.

79. #frofreþþ . . . beldeþþ#, comforts . . . encourages, a favourite combination: comp. O. Dedication, 237; i. 20/662.

82. #Toc#, betook himself, began.

89. #shetenn inn hiss herrte#: Holt translates, ‘shut up, harden,’ wrongly connecting #shetenn# with OE. #scyttan#: it represents #scēotan#, meaning, to shoot into his heart, to inflict a deadly wound: the expression was suggested by such places as ‘þæt hi magon sceotan þa unscyldigan heortan dygollice,’ = ‘ut sagittent in obscuro rectos corde,’ Ps. x. 3 (Thorpe), and ‘þine flana synt swyþe scearpe on þam heortum þinra feonda,’ id. xliv. 7.

90. #whas# is for whase, whoso. #itt# is formal nominative; the whole expression is equivalent to, Whosoever is armed. Comp. 116/154; ‘Whasumm itt iss þatt illke mann | Þatt hafeþþ tweȝȝenn kirrtless,’ O. i. 324/9291; ‘Whatt mann se itt iss þatt wepeþþ her,’ id. 196/5666; ‘ꝥ iss ꝥ,’ 116/157.

91. #rihht#, _adv._, utterly, at all: ‘Rihht all swa summ,’ O. i. 39/1188, means, precisely as.

93. #o godess hallfe#, on God’s behalf.

97. #borenn . . . to manne#: see 113/30 note.

98-102: ‘notandum quod Angelus qui in noctis utique vigiliis pastores affatur non ait, hac nocte, sed _hodie natus est vobis salvator_. Non aliam scilicet ob causam, nisi quia gaudium magnum evangelizare veniebat. Nam ubi tristia quaeque nocturnis temporibus gesta vel gerenda significantur, ibi saepe nox vel adiungitur, vel etiam sola nominatur,’ Bede, v. 235.

100. #all#: see 112/3.

104-7: ‘Neque enim frustra Angelus tanto lumine cinctus apparuit, ut claritas Dei pastores circumfulsisse . . . dicatur . . . sed mystice praemonuit, quod aperte postea monuit apostolus dicens, _Nox praecessit, dies autem appropinquavit_,’ Bede, v. 235.

107. #follc#, _dative_.

108-12: ‘Hoc est non tantum humilitatis eum et mortalitatis, sed et paupertatis habitum suscepisse pro nobis. Quia _cum dives esset, pauper factus est pro nobis, ut nos illius inopia ditaremur_,’ Bede, v. 235.

109. #wrecche#, poor, of lowly condition. #doþ uss#, causes, gives us to understand: comp. 209/405; ‘us gedyde nu to witanne Alexander,’ Orosius 126/31 (= ‘nobis prodidit Alexander’).

111. #Off . . . wollde#, because of the fact that he was willing; #off# governs the clause, #þatt he wollde#: so, ‘writen uppo boc . . . off þatt he wisslike ras,’ O. Dedication, 161, 167, written in book concerning the fact that &c.

114-20: ‘mox multitudo militiae coelestis advolans, consono in laudem creatoris ore prorumpit, ut sui sicut semper obsequii devotionem Christo impendat, et nos suo pariter instituat exemplo . . . Deo statim laudes ore, corde et opere reddendas,’ Bede, v. 235.

116. Thereby it was given us to see and understand full well in that incident.

119. #herrtess tunge#: see 56/51: apparently, with sincere and heartfelt praise.

120. #god# is _acc._ of the thing for which thanks are to be given. Comp. 132/11; ‘þonkien hit ure drihten,’ OEH. i. 5/29.

121-6. ‘Et bene chorus adveniens Angelorum militiae coelestis vocabulum accipit, qui et duci illo potenti in praelio, qui ad debellandas aëreas potestates apparuit, humiliter obsecundat. Deus . . . ad tutelam nostram constituit exercitus Angelorum,’ Bede, v. 235, 6.

123. #Alls# is shortened alse, as. #ȝæn . . . gast#: see 114/66, 73.

127-9: ‘Glorificant Angeli Deum pro nostro redemptione incarnatum, quia dum nos conspiciunt recipi, suum gaudent numerum impleri,’ Bede, v. 236.

132-5: ‘Gloria in altissimis Deo, et in terra pax hominibus bonae voluntatis,’ S. Luke ii. 14.

133. #griþþ ⁊ friþþ#: a frequent combination in O.; the words are synonyms, one Scandinavian, the other English: see 19/57 note.

136-8: that the angelic host was to be made up to its full number by the addition of holy souls, by which addition honour and glory in God’s presence should be as though it were increased, if indeed it were capable of increase. The explanation of this passage is helped by the parallel place, ll. 143-5: ‘Ȝiff--mihhte’ corresponds to l. 145. ‘quos infirmos prius abiectosque despexerant [Angeli], nascente in carne Domino iam socios venerantur,’ Bede, v. 236.

140. #soþ sahhtnesse#: see 84/50.

146-51: ‘qui cum pacem hominibus poscunt, exponunt et quibus, videlicet bonae voluntatis, hoc est eis qui suscipiunt natum Christum, non autem Herodi, pontificibus et Pharisaeis caeterisque antichristis, qui eius nativitate audita turbati sunt, eumque quantum valuere gladiis insecuti. _Non est enim pax impiis, dicit Dominus_,’ Bede, v. 236.

149. #Forrhoȝhenn# &c., despise and reject.

151. #wrihhte#, merit, lit. thing done: OE. #gewyrht#, from #wyrcan#: a _dat. pl._: comp. ‘⁊ he wass flemmd ⁊ drifenn ut | All affterr hise wrihhte,’ O. i. 286/8239, id. 147/4283.

154. #itt#: see 114/90.

155. #hise þannkess#, wilfully, of his own free will: see 10/167.

156. #himm lokenn#, keep watch over himself: see 4/20, 78/85.

158. #stannt . . . inn#: see 114/67 note.

165. #flocc#, company: a favourite word of the author’s: comp. 113/49, ‘þe laþe gastess flocc,’ O. i. 226/6546; ‘summ hæþene flocc,’ id. 344/9875.

167. #modiȝleȝȝc#, with same meaning as modiȝnesse, l. 165, but with Scand. suffix, leikr, leiki in Icel. forming abstracts. There are a good many instances in the MS. of -nesse corrected into -leȝȝc. #greditleȝȝc#: so MS., but the correct form is grediȝleȝȝc, as elsewhere in Orm.

170. #hewe#, form, appearance.

173. #hefennlike#: ‘Angeli corpora in quibus hominibus apparent, in superno aëre sumunt solidamque speciem ex coelesti elemento inducunt, per quam humanis obtutibus manifestius demonstrentur,’ Bede, viii. 294. f. 95 v ends with kinde, l. 174 is added on the margin, and the two leaves following are missing.

_Cross-References_

19/57 (note) = VI. (The Proverbs of Alfred) 113/30, 114/67 (notes) = _present selection_ 132/9 (note) = XVIII. (The Orison of our Lady) p. 312 = VIII. (Poema Morale) under Metre. 359/5 = IX. Ancrene Wisse, Phonology, under “ea”. p. 450 = XIV. (Layamon)

_Errata_

#Literature:# ... Orrms Doppelkonsonanten [Ormms] 111. ... ‘writen uppo boc [_text unchanged; text cited has “writenn”_]

XVI. SAWLES WARDE

#Manuscripts:# i. Bodleian 34, Oxford (B); on vellum, 165 × 120 mm.; written in one hand throughout about 1210 A.D. Its contents are S. Katherine f. 1 r; S. Margaret f. 18 r; S. Juliana f. 36 v (see p. 139); Hali Meidenhad f. 52 v; Sawles Warde f. 72 r (old foliation f. 76 r). It has lost two leaves after f. 80, which is very faint and defective. Entries in fourteenth-century hands connect it with Ledbury, Godstow, and Magna Coworne (Much Cowarne) in Herefordshire. The text is printed from this manuscript up to its end at 127/4.

The writing is sometimes difficult to decipher; the letters are often crowded and hesitating, a, e, o are sometimes hard to distinguish. Doubts are permissible in the following cases, hwen _or_ hwon 118/24, ihaten _or_ ihoten 37, hondon _or_ honden 51; in sent 55, the last letter wavers between t and d; in ȝemelese 56, ȝ appears to have been corrected out of g; after mei 60, there is a half-formed c; under the second o of preoouin 72, there is what looks like a casual pen mark, not a dot of erasure; in seoueuald 287, d is corrected out of t, or the reverse.

ii. Royal 17 A 27, British Museum (R); on vellum, 160 × 117 mm.; early thirteenth century. Has all the pieces in B except Hali Meidenhad, with the addition of an incomplete copy of the Oreisun of Seinte Marie (printed in OEH i., p. 305). This manuscript supplies the end here from 127/4.

iii. Cotton Titus D 18, British Museum (T). See p. 355.

#Editions:# Morris, R., OEH i. 244-267 (with translation); Specimens, 87-95 (part only); Kluge, F., ME. Lesebuch, 8-15; Wagner, W., Kritische Textausgabe . . . mit Einleitung, Anmerkungen und Glossar, Bonn, 1908.

#Literature:# Bartels, L. (see p. 450/23); Einenkel, E., Ueber die Verfasser einiger neuangelsächsischer Schriften, Leipzig, 1881, continued in Anglia, v. 91; Konrath, M., ES xii. 459; Stodte, H., Ueber die Sprache und Heimat der ‘Katherine-Gruppe,’ Göttingen, 1896; Vollhardt, W. (see p. 269/19); Williams, Irene F., Anglia, xxix. 413.

#Sources:# SW is a free expansion of chapters xiii, xiv and xv of the fourth book of the treatise, De Anima, ascribed to Hugh of S. Victor (Rouen ed., 1648, vol. ii. pp. 207-9). The imaginative detail is mostly due to the English author: contrast, ‘Et qui veniunt cum illa?’ _Memoria_: ‘Mille daemones ferentes secum libros grandes et uncos ferreos et igneas catenas’ of the original with its equivalent 119/68-75. The gruesome picture of 119/86-121/140 is mainly derived from the Visions literature.

#Phonology:# (1) =of B.= The following should be compared with the account of the MS. A of the Ancrene Wisse on pp. 357-62; explanations of abnormal forms offered there are not repeated here. Oral #a# is _a_, habben 41, makid 39; #a# before nasals and lengthening groups is _o_, from 25, lonc 58, fondin 224, inȝonge 32; þen, þenne, hwen, hwenne are the usual forms, but þeonne 138 by analogy of heonne: #and# is ant 9, #man# indefinite is me 45, possibly mon 25. #æ# is mostly _e_, ed 98, gledd 208, but _ea_ in feader 116 (4 times), forbearneð 103 (#forbærnan#), glead 201 (3), gleadschipes 306, 307, leatere 103, nease 96, 112 (#næs-#), reaðliche 21, smeale 70, wearliche 4, weattres 100, and _a_ in blac 58, 110, war 195, 332, warliche 39, 178, warre 142, warschipes 42 &c., and habbe 61, 112, 220. #e# is _e_, bereð 70, herien 320, spekeð 8; before lengthening groups, ende 106, engles 239, but rikenin 86, stude 46 (3), hwuch 6 &c., swuch 93 (4). Umlaut #e# is _ea_ in beast 332 (but best 64), formealte 104 (Anglian #mæltan#), smeal 275, spealie 303: from *#swolgian# descend forswolheð 91, forswolhe 152. #i# is regularly _i_, blisse 136, ȝimmes 245, but wiit 200; before lengthening groups, binden 71, bringe 113, but _u_ in wule 42 (7), wulleð 289: in welcume 227, an early instance of this spelling, the adverb #wel# has been substituted for the original #wil#. #o# is _o_, bodi 323, bigotten 316; before lengthening groups, bold 129, word 73, but _a_ in nalde 7, walde 6 (3), wrahtte 74 (descended from an older form with #a#): dehtren 202 is an umlaut plural: greot 93 for grot RT (#grot#, particle) is due to confusion with #grēot#, grit. #u# is regularly _u_, cume 7, stunde 207, tungen 114, once _o_ in comme 60, and _i_ in kimeð 69, 138. #y# is _u_, arudden 120 (*#āryddan#), brune 83, ȝuldene 170, sunderlepes 280; #mycel# is muchel 11, muche 105.

#ā# is _a_, ban 131, ouergað 270; before two consonants, gast 323, tadden 95, but _e_ through loss of stress in se 17 &c., (hwam) se 276, (hwider) se 275, ase 91, beside stressed swa 120 &c., alswa 230, and _u_ in wumme 133: ohwider 25 is probably influenced by nohwider (#nō#): _ea_ in easkeð 75, 215, easkest 68 comes from a form with #ǣ#. #ǣ{1}# is _ea_ (33 times), deale 105, ear 44, ȝeað 151, leasten 108, but _e_ in flesch 99 (5), lest 54, lesten 178, sumdel 137, 284, þen 158, 212, mostly before two consonants. #ǣnig# is ei 42 (4), but eni 113; #ǣlc# is euch 16 &c. #ǣ{2}# is _e_ (45 times), bere 23, dede 19, dreden 166 (5), ferliche 67 (3), þer 27, 150, were 124 (9), and _eo_ in leote 40; _ea_ appears only in deadbote 75, fearlac 62, heale 242, ileanett 35, 202, offearen 56 (4), reades 296, ?readien 81, reade 142, readeð 177, þear 246, 331. #ē# is _e_; #ī#, _i_, but _u_ in bluðeliche 80 (*#blȳþe#); #ō# is _o_, but _eo_ in iseoð 229 (beside soð 75, 179, 293, isoðet 257); #ū# is _u_ without exception; #ȳ# is _u_, cuðen 241, fure 71; before two consonants, lutlin 327, but stele 114 represents the earlier #stǣli#, similarly the derivative istelet 126.

#ea# before #r# + cons. is _a_ in igarket 339, ȝarowe 260, swarte 70, 89, and before lengthening groups, hardi 56, inwarde 72, inwardliche 247, towart 81 (4), warde 1 (3), wardi 141, warneð 34, warne 155, warni 42, warnin 63, 140, unwarnede 157, mostly after w, but _ea_ in heard 116 (7), ofearneð 135, as well as hearm 117, hearmin 290, and _e_ in þerf 171. The _i_-umlaut is _e_, derne 296, ferd 151. #ea# before #l# + cons. is regularly _a_, al 12 &c., fallinde 178, forwalleð 104; before lengthening groups, bald 183, bihalde 40, bihalden 57 (5), calde 104, halden 46 &c., half 143 (4), talde 114, but _ea_ in wealdent 226, _eo_ in feole 54. #eo# before #r# + cons. is generally _eo_, feor 40, heorte 163, steorren 267, and before lengthening groups, eorðe 84, ȝeorne 201, but _e_ in derueð 90, 103 (possibly representing #dierfan#), hercneð 218, werc 74, werkes 64, and _o_ in dorc 130 with accent shifting. To the #wur# group belong iwurðen 26, iwurden 298, iwurðeð 93, 148; #wyr# words are deorewurðe 203, wurse 102, 105, wursi 164, wursin 328, wurð 156, 181, 194, wurðe 40: warpe 43 is Scandinavian; istirret 245 a ME. formation. #eo# before #l# + cons. is seen in seolf 27 &c. #ea#, the _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #a#, is seen in eawles 126, gleadeð 310, gleadien 223, 270, gleadunge 283 (4), heatel 128, heateð 109, meaðen 99, neauele 98, and analogically in feareð 18, igleadet 214, heatieð 111, but it is wanting in bale 93, 129, care 150, carien 162, 166, cwakie 131, cwakien 325, waker 53, 57, 142 (Vesp. Ps. #wæc(c)er#), #wakien# 7 (Angl. #wæcian#, Bülbring, § 231). #eo#, _u_-umlaut of #e#, is represented in heouene 146 (3), heouenliche 243, but wordes 251, world 169 (7), worldlich 170 after w. #eo#, _å_-umlaut of #e#, is seen in abeoren 125, breoken 8, 28, freoteð 96, speoken 61, feole 306, weole 161, weoleful 245; #eo#, the _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #i#, in cleopeð 38, icleopet 36, hweonene 60, 65, neomen 317, neome 328, neomeð 311, seoðen 213, seoueðe 284, seouenfald 282, 287, þeose 97, unweotenesse 179, and by analogy, neome 147, bineome 11, but hare 18 (3), suster 43, 207. #ea# after palatals is _a_, schal 21 &c., schadewe 148, 231, schape 122, but _e_ in schekeð 132 (_i_-umlaut), _eo_ before nasal, scheome 117. #ie# after #ġ# is _e_, forȝet 25, 167, ȝef 27, ȝeueð 87, 164, ȝelden 301, ȝeldeð 213, ȝelpeð 188. #ȝef# is ȝef 6, 14, gef 12. #ie# after #č# is _e_, chele 101; after #sć#, _i_ in schilde 233 (#scildan#), _e_ in scheld 159. #eo# after #sć# is _u_, schulen 178, 224, 320, schulde 158 (R{1} has scylde _subj._), schunien 177. #eom# is am 62; #heom#, ham 45, 87.

#ēa# is generally _ea_, beateð 48, deaðes 62, deaðlich 58, eauraskes 97, but _e_ in ec 64, echen 95 (perhaps representing #īecan#), etscene 240, eðeliche 157, 193, ȝe 77, 216 (Anglian #gǣ#), gret 70: its _i_-umlaut is _e_, alesen 242, alesnesse 294, here 22 (5), herunge 16, (an)lepi 313, (sunder)lepes 280. #ēo# is generally _eo_, beon 10, biheolt 262, breoste 98, deopre 296, þeosternesse 89, but þosternesse 86 and schute 160, with shifted accent: #hēo# is ha 40; the _i_-umlaut is wanting, deore 31, 144, þeoster 246, neod 211 (see p. 288, last line). Palatalization is wanting after #ġ# in forȝeme 54, ȝemeð 168, ȝeme 177, ȝeme 147, 311, ȝemeles 18, 56; after #sć# in schene 233, 268, schenre 287. #gīet# is ȝet 239.

#a# + #g# is _ah_, drahen 72, sahen 201, mahen 22: islein 116 is #geslegen#; sei 280, seist 279, seið 6, 61 come from forms with #æ#; dreaien 206 represents *#dreagan#. #æ# + #g# is regularly _ei_, dei 29, feier 209, feierleac 272, iteilede 90, mei 10 &c., meiden 243, seide 66, but mahe 290, 332. #e# + #g# is _ei_, aȝein 20, eie 23, eilin 290, wei 170, but isehen 77 (6). #i# + #g#, #h# is _ih_, nihe 251, diht 10, sihðe 16 (4), unwiht 5, but flið 158 (WS. #flihð#, Rushworth{2} has #flīð#): freineð 65 is from a form with #æ# or #e# (R{1} has #frægnast#, Li, #fregna#). The spirant has disappeared in monie 307, 314, murie 283: final #ig# is _i_, buri 129 (from dat. #byrig#), dreorinesses 131, moni 29, seli 280, unseli 121. #o# + #g#, #h# is _oh_, bohte 28, 237, untohe 23, untohene 13, untoheliche 18; dehtren 35 has umlaut _e_. #u# + #h# is _uh_, bituhhe 133; #y# + #h#, _uh_, tuht 46, tuhte 23. #ā# + #g#, #h# is _ah_, ahen 4, ahne 184, 305, wahes 32, ah 165. #ǣ{1}# + #h# is _ah_, bitaht 144, 149, but #ǣ{1}# + #g#, _ei_, keis 34, eiðer 102, 111. #ī# + #g#, _ih_, wiheles 155; in sti 186 the spirant has disappeared. #ū# + #h# is _uh_, buhsam 241. #ea# + #h# is _ah_, mahte 84 (5), but iseh 118 (6); the _i_-umlaut is seen in almihti 324, unmihti 181, 191, niht 29; lahhinde 213 comes from an Anglian form in #æ#. #eo# + #g# is seen in tintreohen 264 with eo, _å_-umlaut of #e#; the form is characteristic of the group. #eo# + #ht# is _iht_, brihte 269, rihte 14 &c., rihtwise 193, but fehte 160 has Anglian #e#. #ie# + #h# is seen in bisið 332. #ēa# + #g#, #h# is _eh_, ehnen 51, heh 225, neh 329, but tah 11 (3). #ēo# + #g# is _eh_ in drehen 105, dreheð 167, but liht 87, lihtschipe 283, lihtliche 263. #īe# + #h#, lihteð 69, ilihtet 214, but hest 48 (Anglian #hēst#), nest 41 (Angl. #nēst#). #ā# + #w# is _aw_, cnaweð 55, cnawen 293, cnawlechunge 292, nawt 7 &c., nawiht 183, sawles 1, 27, snawi 100, but noht 149 (#nōht#), nowðer 171 (#nōwþer#), sehe 228, isehe 118. #ī# + #w#, elheowet 58 (Anglian #hēow#), speoweð 91 (with _w_-umlaut). #ēa# + #w# is _aw_, schaweð 240, schawede 265, ischawed 258, schawere 233, but þeaw 30, unþeaw 32, unþeawes 334, heaued þeawes 36. #ēo# + #w# is mostly _eow_, tocheoweð 93, reowðful 120, treowe 157 (#trīewe#), treoweliche 78, 206, but fowr 36 (3), trowðe 78.

In deorewurðe 149, eðeliche 193, euenin 83, husebonde 34 (but husbonde 38), huselauerd 9, 17, husewif 20, 205, leatere 103, steuene 133, sunegin 179, wrecchedom 85 a glide _e_ has been added, a final _e_ to ine 337, inwarde 72, ofte 18. #e# is lost in echnesse 108, #i# in unwerged 251, 318 (#wērigod#): _a_ occurs for #o# in anan 105; #o# is levelled to _e_ in lauerd 4, sikere 107, sikerliche 171, sikernesse 188, sunderliche 308, te 71 &c., lost in wordes 251 (#werod#). #u# is _e_ in durewart 39, it is lost in world 169 &c. The prefix #æt# is _ed_, edwiteð 123, _et_, etstont 158; #be# is _bi_, bisetten 64, bigineð 1, bihinden 92, biwiten 5; #ēaþ# is _et_ in etscene 240; #ge# is generally _i_, icwiddet 257, ifindeð 156, ihal 91, iwis 137, unimete 125, but it is omitted in bere 23, schape 122, monge 102, schad 176, unrude 71 (but unirude 125), wissunge 31. The suffix in herunge 16 is noteworthy. #þǣr# is syncopated in þrin 79, þrinne 53, þrof 33, trof 331, þrute 41.

Metathesis of #r# is seen in wernches 5, wrahhte 74, eauraskes 97 (#forsc#). #rr# is simplified in feor 40. #ll# is simplified in feole 54, tele 79, 228, and finally in ful 82, godspel 4, wil 10. #m# is doubled in comme 60, #mm# simplified in grimfule 122. #nn# is simplified in bigineð 1, moncunnes 242, #n# is lost in raketehe 71; the prepositions in, on are reduced to i, o, except before a vowel or h or when stressed, as in 316; for #n#, _m_ appears in þrumnesse 234. #p# is inserted in inempnet 244. #f# is usually _u_ between vowels or vowel and liquid, biuoren 59, deouel 171, froure 35, seoluen 117, vuel 19, but deoflen 69 (4), otherwise it is _f_, fondin 224, hefde 113, seolf 27. #t# is doubled in bigotten 316, bitternesse 130, ileanett 35 (but ileanet 202), wrahtte 74, lost in best 64, beast 332, added in lustnið 61, loftsong 283. For #t#, _d_ occurs in ed 98; #tt# is simplified in wit 8 (but wittes 16). For #d#, _t_ is often written finally, ant 9, dret 50, durewart 39, etstont 158, feont 33, heart 165, hiderwart 139, hundret 335, lont 130, ontswereð 66, somet 21, þusent 69, towart 81, wealdent 226, but _ð_ in iseið 280, lauerð 8, schenðlac 124; #d# is doubled in gledd 208, #dd# is simplified in midel 174 (but middel 45, 170). Initial #þ# becomes _t_ after _t_, tah 12, te 9, tis 106, 152, tu 68, after _d_ (possibly miswritten for t), te 98, trof 331: final #þ# becomes _t_ before _t_, limpet 154; for #þ#, _d_ appears in blideliche 248, deorewurde 301, iwurden 298, makid 39, makied 255, oder 19, sod 293, swide 208. #s# is doubled in gasstes 30 (#gāst#), but gastes 122, rihtwissnesse 175 (#wīs#); for #ss#, _sc_ appears in iblescede 221: #sć# is regularly _sch_, schad 176, schal 21, scheome 117, schilde 233, schunien 177. The stop #c# is usually _k_ before _e_, _i_, biloke 204, blake 110, keis 34, kimeð 69, þonkeð 201, _c_ in other positions, blac 58, moncunnes 242, þonc 20: ah 26 is Anglian #ah#, WS. #ac#. #č# is _ch_, chele 101, echen 95, echnesse 108 (a new formation from eche), euch 16, hwuch 6, ich 61, ilich 97, licomlich 173, pich 104, rechelese 13, sechen 32, smeche 88 (but North. smeke 88), stench 84, tocheoweð 93, þulliche 162 (but þulli 326, 327). #čč# is _cch_, dreccheð 90. #cw# is preserved, cwakie 131, cwemen 20, cwic 84, acwikieð 105, but quoð 139 &c. Palatal #g# is written _ȝ_, forȝeme 54, ȝarowe 260, ȝe 137, ȝe 159, ȝef 6, 14 (but gef 12), ȝef 27, ȝelden 301, ȝelpeð 188, ȝeorne 201, ȝet 239, ȝimmes 245, but igarket (no breaking). The guttural stop is written _g_, bigineð 1, gulteð 18, bigoten 259, 316, unwerged 251, but _ȝ_ in aȝulteð 48, ȝeað 151, inȝonge 32, 41, 146 (comp. Northumbrian #ġeonga, ġionga#, Bülbring, § 492, anmerkung 1, and #hiniong[a]e#, Sweet, Oldest E. Texts, p. 149), ȝuldene 170. For the spirant after _l_, _r_, _h_ appears in folhin 12, 336, folheð 275, halhen 278, forswolhe 152, forswolheð 91, sorhe 85: #myrigþ# is murhðe 253, 255, murðes 219. #hl# is reduced to _l_ in leane 58, leor 58, 231, lust 261, lustnið 61, anlepi 313, sunderlepes 280, #hn# to _n_ in nesche 162, 167, #hr# to _r_ in remunge 99. Initial #hw# is usually preserved, hwen 68, hwer 17, hwet 60. _h_ is added in unwhiht 151, doubled in bituhhen 168, bituhhe 133, 169.

(2) =Of R.= The principal divergences from B are noted. #a# before nasal: unþeonkes 42 (comp. ‘feondeð,’ SM 10/7). #æ#: the spelling _ea_ for _e_ is used only in smeale 70, wearliche 4, otherwise _e_ occurs, except in latere 103, neose 96, 112 (#nosu#): similarly _ea_ for umlaut #e# is absent in best 332, formelte 104, smel 275, spelien 303. #o#: grot 93. #u#: com 60 (#cwōm#), cumeð 69, 138. #y# is regularly _u_, as in B. #ā#: #swā# stressed and unstressed is so, but once swa 234; eskeð 75, 215, eskest 68. The representation of #ǣ{1}# is divided between _ea_ and _e_, each 28 times: #ǣ{2}# is _e_ 50 times (lete 40); the exceptions are hear 132, heale 242, hileanet 202, offearen 56 (4), offeared 54, 211, reade 142, reades 296, rodien 81 (reoden T). #ī#: bliðeliche 351. #ea# (breaking): hard 116 (7), harm 117, herdes 183, þearf 171, weldent 226. #eo#: hercni 349, darc 130. The _u_-, _å_-umlaut of #a# is _e_ in gledeð 310, gledien 223, 270, gledunge 308, 310, 312, medeð 99 (for meðen), neuele 98, igledet 214, and is wanting in fareð 18, hatel 128, hateð 109, hatieð 111. _å_-umlaut of #e#: to speokene 347. _u_-, _å_-umlaut of #i#: seððen 213, unwitnesse 179. #eo# after #ġ#: ȝuheðe 383. #ēa#: deð 171, dedlich 58, adie 269, eðsene 240, greạt 70. #īe#: fleme 343. #ēo#: þeosternesse 86, þreohad 372. #a# + #g#: dreien 206. #æ# + #g#: feirlec 272. #i# + #ht#: unwiht 151. #ē# + #g#: tweien 342. #ō# + #h#: þohtes 360. #eo# + #g#: tintreon 264.

#r#: wrenches 5. #n#: in 108, 319, on 29. #f#: under fon 57. #t#: et 98. #d# final is seldom altered to _t_, dred 50, dureward 39, hard 165, hideward 139, lond 130, toward 81, 127, but heauet 59: other spellings are onswereð 66, 281, schenlac 124, gled 108, middel 174. Initial #þ# is often unaltered after final _t_, þu 79, þrof 331 (but it is lost in ant e 372), so final #þ# in limpeð 154. Normal #þ# appears in bliðeliche 248, makieð 255, makeð 39, oðer 19, soð 293, swiðe 208; for #þ#, _d_ in beod 15. #s#: gastes 30. #c#: ecnesse 108. #g#: ȝef 12, iȝarcket 339, biȝeoten 316 (but bigoten 259), agulteð 48, guldene 170, strencðe 153 (5), strencðen 164, strenðe 343. #h#: unwiht 151, hearen 98, her 94, hileanet 202, hearneð 135, hure 144, er 58, is 28, wilinde 135.

(3) =Of T.= #a# before nasals and lengthening groups is _o_, but fram 25 (5) is invariable. #æ# is _a_ (45 times including nase 96, 112), exceptions are hefde 116, hefden 256, hweðer 101, forbearneð 103, readliche 21, smecche 88, wrecchedom 85. #e#: rekenen 86, best 332, smal 275, spelie 303. #i#: wile 42 &c. (but ichulle 81), wilneð 289. #o#: grot 93. #u#: cumeð 69, 138. #y# is _u_, except winne 161, 173 (but wunne 166, 169). #ā#: ai 53 (7), a Scandinavian word, leað 153 (? #lǣþo#, or miswritten for leið, OWScand. leiðr), askeð 75, 215, askest 68, owhwider 25 (comp. ‘ouhwuder’ AR 172/3, ?influence of #ōwer#). #ǣ{1}# is _ea_, in close agreement with B; sumdeal 284, but lasten 108, 178. #ǣnig# is ani 42, 135, 192. #ǣ{2}#: also as in B; lete 40, rodien 81, þer 246, 331, trinne 86. #ē#: fearreden 269. #ī#: bliðeliche 80, huinen 17 (comp. OWScand. hjûn). #ō#: isoð 229, sweote 291 (‘swoete’ Vesp. Psalt., Sweet, OET. 217/13). #ȳ# is _u_, written _ui_ in fuire 71, fuir 83, 87 (but fur 103). #ea# (breaking): wearnið 34, wearne 155, wearnen 63, unwearnede 157, hard 116 (5), hardes 163, 172, harm 117, harmen 290, þurf 171; _i_-umlaut, dearne 296, ferd 151. #eo#: isterret 245, self 27 (6), seluen 5 (3), but seolf 8. The _u_- _å_-umlaut of #a# is wanting, except in eawles 126; for heatel 128 heates is read. The absence of this umlaut points to Northumbrian or W. Saxon. #eo#, _u_-umlaut of #e#: heuene 220, 325, heuenliche 243, but heouene 146; after #w#, woredes 251, world 108 (7), worldlich 170. #eo#, _å_-umlaut of #e#: breke 28, breken 8, freten 96, speken 61. #eo#, _u_- _å_-umlaut of #i#: nime 147, 328, binime 11, nimeð 311, siðen 213, clepeð 38, iclepet 36, seuenfald 282, seuefald 287: for hweonene B 60, 65 T has hweðen, hwenne; hore 122. #ea# after #sć#, schome 117. #ie#: ȝef 27, ȝiueð 87, 164, ȝiue 371. ȝif 6, 12, 14. #ēa#: dedes 62, gledred 71; ȝa 216, ȝea 77 (possibly Scandinavian), great 70. #ēo#: biheld 262, depre 296, deulen 69, iseð 89, 94, seð 257, ned 211, þeosternesse 86, ho 40. #æ# + #g#: dai 29 &c., mai 10 &c. are the regular forms, but mei 303, so feir 209, 239, feirleic 272. #e# + #g#: aȝain 20 (Angl. #ongægn#), aȝaines 34, 153, but to ȝeines 196. #ea# + #h#: mihte 113, 118, 162, but mahte 84, 232. #eo# + #g#: tintrohen 264. #ie# + #h#: bisihð 332. #ā# + #w#: noht 7. #ī# + #w#: speweð 91. #ēa# + #w#: scheaweð 240, scheawde 265, ischeawet 258, scheawere 233. #ēo# + #w#: treowðe 78; treweliche 78, 206.

#r#: wrenches 5. #m#: com 60. #n#: in 99, 108. #f#: biforen 59, þer fore 150, þurn 225, under fon 57. #t#: blend 87, at 98. #d#: dred 50, dureward 59, atstond 158, feond 33, hard 165, hiderward 139, hundreð 97, 335 (OWScand. hundrað), lond 130, 256, heauet 59, onswereð 66, 281, somen 21, þusend 69, þusand 114, 119, þusanð 138, toward 81, 127, schendlac 124, glad 208, middel 174. #þ#: bliðeliche 248, limpeð 154, makes 39, makieð 255, swiðe 208. #s#: gastes 30. #c#: cumeð 69, þoncheð 201, long 58, swing 289, smecche 88, euh 58, hwucse 72, stinc 84, ecnesse 108. #ȝ#: ȝif 12, ȝarket 339, biȝoten 316, unwerched 251, agulteð 48, guldene 170. #h#: unwiht 151.

#Accidence:# (1) =Of B.= Strong declension of _masc._ and _neut._ nouns. In the _s. n._ þinge 84 has added e. _Gen._ -es, cunnes 90, deaðes 62, contracted weis 162, 236: _d._ -e, dome 261, flesche 270, hame 25, with all nouns which have vowel ending in the _s. n._ as bale 93, chele 101, in others the inflection is more frequently wanting, deað 222, flesch 99, and generally in words of two syllables, as finger 325, godspel 4, heaued 59, lauerd 207; wa 86 is indeclinable. In the _s. a._ deale 105, inȝonge 32, 41 (but inȝong _n._ 146), mete 45, 47 have added e; bere 23 is #gebǣre#; sune 235 represents #sunu#. The _pl. n. a._ of masculines ends in -es, eauraskes 97, engles 239, deaðes 119, duntes 125: neuters, with the exception of þing 178, 297, schape 122 (#gesceapu#), have taken the masc. termination, þinges 89, werkes 64, wittes 16, wordes 251, wordes 64, or have joined the weak declension, deoflen 89, 91, studen 240, wepnen 159: genitive is smeche 88; datives have mostly -es, eawles 126, gleadschipes 307, but bisocnen 277, colen 104, deoflen 69, 139, wepnen 162, 184, and siðe 97, 138, 335 (without n). The _fem._ nouns of the strong declension have -e in the _s. n._, este 173, cnawlechunge 292, and many other derivatives in #-ung#, schadewe 148, but meað 37, 43 (once _masc._ in OE.). _Gen._ -e, helle 95, nease 96, but murðes 219, sawles 1: _dat._ -e, alesnesse 294, bisne 4, worlde 108, 136, 260, but ferd 151, half 160, 238, luft 186, sti 186 (#stīg#), world 108, 110, 147, 169 are not inflected: _acc._ -e, blisse 221, froure 35, but ferreden 269, fulst 225 (#fylst#), half 143. _Pl. n._ is hondon 51; _d._ blissen 267, pinen 90, 127, sunnen 70, wunden 240, dreorinesses 131; _a._ pinen 263, sahen 201, strengðen 164, sunnen 124, cunreadnes 261, estes 197, keis 34, runes 296. Nouns of the weak declension have -e in all cases of the singular, -en throughout the plural. The minor declensions are represented by uet _pl. d._ 260; mon _s. n._ 8, monnes _s. g._ 9, 15; boc _s. d._ 72, _s. a._ 70; buri _s. n._ 129 (from dat. #byrig#); niht _s. d._ 29; feader _s. g._ 237, _s. d._ 241, _s. a._ 116; moder _s. a._ 116; dehtren _pl. n._ 202, _pl. d._ 35, 195; suster _s. a._ 43, sustren _pl. n._ 202, _pl. d._ 207; feont _s. n._ 33, _s. d._ 158; wealdent _s. n._ 226.

Adjectives which in OE. end in e retain that termination in all cases. Weak inflections are _s. n. m._ ȝuldene 170, rihtwise 193, _neut._ blake 110, willesfule 205, _s. d. f._ swarte 89, _s. d. neut._ ferliche 102, _s. a. m._ willesfule 44, _f._ brihte 269: strong inflections are _s. d. f._ inwarde 72, _s. a. f._ longe 254: swote _s. n. m._ 275, _neut._ 291 (#swōt#) has conformed to swete. All other adjectives are uninflected in the singular. Those in -ig lose g, anlepi 313, eadi 243, hali 234: #lȳtel# is lutle _s. a. f._ 235; lutle _s. a. neut._ 328, lut _pl. n._ 187, few people, are used as nouns; #mycel# is mostly muche, but muchel _s. d. neut. strong_ 166, muchele _weak_ 300, _pl. a._ 314: #āgen# gives ahne _s. d. f._ 305, _pl. d._ 184. The plural ends in -e, ȝarowe 260, wakere 57, 142, misliche 127, unmihtie 191; exceptions are _n._ ful 239, hal 93, ilich 97, hardi 56, lusti 318, _d._ eadi 269, mislich 20, seli 280, snawi 100, _a._ unseli 121, wurð 194. OE. #āna# is ane 200; #ān# is an, a, _s. g._ anes 311, _d._ ane 207, _a._ 216: #nān# is nan, na, _s. g._ nanes 317, _pl. n._ nane 274. Adjectives used as nouns are rarely inflected, as heardes _s. g._ 163, 172, nesches 172, uuele _pl. n._ 224: comparatives regularly end in e, brihtre 287, deopre 296, earre 103, leatere 103, wurse 102, but grisluker 97; of superlatives earste 36, forme 195, leaste 115, 118, measte 115 have weak inflection.

The personal pronouns are ich, me, we, ure 181, us, þu, tu after t, þe, ȝe, ow. The pronoun of the third person is _s. n._ he _m._ 6, ha _f._ 10 &c., hit _neut._ 13; _g._ hire _f._ 11; _d._ him _m._ 35, hire _f._ 42, _a._ hire _f._ 8 (with hus _neut._), 11, 33 (with þeaw _m._), 43, 87, hit _neut._ 10, 85; _pl. n._ ha 89 &c., heo 93, 274, 276; _g._ hare 18; _d._ ham 55; _a._ 13. Reflexives are me 190, him 54, hire 180, 205, ham 94, me seolf 189 (possibly definitive), me seoluen 117, us seolf 191, 193, us seoluen 5, him seolf 27, him seoluen 109, 309, hire seoluen 182; definitive are seolf 8, 228, him seolf 277, him ane 200; possessives are mi _s._ 80, 116, min 163, 196, mine _pl._ 164, 234, ure 4, þi _s._ 78, þin 319, his 5, hire 12, hare 51, 122. The definite article is þe, te after t; inflected forms are þet _s. n. neut._ 33, 214, þen _s. d. m._ 158, _s. a. m._ 212, þet _s. a. neut._ 248; the instrumental is þe 11, 142. Þet is used demonstratively 35, 103, 104, þet ilke 89, 105, 256; the article is also used pronominally, þeo þe, those who 48, 49, 56, 247, those which 178, one who 180, þeo, those 15. The compound demonstrative is _s. n._ þes _m._ 6, tis 106, þis _neut._ 8, 53, 124, tis 26, _s. d._ þis _m._ 318, þisse _f._ 136, þeos 146, þis 110, _neut._ 9, 102, 137, 198, 199, _s. a._ þes _m._ 118, þis _neut._ 284, 285, tis 152; _pl. n._ þeos 17, 202, _d._ 24, 101, 207, 285, þeose 97, _a._ þeos 140. The relatives are þe, þet; þet . . . hire 10, = whom, þet te 154, = what. Interrogatives are hwam 39, hwet 60 (4), hweðer 101, hwuch 6 (6), hwucche _pl. n._ 14; its correlative is swuch 93, 135, 255, swucche _pl. n._ 194: #ilca# is ilke 105 &c.; #þyllic#, þulliche _pl. d._ 162, þulli _s. d._ 326, 327. Indefinites are hwam se _s. a._ 276, hwet se _s. n._ 172, hwuch se _s. a._ 72; me 45, 68, 87, 165, 275, mon 25; an 252; sum 54, summes _s. g._ 162, 236, summe _pl. n._ 14; eiðer 102, 111; oðer 37, oðres _s. g._ 109, 112, oðre _s. d._ 252, _pl. d._ 52, 285, _pl. a._ 277; euch 108, euchan 49, 109, euchanes _s. g._ 252, eauereuchan 307; eni 113, ei 42, 135, 192; nawiht 172, 183, noht 149; moni 20, 29, 166, monie _pl. n._ 307, _pl. a._ 314, ma 167; feole 306; al _s. n._ 12, alles _s. g._ 90, 197, 264, al _s. d._ 74, 155, _s. a._ 105, 116, 117; alle _pl. n._ 13, 114, 214, alre _pl. g._ 181, alle _pl. d._ 30, 46, 281, _pl. a._ 33, 40, 297, mid alle 211.

Verbs in #-an# have infinitive -en, abeoren 125, bihalden 233, 236, and thirty-five other instances, or -e, bringe 113, 173, cume 7, here 22, munne 303, neome 328, those in #ian#, mostly of the second weak conjugation, have -ien, carien 162, 166, gleadien 270, herien 320, schunien 177, þolien 7 (6), wakien 7, readien 81 (ME. formation from read = #rǣd#), or -ie, spealie 303, þolie 235, or -in, amurdrin 32, blissin 270, eilin 290, euenin 83, folhin 12, 336, fondin 224, grapin 87, hearmin 290, lokin 232, 254, lutlin 327, openin 285, rikenin 86, sunegin 179, warnin 152, wursin 328, and ME. wontin, or -i, wursi 164: contract verbs are biseon 122, fleon 158, seon 305, underuon 312, unwreo 285. The _dat. inf._ is inflected in to cumene 265, to witene 50, 150, 226; other forms are forte binden 71, forte warnin 140, forte . . . halden 57, for . . . to drahen 72, forte breoke 28, to alesen 242, to seon ⁊ to cnawen 293 (virtual _nom._), to warnin 63, to . . . makie 325. Presents are _s._ 1. cume 76, 220, cwakie 131, demi 185, iseo 150; 2. cumest 76, easkest 68, seist 279; 3. cleopeð 38, limpet 154, makid 39, and seventy-four others; contracted, about one-fourth of the total number, bisið 332, bit 246, flið 158, forȝet 25, 167, halt 180, 195, 205, hat 45, let 26, 212, sent 55, sit 48, 225, 237, wit 52, and nine others, _passive_ hatte 62; _pl._ 1. habbeð 191, witeð 144, drede we 155; 3. aȝulteð 48, edwiteð 123; of the second weak conjugation, acwikieð 105, heatieð 111, herieð 317, makied 255, wunieð 272, 320, but ofearneð 135 and liuieð 287, werieð 143; meallið 90, seoð 257, 295, iseoð 89, 94: _subjunctive s._ 1. habbe 61, understonde 285; 3. bihalde 40, bineome 11, cume 23, 65, 144, comme 60, feole, forȝeme 54, forswolhe 152, fortruste 54, leade 65, leare 45, leote 40, reade 142, rihte 14, 141, schute 160, seche 60, slepe 25, tuhte 23, werie 141, chasti 11, loki 39, wardi 141, warni 42; _pl._ 1. demen 191, 193, halden 198, þonkin 200, neome we 147: _imperative s._ 2. etstont 158, let 209, sei 280, tele 79, 228, warne 155; _pl._ 2. hercnið 218, lokið 67, lustnið 61, neomeð 311, þencheð 115, understondeð 218. Past of Strong Verbs: I a. _s._ 1. iseh 118 (5), biseh 249, 3. ȝef 27, quoð 315; _pl._ 1. speken 44; _subjunctive s._ 1. isehe 118, 2. sehe 228: I b. _s._ 1. com 139: I c. _subj. s._ 3. bigunne 299: III. _subj. s._ 3. forbude 13: V. _s._ 1. biheolt 262, lette (weak form) 28. Participles present: I a. sittende 278: I b. cuminde 40: IV. lahhinde _adj._ 213: V. fallinde _adj._ 178; past: I a. isehen 77 (6), ispeken 335: I b. ibore 136, icumen 55: I c. bigunne 112, iborhen 276, formealte 104: II. iwriten 70, untohene _adj. pl._ 13, untohe _adj. s._ 23, fulitohe _adj. s._ 9: III. bigoten 259, bigotten 316, biloke 204: IV. islein 116: V. bihalden 57, ihaten 10, 37, 220, underuon 57, ofdred _adj._ 145. Past of Weak Verbs: _s._ 1. hefde 113, talde 114; 3. bohte 28, luuede 241, schilde 233, sende 223, wrahtte 74; _pl._ 3. deiden, liueden 266. Participles present: libbinde 270, sechinde 151; ME. formations are fikelinde _adj._ 147, smorðrinde _adj._ 88; past: bitaht 144, 149, ibet 74, igret 256, ilihtet 214, ischawed 258, iseid 328, iseið 280, unwerged 251, icleopet 36, icwiddet 257, offearet 54, 211, unwerget 318, and thirteen others in -t, besides irobbet 26, istirret 245; others used as adjectives are elheowet 58, fordemde _pl._ 133, forrotet 99, forwerede _pl._ 114, iblescede _s. weak_ 221, _pl._ 250, isette _pl._ 252, istelet _pl._ 126, iteilede _pl._ 90, unwarnede _noun pl._ 157, offruhte _pl._ 222. Minor Groups: witen _inf._ 137, 305, wat _pr. s._ 176, nat 66, witen _pr. pl._ 295, 297, nuten 101, wiste _pt. s._ 6; ah _pr. s._ 165, ahen 1 _pr. pl._ 4, _pr. pl._ 300; con 1 _pr. s._ 81, 329, _pr. s._ 64, cunnen _pr. pl._ 187; þerf _pr. s._ 171, þurue we 1 _pr. pl._ 145, 225; schal _pr. s._ 21 &c., schulen _pr. pl._ 178, 224, 320, schulde we 1 _pt. pl._ 158; mei 1 _pr. s._ 81, _pr. s._ 10 &c., me[i] 327, mahen 1 _pr. pl._ 22, 2 _pr. pl._ 137, 305, mahe _pr. pl._ 274, _pr. s. subj._ 290, 332, mahte 1 _pt. s._ 113, 162, 232, _pt. s._ 84, 118; most 2 _pr. s._ 285, 316; beon _inf._ 10 &c., am 1 _pr. s._ 62, is _pr. s._ 8, nis 18, bið 146, aren _pr. pl._ 107, 256, beoð 13, 56, 159, 202, beod 306, beo _pr. s. subj._ 26 (8), beon 1 _pr. pl. subj._ 142, 198, beo we 193, beon _pr. pl. subj._ 104, wes _pt. s._ 205, weren _pt. pl._ 94, 114, were _pt. s. subj._ 127, 136, 210, 253, nere 121, 136, were _pt. pl. subj._ 124, ibeo _pp._ 331; ich chulle 1 _pr. s._ 81, wule _pr. s._ 145, 193, 325, wulleð _pr. pl._ 289, wule _pr. s. subj._ 42, 210, 323, walde 1 _pt. s._ 119, _pt. s._ 6, 12, nalde 7; to donne _dat. inf._ 142, 185, to don 288, 324, to do 189 (virtual _nom._), do 1 _pr. s._ 190, 197, deð _pr. s._ 182, doð _pr. pl._ 49, 267, do 2 _s. imp._ 154, idon _pp._ 300, ido 53, 117; gan _inf._ 21, 316, ȝeað _pr. s._ 151, ga we 1 _pr. pl._ 171, ouergað _pr. pl._ 270, ga 2 _s. imp._ 315, _pr. s. subj._ 10, 47.

Among adverbs may be noted á 105 (4), áá 53 (3), ever, distinguished by accent from a 227, ah! hweonene 60, 65, interrogative, earþon 74, previously, unmundlunge (#unmyndlinga#) 68, unexpectedly, in ME. apparently only here and once in AR; among prepositions, bituhhen 168, bituhhe 133, 169, extension of OE. #bituh#, BH 133/33, which comes also in SK 1515, ‘bituhe’ AR MS. A, 204/20, ‘bituhhen,’ id. 358/11, fore 27, 276, on behalf of, in both places separated from the word governed and put at the end of the sentence.

(2) =Of R.= This is substantially the same as that of MS. B: some forms from ll. 339-373 are here noted. Nouns: _neut._ bodi _s. d._ 369, limen _pl. n._ 364; _fem._ sawle _s. n._ 369, neod 349, sondes _s. g._ 346, murðes 342, lefdi _s. d._ 355, sonden _pl. a._ 357. Adjective comp. lessere 345 (#lǣssa#), an early instance of the double comparative; T has lesre. Pronoun: incker _dual g._: indef. oðer _s. d._ 363, noðres _s. g._ 347.

(3) =Of T.= It differs from B mainly in the verbal inflection. Forms with i are few, euennin _inf._ 83, fondin 224, lutlin 327, openin 285, sunegin 179, wursi 164, mellið _pr. pl._ 90; in the _pr. s._ -es and -eð alternate, warnes 348, wilnes 286, bides 59 (hat B), fares 25, haues 144, makes 39, slepes 25, spekes 8, wites 52 (wit B), fleoð 158 (flið B), beoð 146, beð 24, in the _pr. pl._ -en and -eð, habben 191, beon 14 (6), freten 96, ȝelden 213, hatien 111, iwurðen 93, snicken 96, sweren 21, beoð 17 &c., speweð 91: arn 256, schuln 340, þurn 225 are syncopated. Beside ha, she, ho occurs 12, 40, 181; man 165 is indefinite. The suffix of the verbal noun is regularly -ing, cnawlechinge 292, gretinge 213, hechelinge 100. For aðet B, R 104, it has til ꝥ, for mid B, mit R 28, wið.

#Vocabulary:# Scandinavian are ai T 53 &c., aren 107, drupnin 222, etlunge 310, far (lac) 341, 363, fear (laic) T 341, (feir) lec R 272, feoloh(lukest) 270 (OWScand. félagi), flute 349, flutteð 100, ȝa T 216, ȝea T 77, hird 65, hundreð T 79, keiseres 261, lahe 193, 259, 271, lane 202, meoke 198, nowcin 163 (4), tidinges 140, til T 104, trust 184, vmben 207, wan 129, warpe 43, varpeð 341, wengen 143, 340, witer(liche) 78, witer(luker) 285, wontin 135 (OWScand. vanta), wontreaðes 129, wondraðes R 129, wandreðes T 129, þicke 86 (OWScand. þykkr), probably baðe T 23, iburst 151, lustnin 217, possibly froden T 95, ȝetteð 247 (Björkman 109), ȝeieð 134 (OWScand. geyja) influenced like ȝoulen by ȝellen (Björkman 69). French are archangles 249 (possibly Latin), apostle 157, castel 31, chasti 11, chere 213, icheret 209, cruneð 49, cunestable 38, 200, cunfessurs 266, enbreuet 73, false 147, falsi 163, fol 19, feh 149, 204, grace 160, iordret 252, irobbet 26, leattres 71, liun 151, meistre 44, meistreð 33, meoster 189, 252, mesure 174, meosure 45, patriarches 255 (possibly Latin), poure 259, preoouin 72, prophetes 255, semblant 19, seruið 247, 250, tresor 27 (3), treosor 369, tresures 339, tresorers T 339, trone 244, 260, turnes 182, ?turneð 206, aturnet 209. A Latin borrowing is martyrs 262.

#Dialect:# MS. B bears a close resemblance in all dialectal criteria to MS. A of the Ancrene Wisse; its Anglian peculiarities are somewhat more pronounced. MS. R differs from MS. B in its representation of #ǣ{1}# and in the narrower range of its _u_-, _å_-umlauts; it is somewhat more Southern than MS. B. MS. T, in the same hand as the copy of the Ancrene Wisse, is of the mixed character described on p. 373, but the Southern element is more extensive here.

#Style:# Sawles Warde has been divided by its latest editor into one thousand and seventy-two half-lines of ‘rhymeless Layamonic verse,’ with three hundred and sixty-two varieties of scansion, nearly two hundred of which are each represented by a single line. Much ME. verse, the Proverbs of Alfred, the Brut, the Bestiary for example, is, like Sawles Warde, written continuously, but its verse character is always definitely indicated by its punctuation, in Layamonic verse by a half- or full stop at the end of the half-line and a full stop at the end of the line. But, as Luick has shown, Sawles Warde has a prose punctuation of natural pauses in reading, of clause and sentence, a contention which may readily be tested by the texts in the present book, which reproduce the manuscripts in this detail. Thus the punctuation of Sawles Warde which has been adduced as an indication of its verse character is evidence to the contrary.

Some specimens of the verse with the editor’s scansion are: ‘téacheð us þùrh a bísnè,’ 117/4: ‘Þis hús þe ùre láuèrd | spékeð òf, is sèolf þe món,’ 117/8: ‘þe éarèste is Wárschìpe | icléopet, ànt te óðèr | is gástelìch Stréncðè,’ 118/36: ‘Wárschìpe, þet àa is wáker, | ìs offéared, lèste súm | fortrúste hìm ant fèole oslép,’ 118/53: ‘hwuch só he mèi préouìn | þùrh his bóc, þèt is ón | euch súnnè ibréuèt,’ 119/72. Now Bartels points out that in Layamon’s verse there is no _enjambment_ and no beginning of a clause in the middle of a half-line. Furthermore, there is no rhythm in these lines which remotely resembles either the recitative of Layamon’s alliterative line or the syllabic measure of his rhymed lines. But the fatal objection is the absence of alliteration or rhyme, for without one of these or a combination of the two there is no verse at all in Middle English; they are of the essence of its form. For Orm is an eccentric and absolutely isolated; his verse would be recognizable by his contemporaries as such only in virtue of the rigid uniformity of its rhythm.

Sawles Warde is written in the same rhythmic prose, and by the same author, as AR and the other pieces mentioned on p. 373, including the Wohunge of Ure Lauerd (OEH i. 269-87) and the Ureisun of God Almihti (id. 200-3). The evolution of this style is easily followed. The writer began his literary career with his memory well stocked with alliterative formulae and other phrases, derived in some small measure from the pre-Conquest literature, but mostly from a body of popular poetry which is represented by isolated pieces like the Worcester Fragments. His first writings, SJ and SM, are overloaded with them, and they have impressed their peculiar movement more or less on the stretches of prose which link them together. Accordingly many passages in SJ for example approach much more nearly to verse than anything in Sawles Warde. Take at random 143/68-72:--

sei me hwi þu forsakest[;] þi sy ant ti selhðe. þe weolen ant te wunnen[;] þe walden awakenen. ant waxen of þe wedlac[;] þet ich reade þe to. hit nis nan eðelich þing[;] þe refschipe of rome. ant tu maht ȝef þu wult[;] beon burhene leafdi. ant of alle þe londes[;] þe þerto liggeð.

This has the right swing, and its slightly faulty alliteration could easily be mended, yet Saint Juliana is not verse. In SK, HM, AR, and SW we can observe a gradual and progressive diminution of this borrowed matter, but the verse cadences persist to the end.

#Introduction:# Einenkel, in the preface to his edition of Saint Katherine, claims to have proved that Saint Juliana and Saint Margaret were written by one author, Saint Katherine by another, and Hali Meidenhad by a third. His proof rests largely on the untenable assumption that a Middle English author, whatever the length of his literary career, or the changes in his environment, or the nature of his subject, by reason of his unbending ‘individuality’ did not vary in his vocabulary, phrases, or turns of expression. So if words in sufficient number occur often in one writing and seldom or not at all in another, if the percentage of the foreign element is not similar, if the synonyms for abstract notions like joy and sorrow, luck and mishap are not the same, the compositions must be the work of different authors. Of far other significance are the unity, not uniformity, of style which pervades the whole group in orderly and natural development, the unity of subject, that is, the praise of virginity and its superior virtue over other states of life, the recurrence of a considerable number of characteristic words, phrases, and constructions found seldom or never outside the group, the presence throughout of a pronounced Scandinavian element testifying at least to a common dialect of origin.

As has already (p. 376) been suggested, this literature is best understood as a product of the Gilbertine movement. The lives of the female saints, of whom two resist marriage and the other says of Christ ‘He haueð iweddet him to mi meiðhad,’ were suitable reading for the Gilbertine nuns, and the anchoresses, for whom the Ancrene Wisse was written, had a copy at least of Saint Margaret. Hali Meidenhad was probably occasioned by the affair of the nun at Watton, one of Gilbert’s foundations, which is related by Gilbert’s friend, Ailred of Rievaulx, in what is one of the most extraordinary revelations of the mediaeval clerical mind on the subject of the single life: it shows us the younger nuns of Watton far outdoing in ferocity their exemplar Saint Juliana, and helps to the understanding of the sentiment in Hali Meidenhad, which is so distasteful and even revolting to modern feeling that some have thought it impossible that the author of the mild wisdom of the Ancrene Wisse could have any part in it. But it must be observed that much of the abusive language about the married state in Hali Meidenhad is not original, some of it is as old as S. Jerome, and no one is so likely to have written the treatise as the enthusiastic founder of an order of nuns.

The writer has already used the main idea of the allegory in the Ancrene Wisse (M 172, 271). The parallelism pointed out in the note on l. 82 of Sawles Warde is another indication of common authorship; it is not like a borrowing, nor can it be accounted for by independent use of the curt Latin original. Finally, the passage 125/268-278 in glorification of the ‘feire ferreden of uirgines in heouene,’ SK 2309, which is an addition of the author’s, strikes the dominant note of all his works.

The Latin original of Sawles Warde was again adapted by the writer of the supplement to the Ayenbite of Inwyt, pp. 263-9, presumably Dan Michel of Northgate; his version is much closer to the original, and he does not seem to have been acquainted with that of his predecessor.

1. With the title comp. ‘Mid alle cunne warde (= custodia) . . . wite wel þine heorte, uor soule lif is in hire; ȝif heo is wel iwust,’ AR 48/5; ‘þonne se weard swefeð, | sawele hyrde,’ Beowulf, 1741 (with Holthausen’s note).

2. #Si# &c.: S. Matt. xxiv. 43: V has ‘veniret’ with S. Luke xii. 39.

3. #a bisne#: a forbisne T.

5. #to# is omitted by R: to wite{n} T: comp. ‘To wyten vs wyþ þan vnwihte,’ OEM 72/4; ‘ihereð hu ȝe schulen witen ou wið þes deofles wieles, þet he ou ne biwrenche,’ AR 224/20, and see 48/299 note. #þe unwiht of helle#: so HM 41/19; ‘of þe laðe vnwiht þe hellene schucke,’ id. 41/35.

6. #þes lauerd#: þe husebonde RT.

8. #hire#: so all MSS.; the writer is thinking of the allegory rather than of his grammar. With #breoken# comp. 62/20. #mon# &c.: R has, mon . in wið þe monnes wit iþis is þe huselauerd . , T, mon . Jnwið . þe mo{n}nes wit iþis h{us} is te huselau{er}d. Kluge, adopting the text of B, punctuates þis hus, . . ., is seolf þe mon inwið; þe monnes wit i þis hus is þe huselaverd; while W, omitting ‘i þis hus,’ which does not fit into his metrical scheme, has þis hus, . . . , is seolf þe mon . inwið þe monnes wit is þe huselauerd. In both cases ‘inwið’ is adverbial, as at 130/57, and the sense yielded is intelligible. But it diverges strangely from the original, ‘Pater iste familias animus potest intelligi, cuius familia sint cogitationes et motus earum, sensus quoque et actiones tam exteriores quam interiores. . . . Domus est conscientia, in qua pater iste habitans thesauros (see 118/27) virtutum congregat, propter quos ne domus effodiatur, summopere vigilatur,’ V 207 _e_, 208 _a_. All three writers appear to have been contending with a faulty archetype: the original may have been:--

þis hus þe ure lauerd spekeð of · is seolf þe mon nes inwit[;] wit i þis hus is þe huselauerd,

where the first line is actually that found in R: the division of mon-nes would readily give rise to the corruptions of all three MSS. In the Ayenbite of Inwyt the Latin is translated, ‘Hous . is inwyt|in huychen þe uader of house woneþ . þe hord of uirtues gadereþ,’ 263/24. For #inwit# comp. ‘wiðinnen us suluen, ure owune conscience, þet is, ure inwit,’ AR 306/1, 206/5. When the writer afterwards speaks of the house of the body, 127/369, he is using a familiar expression, for which there is nothing corresponding in the Latin original. #wit# is Reason = animus rationalis: the contest between it and Will is also in HM 15/23-36; the embodiment of the latter as the ‘fulitohe wif’ is due to our writer.

10. #ꝥ--hire#, whose guidance if the household (hus = familia) follow: see 46/292 note. #diht# &c.: see 66/120 note.

11. #chasti#, discipline, restrain: comp. ‘Hwil þi wit atstond ⁊ chaisteð þi wil . . . ne harmeð hit te nawiht,’ HM 15/26.

13. #hit#: see 1/10: ha RT.

16. #wittes#, senses: comp. ‘hire fif wittes . sihðe ⁊ heringe . smecchunge ⁊ smeallunge ⁊ euch limes felunge,’ HM 13/25; AR 48/8, 116/25.

17. #hwer--ȝemeles#: ‘Nam si vel parum a sua sollicitudine torpuerit,’ V 207 _e_.

18. #feareð untoheliche#, behaves in unruly fashion. #gulteð ilome#: see 34/91.

19. #ifol semblant#, in foolish demeanour: comp. ‘ȝif þu makest ei semblaunt oðer eni luue lates touward unðeauwes,’ AR 90/17. #Inwið# &c.: following on the division made in ll. 14, 15, we might have expected here something like, Þeo wið innen beoð þohtes.

20. #in#, busied about, intent on such a great variety of purposes to please Will. For #in#, of aim, object, comp. ‘He only, in a general honest thought | And common good to all, made one of them,’ Shakspere, Julius Caesar, v. v. 71. It might also be regarded as, in the shape of.

21. #hit# might be impersonal, that things shall go on to her liking, but comp. l. 10.

22. #iþþlen# can hardly be a mistake for ifelen (Specimens): it is possibly for iðolien. R has felen, T fele. #nurhð#, noise: comp. 129/47 note: ‘His laðliche nurð ⁊ his untohe bere makeð þe to agrisen,’ HM 31/22; ‘nurð ne kimeð in heorte bute of sum þing ꝥ me haueð oðer isehen oðer iherd,’ AR Corpus MS. where MS. Nero, ed. Morton, 92/3, has ‘noise’; ‘leaueð ower nurð . ant oþer ladliche bere,’ SM 21/20. The word is not found outside this group. T has murð, as at 118/22, but R with ‘murhðe’ there has correctly nurð here.

23. #a þet#: see 72/179 note. #hit#: RT have correctly wit. #eie . . . luue#: comp. 72/200. With #tuhte#, discipline, comp. ‘tuhten ne chasten þi meiden uor hire gult,’ AR 268/21.

24. #for#, because of the untrustworthiness of: analogous to 104/175. #for hwen ꝥ#, if on occasion, when: see 72/192 and comp. ‘for hwen þat he cheas hire,’ HM 15/11. Its use appears to be restricted to this group. slepe . oðer ohwider fare R; slepes oðer owhwider fares T.

26. #let ham iwurðen#, lets them have their own way, abandons them to their own devices. Comp. ‘ure Louerd let us one iwurðen oðer hwules ⁊ wiðdraweð his grace,’ AR 230/27, 288/23; ‘Heo let heom alle i-wurþe . þat beoþ so swyþe stronge,’ OEM 89/32; SK 791.

28. #forte breoke . . . abuten#: see 74/229 note. #efter#: see 7/53. #ꝥ# is _acc._ after bohte, with lette it means, for which: comp. 44/252, 263. With #lette# &c. comp. 144/84.

29. #moni þeof#: ‘Fur autem non unus est sed multiplex, quia singulis virtutibus singula vitia insidiantur,’ V 208 _a_.

30. #gasttes#: comp. 15/79; ‘ȝewerged gastes . ⁊ unþeawes . ⁊ unwraste lahtres,’ OEH i. 243/7.

31. #castel#: so T, but R has chatel, property, possession. All the MSS. have ‘castel’ at 123/203.

32. #hire#, the corresponding vice. OE. #þēaw#, #un-þēaw# are masculine.

33. #heaued#: ‘Principalis tamen fur diabolus intelligitur. Contra quem et eius satellites pater idem (si tamen non negligens fuerit) domum suam forti custodia muniens, prudentiam in primo aditu constituat,’ V 208 _a_. #meistreð#, acts as leader to.

34. #keis# is evidently translation of satellites, guards. ‘Item satelles dicitur quia adheret alteri ad eius custodiam,’ Catholicon. But W explains it of those who hold the keys of office.

35. #froure#: so T, comfort, support; comp. 18/19. But fowre R is better.

36. #heaued þeawes#, cardinal virtues. V mentions only three of these here, but Temperantia (= Meað) afterwards takes part in the dialogue. #Warschipe# is Prudentia: #gastelich strengðe# is a translation of the Spiritus Fortitudinis of the very ancient Confirmation Prayer; VV has more literally ‘gost of strengþe,’ 83/22: V has Fortitudo only.

38. #cunestable#, chief officer: an early instance of the word in English.

39. #durewart#: comp. ‘Þe ȝeteward . þet is wittes skile,’ AR 270/26: in VV she is ȝeapnesse, ‘on of ðe holie mihtes ðe wel cunne ⁊ wel muȝe ðo gaten ⁊ ðo duren wel bilokin of ðis holi temple,’ 99/22. #þe#: so R, but ꝥ T: relative with subjunctive of purpose, like the Latin, ‘quae discernat quid sit admittendum, quid vitandum, quid excludendum.’

40. #of feor#, from a distance; explained in NED under _afar_, as an analytical form = OE. #feorran#, _adv._, from far. The latter is sometimes treated in ME. as a noun and combined with prepositions of, on, from: comp. 118/55, 198/31: oferrum in Minot vii. 70 is on + _dat. s. neut._ of #feorr#, _adj._

42. #warschipes#: for the construction, see 10/167. R has warschipe, showing confusion of gender. The subject of #warni# is warschipe contained in the preceding genitive; see 6/18. #fore#, _adv._, previously, comp. 121/140; ‘Ah wel ich warni þe uore,’ SJ 47/15.

44. #ꝥ . . . speken#: see 81/77.

45. #mete#: so T, but meðe R: comp. 122/174. #uueles#: so T, faults of excess and defect, extremes: ‘muchel ⁊ lutel,’ 122/169. R has þing{e}, which perhaps points to an original uuele þinge. #for ꝥ--halden#, lit., for that is in every place (i.e. under all circumstances) virtue and disciplined conduct in the observance; which is practically, for the observance of that moderation is under all circumstances virtuous conduct. So ‘ꝥ ich demi riht ⁊ wisdom to donne,’ 122/185, the doing of that I judge to be proper and wise. This use of the gerundial infinitive is frequent in AR, comp. ‘ne beo þu nout Gius fere ne Gius make uorte birlen him so,’ 114/15, by pouring him out such a drink. With #halden# comp. ‘Al so me tempreð an baþ . . . also deð ðis haliȝe mihte alle ðes mannes ðeawes ðe hes luuiȝeð ⁊ healden cann,’ VV 107/18.

46. #ꝥ nan# &c., that none of them in any case should, in opposition to her, with excess overstep moderation: #wid vnmeoð# is duplicated in #ouer mete#.

48: ‘Iustitia sedeat in medio, ut sua cuique tribuat,’ V 208 _b_.

49. #efter his rihte#, according to his deserts.

50. #his#: RT have correctly þis, and after #is#, his. Comp. the corresponding passage 127/356-8, where #efter ꝥ he is# is varied by ‘efter ꝥ him limpeð to,’ and #nimed . . . his warde to witene# by ‘fondeð . . . his warde te witene.’ This household, each in his own department, undertakes the care of his charge. R omits to witene. With #warde . . . witene# comp. 74/231; ‘þet he wite ⁊ wardie ou,’ AR 174/24: similar combinations are ‘werieð ⁊ witeð,’ 121/143, 122/192; ‘wite ⁊ werien,’ 123/203, 136/147, 149/169; ‘wardi ⁊ werie,’ 121/141.

52. #of þe oþre#, of the other servants. #wit# is contracted 3 _sing. pr._ for witeþ, takes care; T has the equivalent in his dialect, wites: comp. ‘swuchne wardein, þet wit ⁊ wereð us euer wið þe unseiene gostes,’ AR 312/8. R reads ant euchan al swa as of þe oðere wið ꝥ wit onont him . ne schal &c.; wið ꝥ wit is an evident mistake for wit ꝥ. #onont him#, so far as he is concerned: see NED under _Anent_; the final _t_ is possibly due to Scandinavian influence (Björkman, 20), and the second _o_ to the analogy of such pairs as hwenne, hwonne, þenne, þonne. Comp. 70/161 note.

53: ‘His ita dispositis, introducere debet prudentia aliquos nuntios, qui aliqua narrent, quae ad exercitationem valeant,’ V 208 _b_.

54. #fortruste him# appears to mean, be over confident, the prefix implying excess: the word occurs here only.

55. #in#, adverb. #of feorren#: see 118/40 note.

58. #elheowet#, of strange colour: apparently here only. T has blac ille heowet, which looks like a popular derivation of an uncommon word.

59. #þuncheð ꝥ stont#: see 7/52 note. #biuoren#, as a preliminary, as the first thing to be said: comp. ‘vore,’ 118/42. RT have biuoren ham, which is rather pointless.

61-3. #lust#: ‘se respondit non aliter quicquam dicturum, nisi summum fiat silentium. Quo impetrato sic incipit. Ego sum timor mortis et mortem vobis venire nuncio,’ V. In AR 306, fearlac binds the sinner condemned in Reason’s court. #munegunge#, ‘Memoria mortis,’ V.

64. #bisetten#, employ, expend (NED i. 817, comparing bestow): arrange, dispose would better suit wordes, but not werkes.

67. #ah--hwenne#, but be always expectant of that time: comp. ‘deað þet we beoð siker of ⁊ unsiker hwonne.’ AR 144/13.

68. #unmundlunge#, unexpectedly: vnmunidlinge T. #hwen--weneð#: comp. ‘er me lest wene,’ AR 178/12, and often; ‘þer we lest wenet,’ OEH i. 7/26; SJ 44/3.

70. #of#, with, filled with records of sins: comp. ‘Vre Louerd hefde ifuld him of his þreatunge,’ AR 156/3; 121/130; 201/61 note. See 36/101.

72. #preoouin#, convict: a rare absolute use. preouin R, preoue{n} T.

73. #ꝥ . . . on#, on which: see 1/3 note. #enbreuet#, enrolled: comp. ‘vor nis non so lutel þing of þeos þet þe deouel naueð enbreued on his rolle,’ AR 344/10; ‘in iames ant imembres bokes ibreuet,’ SM 16/31. OF. embriever: _n_ for _m_ is Anglo-French: T has emb{re}uet: ibreuet in R is pp. of *breuen, enroll.

74. #lif siðe#: see 2/27.

75. #soð schrift#: see 88/183, 80/52, and comp. ‘healen ham wið soð schrift ⁊ wið deadbote,’ HM 15/1, 21/24. #hire#: so RT: see 13/34 note.

77. #ha seið warschipe#: comp. 119/79, 80, 215/23; ‘An oðer stede he seið godd,’ VV 81/2; ‘he seið seint Jame,’ AR 10/14 and often; in all cases the name of the person thus added in explanation of the pronoun has been previously mentioned. Analogous are 192/504, 194/602.

78. #ofte ⁊ ilome#: see 32/47. #Nu . . . þenne#: see 60/8 note. #for þi trowðe#: see 94/26, and note in l. 80, the common ‘omi trowðe.’

80. #efter#: comp. 36/119; ‘Vor efter þet me icnoweð his muchele godnesse . . . efter þet me luueð hine more oðer lesse,’ AR 92/13: in the next line #efter--con# means, to the best of my ability and knowledge.

81. #tellen#: RT omit. #þer towart#, lit. in that direction, i. e. concerning that matter: mostly used in local sense as ‘buhen þertoward,’ SK 1473. In l. 83 it means thereto. #readien#, discourse: rodien R, reode{n} T: W reads reordin.

82 ff. The details in this and similar descriptions, as VV 17-19, are ultimately derived from the Visions literature; see Introduction to piece X. The main divisions here correspond exactly to those in AR 144; ‘þe seoruwe of helle, þer bihold þreo þinges--þe untaleliche pinen þet no tunge ne mei tellen (comp. 119/85)--þe echenesse of euerichon, þet lesteð wiðuten ende (comp. 120/106-8)--þe unimete bitternesse of euerichon’ (comp. 120/108-112).

82. #[wid]#: supplied from T, not in R. ‘Infernus latus est sine mensura, profundus sine fundo, plenus ardore incomparabili (‘uneuenlich’), plenus foetore intolerabili (‘unþolelich’), plenus dolore innumerabili’ (‘untalelich’), V 208 _d_. #wið ute grunde#: comp. 40/178.

83. #uneuenlich#: comp. ‘al so ase heo (blisse) is unefenlich to alle worldes blissen, al so heo is untalelich to alle worldliche tungen,’ AR 410/11. R has unwerilich.

85. #ne mei# &c.: comp. 46/285, 126/303; ‘ne mahte hit na mon rikenin ne tellen,’ SJ 50/4.

88. #smeke#: smoke RT. #smeche forcuðest#, vilest of fumes, but RT have smecche, of flavours (#smæcc#); comp. ‘þreaste smeorðrinde smoke ut smecche forcuðest,’ SM 9/6. The adjective is everywhere else used of moral worthlessness; comp. 26/253.

90. #alles cunnes pinen#: see 81/80.

91. #ase deoflen#: R has as þe deoulen, which is preferable.

94. For #bute bote# T has unbotelich, a rare word, but ‘unboteliche lure,’ HM 17/25. The combination of bote and bale is very common; see Minot i. 4 note. #as--weren# belongs to #hal#. #ful--grure#, and unmistakably they see themselves terrible and awful. #grisle . . . grure#: comp. 56/40, 120/122, 121/131; ‘þet grisliche word ⁊ grureful ouer alle,’ AR 306/5; ‘grislich ⁊ grureful uorto biholden,’ id. 242/12.

95. #froggen#: T has frode{n}: see 46/273 note.

96. The omission of #þe# would improve the grammar of this passage by giving a verb for helle wurmes, tadden ⁊ froggen.

97. #eauraskes#, water-frogs: eaureskes R, eafroskes T.

99. #eauerȝete#, at any time yet: comp. ‘al þe wo ꝥ nu is ⁊ euer ȝete was,’ AR 52/12. In ‘For falshede euer ȝite heo souhten,’ Castel off Loue, 342, it represents Fr. tut tens. #remunge# &c.: ‘Ibi est fletus et stridor dentium (S. Matt. xxii. 13 altered), ibi transitur a frigore nivium ad calorem ignium, et utrumque intolerabile,’ V 208 _d_. Comp. 42/231-6, 76/25.

100. #hechelunge#: apparently here only: Morris translates ‘chattering.’ If it is connected with ME. hechele, a tool for heckling flax, grating or gnashing is a more likely meaning.

102. #monge#, mixture, alternation of extremes.

103: ‘Ibi omnes comburuntur . . . nec consumuntur,’ V.

104. #forwalleð#, ‘tortures by boiling,’ NED; apparently here only: comp. 43/222.

106. #unhope#, absence of hope, of any prospect of release: ‘ibi nulla spes boni,’ V 208 _d_. A rare word, differing in meaning from wanhope: comp. ‘in desperaunce, þet is, in unhope ⁊ in unbileaue forte beon iboruwen,’ AR 8/17. See 46/289.

108. #iwa#: i{n} wa RT.

109. #heateð#: ‘Omnis, qui est in eo, odit se et omnes alios,’ V. T has, hateð oðer . ⁊ ter teken hi{m} selue{n}, and in addition thereto (#tō ēacan#).

110. #blake#: ‘bestia nigerrima sicut corvus,’ Visio Tnugdali, 36/4.

114. #tungen of stele#: Virgil’s ‘ferrea vox’; ‘isene stemne,’ Wulfstan, 215/2; ‘teþ and tunge . of stel imaked,’ OEM 154/268.

116. #hefde a mon# &c.: comp. ‘Testis mihi Deus est, quia, si viderem quempiam hominum, qui me et omnes caros meos omnibus damnis, iniuriis et laesionibus et extrema leti sorte affecisset: si, inquam, tam immanissimum hostem meum illis suppliciis, quae vidi, deputatum conspicerem prolixius cruciandum, millies, si fieri posset, pro eius ereptione temporalem mortem appeterem,’ Visio Monachi de Eynsham, ed. Huber, Rom. Forschungen, xvi. 663/25. The date of the Visio is 1196 A.D.

117. #al þe ende#, the whole: ende, portion, as in OE. #micel ende#, #nan# #ende# appears to show in this solitary place the same development of meaning as lot, portion in the colloquial use, ‘the lot,’ ‘the whole lot.’ Morris translates ‘remnant,’ but that is a late meaning of the word: W, starting from the meaning, region (see 127/344), explains, the whole circle of my kin.

120. #ut þrof#, out of that place: comp. ‘arudden mi sawle ut of þine honden,’ SM 6/21: but aredden is usually followed by of alone, as, ‘to aredden of helle,’ OEH i. 203/16.

121. Some distinction is apparently intended between #iseon# (seon RT) and #biseon# (all MSS.) such as that between, to be within sight of, and, to gaze upon.

122. #grimfule ⁊ grurefule#: the first word is rare and the combination apparently without parallel.

124. #schenðlac#, disgrace: schenlac R, schendlac T: a word found only in AR, SK, and here.

125. #⁊ hure þolien#, and especially to bear: in a normal sentence we should look for something like, but it is still worse to endure. #unirude#: unrude RT: see 188/389.

126. #mealles#: melles RT, beetles, clubs: comp. ‘þer ȝe schulen iseon bunsen ham mit tes deofles bettles,’ AR 188/4; ‘Þarfor þe devels salle stryk þam þare | With hevy melles ay,’ Hampole, Pr. of Consc. 7047. #dustlunges#: only here; the parallel place, 58/68, fixes its meaning as flingings, hurlings: ME. dusten, to fling, is a word characteristic of the group. R has reade . hare dustlunges as, T reade Hare dustlunges as, a better division, but requiring ⁊ before hare.

128. #grure# &c.: comp. ‘greden ai ⁊ granen iþe eche grure of helle,’ HM 47/12; ‘ðær is ece gryre . . . þær is wanung and granung,’ Wulfstan 114/4, id. 209/15, 18. #heatel#, full of hate, cruel; OE. #hatol#. R has hatel, T Heates.

129. #wontreaðes#: wondraðes R, wandreðes T: see 58/76. With #bold#, dwelling place, comp. ‘bold of eche blisse,’ OEH i. 273/10.

132. For #schekeð# R reads sorheð. #me . . . me# are _dat._ pronouns, like ham 120/96: comp. 80/47. #rueð#: runeð T, ruueð R; the first two seem to be mistakes for the last, which may represent a simple form of which ruffle is derivative, with meaning, to stiffen, stand up in disorder. W reads riseð. #of#, at; indicating source or cause: see 160/184.

133. #wumme#: see 2/13. ‘Nulla ibi vox, nisi vae, vae, vae habent, vae sonant,’ V 208 _e_.

135. #ofearneð#: if the prefix has any force, it means, thoroughly, fully. #hwilinde#: the OE. adj. are #hwīlen#, #hwīlendlic#, #hwīlwende#.

136. #ȝef ꝥ#: R omits ȝef: T has ȝif without þet. ‘Bonum erat ei, si non esset natus homo ille,’ S. Mark xiv. 21.

140. #fore#: see 118/42.

141. #rihte . . . reade#: comp. 141/50, 147/158.

142. Read beo[n] we, let us be.

145. #he#: ha RT.

146. #deore#: ‘pretiosa in conspectu Domini mors Sanctorum eius,’ Ps. cxv. 15.

147. #fikelinde#, deceiving: comp. ‘þis fikele world ⁊ frakele,’ HM 7/34; ‘eorðe ðet is fikel ⁊ fals,’ OEH i. 200/24. #false#: fahe RT., variegated.

148. #wurðeð#: so T, wurcheð R.

151. #iburst#, bristled, and metaphorically, enraged: elsewhere said of the boar, ‘burst bar,’ SJ 68/13, ‘iburst bar,’ id. 69/16; ‘al was heora gristbatinge[;] al swa wilde bares eȝe. | Whil heo weoren blake[;] ⁊ ladliche iburste,’ L 1886; ‘comeþ þe maister budel brust ase a bore,’ Böddeker, AE. Dicht. 104/51. #sechinde#: R adds inȝong{e}, which is superfluous, but not senseless; comp. 118/32.

152. #tis#, for þis after ant, cannot mean ‘thus,’ Morris: the meaning is, this much I can do, warn you against his malice . . . but I have no power against his force.

153. #of#, #for#, against. T has of his leað for hise wrenches ich con . Ah i ne mai &c.

154. #ꝥ te#, what: R has only ꝥ, T reads ꝥ te li{m}peð to.

157. #eðeliche#, morally poor: usually as applied to persons, it means, in humble circumstances. T reads eðeliche ⁊ wake · vnwearnede ⁊ unwepnede of treowe bileaue; preserving the original.

158. #Etstont#: here with _dat._; it takes wið 122/182; aȝeines 126/324.

159. #alle# &c., our weapons are all given us by his favour. Fortitudo in the Latin quotes ‘induite vos armaturam Dei,’ Eph. vi. 11.

160. #he#, the adversary.

161. #towart#, against: comp. 126/333; ‘weorreð ⁊ warpeð eauer toward tis tur,’ HM 5/18. #weole ⁊ wunne#: a frequent combination in this group: comp. 143/69, 95; AR 198/30; SK 1501; HM 9/8, also ‘For al þe weole and þe wyn . þat riche men fede,’ OEM 91/22. #este#: comp. 72/187; ‘al hore wil ⁊ flesches eise ⁊ este,’ AR 220/6.

162. #summes weis#, in some respects: comp. 140/30; HM 9/32; at 124/236 it appears to translate aliquantisper, for some time. Similar phrases are ‘þisses weis,’ AR 186/25, ‘eueriches weis,’ id. 218/12.

163. #na þing heardes#: like Lat. nihil duri: comp. 122/183; ‘Wat dostu godes among monne,’ ON 563. With #heardes# comp. 113/37.

165. For both things, i. e. for both the rigour of adversity and the absence of bliss, it behoves one to feel dread. #heart#: hard RT.

167. #ma þah#, still more.

168. #forȝemeð ham#: comp. 22/137.

170. #ȝuldene#: comp. ‘Þe middel weie of mesure is euer guldene,’ AR 336/23. guldene RT.

172. #hwet se# &c., whatever be the case when hardships are concerned, I am not at all afraid of prosperity. For this use of _of_, comp. ‘Hwen þus is of þe riche . hwat wenes tu of the poure,’ HM 9/16. Morris translates, ‘Whatever may be of hardships I dread’; which involves an impossible ellipsis and the mistake of making ‘of heardes’ partitive depending on ‘hwet.’ In this text that would require ‘heardes’ without the preposition: comp. 122/163, 183.

173. ne of licomliche estes R.

176. #schad# is usually followed by of, as at 130/81, but Orm 6228, 9 has ‘bitwenen.’ Comp. ‘scadwisnesse,’ 92/121; ‘ȝescod,’ 14/74.

178. #fallinde#, perishing: B-T quotes ‘Ðis lif is lǽnlic and feallende,’ Thorpe, Anc. Laws, ii. 400/16.

179. #þurh unweotenesse#, if she sins, it will not be for lack of knowledge. Comp. ‘I þine soule, oðer two--sunne ⁊ ignorance[;] þet is, unwisdom ⁊ unwitenesse,’ AR 278/6.

180. After #nis# T adds ha. #siker of#, free from anxiety about; as ‘sikernesse’ in l. 188 is confidence. #as þeo þe# &c., as being one who thinks herself weak, like Lat. quippe quae: comp. 128/1.

181. #⁊#: so T, but R has correctly to, in.

182. #onont#, as regards, so far as she herself is concerned: Lat. quoad. #etstonden wið#: see 121/158. #turnes#, cunning devices: comp. ‘aȝein þes deofles turnes ⁊ his fondunges,’ AR 78/27. #deð--wise#: comp. ‘þenne doþ we as þe wise,’ OEM 79/228.

185. #deð#: this superfluous use of do is common in AR. ‘ne seið hit nout ꝥ heo biheold wepmen; auh deð wummen,’ 54/19; ‘Auh þe treowe ancren þet we efneð to briddes[;] nout we þauh[;] auh deð God,’ 130/30, and often. Comp. 85/105: different is ‘do’ used to avoid the repetition of a verb as at 49/304, 86/141. #to donne#: see 118/45.

187. T omits halden.

189. T has the better reading, to do riht ⁊ riht for to deme{n}, which is supported by 122/197: R to don riht ant riht fon ⁊ demen; ‘fon riht’ is a strange expression, which may mean to exact justice at the hands of others. #ich deme# &c.: Morris translates, ‘and I deem myself so that I, through myself, may do it (sin) not.’ The meaning is, My duty is to behave justly and to judge justly, and, in my own case, I judge that I do not perform that duty by my own unaided powers.

190: ‘Omne datum optimum et omne donum perfectum desursum est, descendens a Patre luminum,’ S. Jas. i. 17.

191. #Nu . . . þenne#: see 60/8.

192. #werien . . . witen#: see 118/50. #halden#: habbe{n} T.

193. #demen# &c., to have a poor and humble opinion of ourselves. Comp. ‘leoten ham lahe ⁊ eðeliche,’ HM 43/29. #Ne beo--swucche#, even if we be not at all such, belongs to the preceding sentence.

199. #of#, in respect to; it comes near in meaning to, in spite of these merits. OE. #fordēman# is constructed with for, #dēman# with be, ymbe.

200. #him ane# is definitive qualifying god: comp. ‘he him ane is to herien,’ 130/75.

201. #þonkeð . . . of#, thank on account of, for: comp. ‘Gode ðanciað mid godum weorcum his gifa,’ Cura Past. 318/3; ‘þet þu luuie þine drihten . . . ⁊ him þonkien alles þinges,’ OEH i. 39/25; but ‘þonkien hit ure drihten,’ id. 5/29.

203. #on helpe#, as a help: comp. 123/226. #wite# &c.: see 118/50.

206. #dreaien#: see 74/233: dreien R, drahen T. #treowliliche# is a scribe’s mistake for treowliche, as in R, treweliche T.

207. #Vmben#: not ‘for,’ Morris, but After. On the other hand, ‘umbe stunde,’ AR 344/27, means, at times; ‘eauer umbe stunde,’ HM 33/30, at all times.

209. #freolich#, goodly, charming, properly, of gentle upbringing: for the combination with #feier#, comp. 129/23, 138/22. ‘Alius nuntius venit pulcher et hilaris, qui videtur afferre bona,’ V 208 _c_. #aturnet#, attired: see 68/146.

210. #ꝥ--neod#, we should have much need of that: the construction in this expression is _dat._ of the person needing, _nom._ of the thing needed, as in ‘Muchel is us þenne neod . . . sod scrift,’ OEH i. 11/1; ‘Þu seist þet te nis no neod medicine,’ AR 178/15; ‘Þe holie man is ned ꝥ he [bie] festned on his holinesse,’ OEH ii. 57/31: see also 62/24.

211. #mid alle#, utterly: the phrase translates L. penitus in SK 658.

214. #ilihtet#, alleviated, freed from depression: comp. ‘þet ich beo ilihted of hore heuinesse,’ AR 356/5. #ham þuncheð# is parenthetic.

215. #schimmeð#, shines: a form found also in SJ, SM: schimereð T.

217. #lustnin#: T has lustin ꝥ helde{n} us swa stille hwil fearlac us agrette, which corresponds to ‘Si nos, dum timor et memoria mortis loqueretur, tacuimus, iustum est ut te loquente multo magis taceamus,’ V 208 _c_.

219. #munegunge#: see 119/62. #liues luue#: ‘desiderium vitae aeternae’; comp. ‘ꝥ he hire liues luue luueliche leareð,’ HM 3/11.

220. #ꝥ#, in which, where.

222. #drupnin#, to be dejected: a Scand. word; see Björkman 177, 208, durcnin, the reading of R, is for drucnin, a variant of the other: comp. ‘⁊ dearede al adeadet, | druicninde ⁊ dreori,’ SK 2020. See Minot, i. 9 note.

224. #fondin ⁊ ifinden#, experience and discover.

229. #ȝe iseoð#: ȝoi isoð T.

230. #alswa#: R omits. #aȝein#, in comparison with: comp. 124/246, 264; ‘euerich worldes sauur is bitter þer aȝeines,’ AR 102/26, id. 112/10. In