x. Cotton Vitellius E 7 (L): fragments of a Latin version rescued from

the fire of 1731, said by Macaulay to be the same as the Magdalen MS. version, but with the addition of the eighth part. In Smith’s Catalogue (1696) it is said to have had the note, Regulae vitae Anachoretarum utriusque sexus scriptae per Simonem de Gandavo, Episcopum Sarum in usum suarum sororum. Hunc librum Frater Robertus de Thorneton, quondam prior, dedit claustralibus de Bardenay. Bardney Abbey is in Lincolnshire (Dugdale, i. 623).

xi. Cotton Vitellius F 7 (F). A French version, written about 1300 A.D., but retaining many forms of the considerably older manuscript from which it was copied. This manuscript also suffered in the fire; the top half of the folios is scorched and shrunken, and a line or two is lost on each page: it consists of 164 folios in double columns. In Smith’s Catalogue it is described as, La Reule de femmes Religieuses et Recluses; sive de vita solitaria & anachoretica per Simonem de Gandavo, Episcopum Sarisburiensium in usum sororum ipsius.

#Facsimiles:# Of T. Palaeographical Society; Second Series, plate 75. Of C. Ibid., plate 76. Of P. The Recluse, ed. J. Påhlsson. Lund, 1911.

#Editions:# The Ancren Riwle, edited and translated by James Morton, B.D. Camden Society, no. lvii, London, 1853. Mätzner, E., Altenglische Sprachproben, ii. 8-41 (the second part of AR with introduction and notes). Shorter extracts in Sweet’s First Middle English Primer, 19-41, Emerson and Kluge. The text of all the preceding is from MS. N. Heuser, W., Anglia, xxx. 108-10 (passage from MS. A). Påhlsson, Joel, The Recluse, Lund, 1911.

#Literature:# Bramlette, E. E., Anglia, xv. 478-98 (the original language of AR); Brock, E., Philological Society, 1865, 150-67 (Accidence in N); Dahlstedt, A., The Word-Order of the AR, Sundsvall, 1903; Heuser, W., Anglia, xxx. 103-22; Kölbing, E., ES iii. 535, 6; ix. 115-17; xxiii. 306; Lemcke’s Jahrbuch, xv. 179-97 (collations and dialect); Landwehr, M., Das grammatische Geschlecht in der AR, Heidelberg, 1911; *Macaulay, G. C., The ‘Ancren Riwle’, Modern Language Review, ix. 63-78, 145-60, 324-31, 463-74 (collation of A and general discussion); Mühe, T., Über den im MS. Cotton Titus D. xviii enthaltenen Text der AR, Göttingen, 1901; Anglia, xxxi. 399-404; Napier, A. S., Modern Language Review, iv. 433-6; Ostermann, H., Lautlehre des germanischen Wortschatzes in der von Morton herausgegebenen Handschrift der Ancren Riwle. Bonner Beiträge, xix, Bonn, 1905; Påhlsson, J., ES xxxviii. 453, 4; Paues, A. C., ES xxx. 344-6; Redepenning, H., Syntaktische Kapitel aus der ‘Ancren Riwle’, Berlin, 1906; Williams, Irene F., Anglia, xxviii. 300-4 (language of C); Wülker, R., Paul-Braune, Beiträge, i. 209-39; Zupitza, J., Anglia, iii. 34.

#Sources and Illustrations:# Ælredi Regula, in Lucae Holstenii Codex Regularum Monasticorum et Canonicorum, Augustae Vindelicorum, 1759, vol. i, p. 420; also as Ailredi Rhievallensis de Vita Eremitica ad Sororem, in S. Augustini Opera, Antwerp, 1700, vol. i, p. 640; English version of ch. xxi-lxxviii from the Vernon MS. in ES vii, pp. 304-44; Vita S. Gileberti Confessoris: Institutiones beati Gileberti in Supplement to vol. vi, pt. 2, of Dugdale, W., Monasticon Anglicanum, London, 1830; Eckenstein, Lina, Woman under Monasticism, Cambridge, 1896; Cutts, E. L., Scenes and Characters of the Middle Ages, London, 1872.

#Phonology:# (1) =of A.= Oral #a# is _a_, calices b 17, cat b 2; #a# before nasals and lengthening groups is _o_, dronc 21, gomen 83, brondes b 161, wombe, 97; þen, þenne, hwen, hwenne, selthwenne b 195 are the usual forms, but once hwon b 116: #and# is ant 26 &c., #man#, indefinite, me 16. #æ# is usually _e_, bres 103, ed b 121, efter b 12, gedereð 87 (#gæderian#), hetter b 28, oðerhwet b 177, neppes 94, þet b 126, wes b 3, wicchecreftes 7, esken 79, 85 (#æsce#), weschen b 145, vesscheð b 112 (#wæscan#), but _ea_, an EME. writing for #æ# in bearuot b 39, bleasie b 162 (#blæse#, _sb._), feader b 173, b 231, feaste b 42 (3), gleadliche b 186, measse b 83, readliche b 94, noðeleater b 169, weater b 94, inohreaðe 43 (#hræþe#), and _a_ in awakenet 24, awakenið b 61, b 91 (#awacenian#), blac b 23, warliche b 148 (flexion forms), cappen b 45: habbe 25 &c., nabben b 130 descend from LWS. forms in #a#: quoð b 76 (#cwæþ#) is due to loss of stress. #e# is regularly _e_, bedde b 25, bereð 64 (but beore b 136), spekeð b 57 (but speoke b 132); before lengthening groups, ende 100, englene 76. Between #w--f#, #e# is rounded to _eo_ in tweolue b 112; before a palatal it is raised to _i_ in rikenin 25, rikeneres 82: stude b 171, sullen b 12, 14, swuch b 18 are due to OE. forms in #y#. #i# is regularly _i_, bidde b 237, binimeð b 221 (but neome b 34 &c.); before lengthening groups, blod binde b 69 (#binde#), bringen 49, child 22, but _u_ in wule 72 and other forms of #willan#, nute b 130 (#nyte#). #o# is normally _o_, biuoren 57, hosen b 39, word 65, but _a_ in an(an) b 87; nalde 90, walden 42, iwraht b 24 are Anglian. #u# is _u_, cume b 90, cuppe 103, sunderliche 24, wunder b 63, but _i_ in kimeð 94, b 200 (#cymeð#; Bülbring, Ablaut, 74). #y# is _u_, brune b 160, sundreð b 161, sungið b 191, but _i_ in pilche clut 68: #mycel# is muchel b 91, muche 82; sturne b 195 represents #styrne#.

#ā# is regularly _a_, are b 229; before two consonants, gast b 231; length is indicated by doubling in aa, b 162, b 234: man b 8 is *#mān#. _ea_ for #ā# appears in eanes b 34, b 189, easkin b 181, easki b 78, easkeð b 118, b 203, wreaðfule 32, 63, coming from forms in #ǣ#. #ā# is _o_ in cop b 142 (#cōp#), _e_ in se b 67 &c., but swa 73. #ǣ{1}# is, as a rule (41 times), _ea_, ageasten 58, arearen b 159, asneasen 69, eani 8; before two consonants, eauer 54 &c., leafdi b 235, wreaððe b 153, b 166, but _e_ in þer b 155, and before two consonants in flesch b 26, flesches b 91, fleschlich b 78, fleschliche b 75, leste b 37, b 54 (beside leasse 61 (4), leaste b 188), and _a_ before two consonants in attri 12, attreð b 80 (? analogy of #āttor#). #ǣnig# is mostly ei 8 (possibly shortening of eiðer,--Holthausen); #ǣlc# is euch 34 &c. #ǣ{2}# is _e_ (32 times), dreden b 196, her b 141, neddre 31, wepmen b 22, but _eo_ in leote b 131, b 19, feorle 100. _ea_ appears only in ileanet 16, read b 13, b 37, reade b 2 (but reden b 188, redeð b 223, b 224, b 228, ired b 235): þear 41 is probably a scribal error for þer, but comp. þiar 39/165. The difference in the representation of #ǣ{1}#, as _ea_, rarely _e_, and #ǣ{2}#, as _e_, rarely _ea_, is also found in the Katherine group, and is Anglian (Stodte, p. 31). #ē# is always _e_; #ī#, _i_, but wummon b 21 (5) after #w#; #ō# is _o_; #ū#, _u_; #ȳ# is regularly _u_, fur b 160, hudest b 57; before two consonants, cuððe b 144, fulðe b 113, but _i_ in schriden b 85, beside schruden 90.

#ea# before #r# + cons. is _ea_, bearm 71, nearewe b 204; before lengthening groups, bearnes 75, heard b 44, but _a_ in scharp 64, 65, 67 and always after #w#, warde b 231, -ward as in frommard b 165, inward 36, toward b 89, utward 37, warm b 23, warneð 11. _ea_ in chearre b 238, wearien b 6 represents #æ#, _i_-umlaut of unbroken (Anglian) #a#. #ea# before #l# + cons. is regularly _a_ (Anglian), alle 7 &c., falleð 6, halden b 193. The _i_-umlaut has _ea_ = #æ# from unbroken #a#, ealde b 124, healden b 197, both before a lengthening group. #eo# before #r# + cons. is regularly _eo_, heorte 51, keorue b 34; before length. groups, eorðe 85, sweord 65, Beornard b 219, but Anglian smoothing is seen in werkes b 62, b 67, b 81. To the #wur# group belong wurðen 88, forwurðen 23, forwurðe b 95: warpere 64, warpeð 66 are Scandinavian; WS. forms are #weorpere#, #wierpð#. The _i_-umlaut is wanting in heordemonne b 6, iheortet 31; #wier, wyr# words have _u_, vnwurðe b 108, b 219, wurse 16, 56, b 37, iwurset b 191. #eo# before #l# + cons. is _eo_ in seolf 59, seoluen b 204 &c. #ea#, the _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #a#, is seen in eateliche 58, 69, eawles 67 (#awul#), meaðeleð 73, 96, streapeles b 42, vnsteaðeluest 5; fearen b 197, misfearen 13, and analogically (Bülbring § 228 anm.), feareð 79, b 120, forfearinde 29, gleadie b 232, heatien b 141, ?peaðereð 81, ?skleatteð 53. This umlaut is specifically Mercian. #eo#, _u_-umlaut of #e#, gives heouene 3, b 185, but world 40, worldliche b 79 &c.: #eo#, _å_-umlaut of #e#, beoden b 124, b 206, b 237, breoken b 20, eoten 99, ȝeouen b 71 (from Mercian #ġefan#), and analogically, beore b 31, b 136, forbeoren b 149, breoke b 216, eote b 127, eoten b 150, ȝeoue b 131, b 173, b 233, forȝeoued b 200 (but ȝef 102), speoke b 132, speoken b 138: an Anglian feature. #eo#, _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #i#, is seen in cleopede 9, 11, bicleopet b 192, leoðeliche b 28 (#liþig#, OWScand. liðugr), neomen b 72, b 174, neome b 34, neomen b 189, neomunge 7, seoue 21, seouene 4, seolc b 69, seoluer 84, sweoke b 160, teolunges 6, but hare 5 &c. is the regular representative of #heora#, suster b 4 &c., of WS. #sweostor#, Anglian wike b 189, of WS. #wucan# (*#wiucu#). #ea# after palatals is _a_, schal 42 &c., ischauen b 101, schape b 146, but _e_ in ȝeten b 128 (WS. #gatu#), _eo_ before nasal, scheome b 51: schapieð b 70 is a ME. formation. #ie# after #ġ# is _e_ (Mercian monophthong), ȝef 102, 104, ȝeueð b 68, ȝelden 15, b 7, forȝelde b 175, ȝelp 37; this _e_ with _å_-umlaut gives forms in _eo_, ȝeouen &c. as above. #ȝef#, EWS. #gief#, is ȝef 9. #eo# after #ġ# is _u_, ȝungre b 132; after #sc#, schule 99, schulde 22 &c. (Anglian). #eom# is am b 236 (Anglian), #heom#, ham 4 &c.

#ēa# is regularly _ea_, beate b 31, deade 41, eadmode b 119, greatluker b 157, reaflac 15, but _e_ in chepeð b 12, chepilt b 11, cwedschipe b 93, eð b 214, edscene b 147, and _a_ in chaffere b 11, chapmon b 12, shortening due to stress on following syllable: its _i_-umlaut is _e_ (Anglian), bemen 39, 76, bemere 42, bemin 43, dremen b 206, ȝeme b 190, ȝemeles 10 &c., ȝemeð 16, ȝemen b 98, iȝemen b 90, ihereð 53, leue b 174, b 207, leue b 36, misleue b 182, lefunge 7; but greattre b 67 is #grēatra#. #ēo# is _eo_, beon 4, cneon b 150, feondes 92, feorðe 21, but _e_ in seke b 108, secnesse b 111, before #c#. The absence of its _i_-umlaut is Anglian, deore 71, feond _s. d._ 34 &c., neod b 1, neodeð 88, istreonede 23; _e_ in nedlunge b 8, tene b 112. Absence of palatalization, characteristic of Mercian, after #ġ#, #sć# is seen in ȝer b 101, schende b 52 (Bülbring § 289), schon b 38, but scheos b 39, ischeoed b 40. #ȝīet# is ȝet b 193, the second element in edscene b 147, is #gesīene#.

#a# + #g# is _ah_, dahes b 105, drahe b 53, draheð 36, mahen 50 &c.; isleine 33 is #geslegen#; seið 46, 89, #sægð#; dreaieð b 233 (comp. dreaien 147/153, dreihen, 146/122) descends from *#dreagaþ#, form with _å_-umlaut (WS. #dragaþ#). #æ# + #g# is regularly _ei_, deies b 21, feier b 123, heiward b 6, mei 4 &c., meiden b 96, seide 46, b 117, iseid 26: mahe b 148, b 180 comes from LWS. #mage#. #e# + #g# is also _ei_, abreiden 75, aȝein 5 (#ongegn#), toȝeines b 56, eie b 18, eili b 9, leið b 152, pleien 67, b 139, b 146, pleieð 64, but plohien b 218 which descends with shifted accent from *#pleogan# with _å_-umlaut (comp. #pleogede# in a SW. Mercian text of Bede, ed. Miller, ii. 82). The MS. has in other places pleien as above, but the noun in Morton’s text pleowe 184/4, pleouwe 218/8 is in MS. A regularly plohe, in MS. C ploȝe. #i# + #g#, #h#, pliht b 97, ipliht 18, sihðe b 61, onsihðe b 55, wriheles b 49, but sygaldren 6: lið 71, b 93 is #līþ# < #ligeð#, _il_ in ilespiles b 31, #īl# < #igil#. In twien b 210 from #twiga# the spirant has disappeared, as in monie b 168. Final #ig# is regularly _i_, bisi b 89, dusi 18. #o# + #h#, #g# is _oh_, bitohe b 225, dohter b 52, but dehtren b 15 with _e_ from the dative singular. #u# + #g#, duhen b 59, muhen b 44: #y# + #g#, #h#, buð b 11, b 187, drihtines 41, b 206. #ā# + #g#, #h#, ah 17, ahne b 61, ahnes b 207, ahte b 181, lahe b 141, b 152, wah b 58. #ǣ{1}# + #g#, #h#, ahte 84, bitaht 16, tahte b 75, but eiðer 53 (#ǣgþer#). #ē# + #g#, iueitsomet b 168, iheiet b 234: #ī# + #h#, wrihen b 50 (*#wrīhan# _inf._), wriheð b 58: #ō# + #g#, inoh b 79, inohreaðe b 41, ibroht b 214, þohten 39. #ea# + #ht#: lahtre 50, mahte b 213 come from Anglian forms in #æ#; the _i_-umlaut gives mihte b 230, niht b 215, but _a_ in lahhen b 139, lahheð 97, monslaht 24 also represents Anglian #æ#. #eo# + #ht#, riht 51, rihten b 99: sist b 57, sið b 89, b 159 are Anglian forms corresponding to WS. #siehst#, #siehð# with _i_-umlaut (Bülbring § 217). #ēa# + #g#, #h#, deh b 66 (North, #dēg#), ehe 51, ehnen b 63, heh b 186, hehe b 185, neh b 90, b 120, but þah b 7, b 63, as if from Ang. *#þæh#. #ēo# + #g#, #h#, dreheð b 233, but lihte b 39, lihtliche b 3, b 87. #īe# + #h#, nest b 26, b 29 (North. #nēsta#), lihtin b 101. #ā# + #w# is _aw_, blawen 40, icnaweð b 201, itawet b 24, nawiht b 9, nawt b 53, sawle 94, slaw 12, but nowðer b 48 represents OE. #nōwþer#, nohwer b 33, b 41, #nō(h)wǣr#, similarly nohwider b 126, eawiht b 235, eawt 52 (*#ǣwiht# with _i_-umlaut, NED.); sehe b 139 is Anglian #sēge#, WS. #sāwe#. #ǣ{1}# + #w# is also _aw_, rawe 33, slawðe 11, 18. #ēa# + #w#, þeawes b 81, þeawfule b 106, but schawin 38. #ēo# + #w# is _ow_, fowr 39, b 101, trowðe 18, ow 99 &c., ower b 1; _eo_ finally in gleo 47: neowe b 137 has no umlaut; the WS. form is #nīwe# (Bülbring § 306, anm. 5).

Unstressed #swā# is se 15 &c., but swa 73: _a_ occurs for #o# in anan b 87; _e_ for #o# in streapeles b 42, sunderliche 24, vnsteaðeluest 5; _i_ for #e# in drihtines 41, b 206; _u_ for #i# in dimluker 43, greatluker b 157, monluker b 110, as in the Katherine group; #e# is lost in earst b 52, meidnes b 106, b 183, added in luðere 32, ȝiuere 92; #o# is lost in unbischpet 19. The prefix #ge# is _i_; #ǣr#, _ear_ in earunder b 209; #æt# is ed b 178; #þǣr# is syncopated in þrin, þrinne, þrof, þron, þrefter, þruppe, forms characteristic of the Katherine group, found also in MSS. C, T, but not in N.

#w# is assimilated in frommard b 165; isehen b 62 descends from #gesegen#, not from #gesewen#. Metathesis of #r# is seen in iwraht b 24 (late North. #wroht#). #ll# is simplified in druncwile 105; #mm# in grim 62. #n# is lost in earunder b 209, and often in iþe 1, i 25 for #in#, o 7 for #on#; #nn# is simplified in monluker b 110. #p# is inserted in nempneð b 48: #bb# is simplified in neb b 54. #f# is regularly _u_ between vowels, or vowel and liquid, biuoren 94, heaued 8, froure b 221, bearuot b 39, underueð 74, vnsteaðeluest 5, but lefunge 7; once _v_ appears initially, vet b 42, but not _u_. #t# is doubled in hetter b 28, lost in best b 43, olhnin b 6; _d_ for #t# occurs in ed b 121 &c., edhalden 13, b 73 (but ethalt 87), prude 30: #t# is assimilated in ȝisceunge 14, 16 (#gītsung#), ȝiscere 79: milce b 182 is #milts#, milci b 175 #miltsie#: #tt# is simplified in cat b 2. #d# has disappeared in mungunge b 52; it is doubled in foddre b 5: _t_ for #d# appears in ontfule 31, worltlich 36, b 107, b 108 (but worldliche b 139): mið 53 is Anglian for mid: #dd# is simplified in bidest b 238. Initial #þ# often becomes _t_ after _t_, _d_, te 5, 32, b 178, b 216, tis 83, teo b 179, ter b 196, but þe b 43, b 171, þah b 196, þat b 215; it is lost in forfearinde 29, _d_ is written for it in edscene b 147, ladlich b 7, _t_ in leste b 37. For #s#, _ce_ appears in ȝisceunge 14, 16; ȝiscere 79 is #gītsere#: #sć# is regularly _sch_, schrift 19, schende b 52, weschen b 145, but _ssch_ in dissches 93. The stop #c# is commonly written _k_ before _e_, _i_, kemese b 83, kene 69, kimeð 94, awakenet 24, lokeð b 215, makien 48, rikenin 25, stikeð 92, and _ck_ after another consonant in þonckið b 228, also in easkeð b 203, esken 79; in other positions _c_, cat b 2, com b 74, cumeð 41, locunge b 143, exceptions are kues b 5, kun b 72: ah 25 is Anglian #ah#, WS. #ac#: _k_ is inserted as a glide sound in skleatteð 53; see Archiv cxxxi. 305. #č# is _ch_, chearre b 238, cwencheð b 165, brech b 41, iþench b 237, kealche 103, swuch b 18, but keorue b 34, keoruinde 65, conformed to #curfon, corfen#. #čč# is _cch_ in wicche(creftes) 7; isticchet b 142 is a ME. formation descending from OE. #stiče#; contrast stikeð 92 (Bülbring § 499, anm. 5). #cw# is usually preserved, cwide 13, forecwidderes 57, but quoð b 76. Palatal #g# is regularly written _ȝ_, biȝete 12, ȝemeð 16; _h_ is written for #g# in murhðe b 221, orhel 38, teoheði 12; #g# is lost in sygaldren 6; #čǧ# is _gg_, liggen b 28, seggen b 72. Initial #h# is lost in lahheð 97, lahtre 50, lud 38, lust 54, ring b 64; #hh# is simplified in laheð 83 and #h# doubled in crohhe 94 (#crōh#).

(2) =Of B.= The principal divergences from A are noted. Some of them are due to the scribe’s inexperience; his handling of the consonants in particular is confused. _eo_ in eondfule 48 for _o_ from #a# before length. group is a French writing; similar is neolden 89. #æ# is _a_ in bras 103, inohraþe 42, hwat 9, nappes 94, þat 16, craftes 7. cwude 12 is from #cwyde#; liki 50 is a mistake for loki; #u# is _o_ in open 64 (#uppan#); #y# is _i_ in mint 97. In leouerð 49, eo is for _o_ from #ā#; ea 53 represents #ā#, ever; comp. nea L 1552, 1555. #ǣ{1}# is _a_ in agastan 57, ilad 4, 19, _e_ in asnesen 68, hest 17, lesse 60, wredfule 32, _ae_ (= æ) in aetri 31, _ea_ in eawer 72, 99: #ǣnig# is ai 8, 15, ei 7. #ǣ{2}# is _e_ in ilened 15, as generally in A.

#ea# before #r# + cons. is _a_ in barm 70, _e_ in bernes 74, sherpe 64, but sharpe 63, 66: #eo# before #r# + cons. is _e_, swerd 64, but sweordes 68. There is no _å_-umlaut in ateliche 57 (but eateliche 68), vnstaþelfast 5, fared 78, forfarinde 29, paþered 80, as in A: skletteð 53 is OWScand. sletta. #seofon# is sewe 28. #ēa# is _e_, drem 37, 75, reflac 14; #ēo# is also _e_ in strenes 28, thehewen 12: #gief# is gif 9. #æ# + #g# gives mai 4, 25; #ā# + #w#, out 51, slauwe 70, slaþ 11 miswritten for slaw; #ǣ{1}# + #w#, areawe 32, slauþe 20, slouþe 10; #ēo# + #w#, trouþe 17. In syllables of minor stress _a_ appears for #e#, bemares 36, galnasse 23, warpare 63; _e_ for #æ#, ethalden 12, _i_ for #u#, neominge 7; _e_ for #ō#, te 15 &c., tegederes 79: #on# is a 74. _e_ is often inserted medially between consonants, bolehed 85, iboregen 41, deoueles 42, deouelen 57, iugelurs 46, wigeled 96.

For #w#, _u_ is written in uule 72. #l# is lost in fundes 12, #n# in cunen 46, druch 20. For #p#, _b_ is written in unbischbed 17: #f# medial occurs in bifore 39, biforen 60, vnstaþelfast 5, but biuoren 62 as in A, deoules 70 and _w_ for _u_ in biworen 94, eawer 72, 99, giwere 105, keorwinde 64, 69, kniwes 62, underweng 73. For #t#, _d_ appears in bihald 82, blend 80; #ts# is _ss_ in gissere 78, gissunge 14, but giscunge 13; #d# is lost in an 25 (but and 86 and consequently ⁊ þe 31, 73); it is unaltered in ondfule 31, wondrede 76, worldlich 35, where A has _t_: _t_ is written for #d# in hont 60, lauert 95, _ð_ for #d#, leouerð 49; _d_ is often written for #ð#, beod 19 &c., drahed 35, gemed 15, libbed 33, puffed 36, serued 34, shuled 52, slead 30, tutelid 71, wid 2, wredfule 32, wigeled 96, wurden 87; _t_ for #þ#, fondet 29, gat 2, _w_ for #þ#, thehewen 12, warwið 89. #sc# is regularly _sh_, dishes 93, shal 87, shruden 90, &c.: etheliche 76 is miswritten for echeliche; in richkeneres 81, _k_ was added above as a correction of _ch_ not deleted; #cw# is _qu_ in forquiddares 56. _g_ is used for #ġ#, agein 5, bigete 11, ge 1. _cht_ for #ht# is frequent, drichtines 40, iplicht 17, richte 14; _þ_ for #h# occurs in þwitel 89, _th_ for #h# in þothten 38, for _t_ in thehewen 12.

(3) =Of N.= For an account dealing with the whole of Morton’s text see Ostermann: the examples given in the following summary illustrate such differences as exist between N and A. Oral #a# is _a_, blasie 143 (#blase#, _sb._), wasshen 124, wassheð 95; gledie 204 is influenced by #glæd#: #a# before nasals and length. groups is _o_; hwon 6, 87, seldwhonne 179 are the usual forms, but þeonne 5, 144, 181 by influence of heonne. #æ# is regularly _e_, keppen 38, veder 154, ueste 37, gledliche 168; occasionally _ea_, heater 29, readliche 77; _a_ in hateren AR 104/24, later 151, was 3 (Bülbring, Ablaut 62), water 76, and the flexion forms baruot 34, warliche 127. #e# is _e_, blodbendes 64; raised to _i_ before a palatal, sigge 110, 130, siggen 152 (South-Eastern and Kentish); _u_ in stude 153, sullen 12, swuche 18 &c. #i# is _i_, but _u_ in hwuder 103, wute 138, nute 107. #o# is _o_: #u# is _u_, kumeð 184: #y#, _u_, drunch 187, wurcheð 70. #ā# is regularly _o_, anon 69, boðe 105, mone 8, more 196, but _oa_ in moare 154, woanes 19 (comp. woaning 2/15, 2/25); _eo_ in beoðe 173, 182, and _a_ in lates 127 (Scand. lát). #ǣ{1}# is regularly _e_, clene 22, eni 93, geð 100, wreððe 133, but _ea_ in arearen 140, unweawed 119, heale 193. #ǣ{2}# is mostly _e_, leten 108, lete 19, but _ea_ in heare 36, readeð 208, weaden 125, and _a_ in hwarse 95, hwarto 126. The representation of #ǣ{1}# and #ǣ{2}# is therefore practically identical. #ē# is _e_; #ī#, _i_, but _u_ in hwule 71, 198, ihwulen 73, swuðe 197, wummen 171: #ō# is _o_; #ū#, _u_; #ȳ#, _u_, hure 167, schruden 67, but _ui_, expressing length, in huire 6, 164, 205.

#ea# before #r# + cons. is mostly _e_, hermes 7, hermie 9, neruwure 189; before length. groups, herde 28, herdure 189, and _a_, after #w#, urommard 146, warme 25; in other conditions occasionally _a_, sparke AR 296/13, or _ea_, schearpe AR 82/11; _a_ in warien 6 is to be explained as _ea_ in wearien 60/6. #ea# before #l# + cons. is _a_, halue 174, before length. groups _o_, holden 177; the _i_-umlaut is seen in elde 100, helden 181. #eo# before #r# + cons. is mostly _eo_, heorden 28, leornen 79, but _e_ in hercnen 73, werc, werke 70, werkes 62; to the #wur# group belongs forwurðen 77; #wyr# words are iwursed 174, wurðe AR 38/17: the _i_-umlaut is wanting in heordemonne 6. #eo# before #l# + cons. is _u_ in sulf 32, suluen 189. The _u_- and _å_-umlauts of #a# are not represented. #eo#, _u_-umlaut of #e#, occurs in heouene 167, but worlde 206, worldliche 90, 115; #eo#, _å_-umlaut of #e#, in beoden 100, ueole 33: #eo#, _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #i#, in bicleoped 175, seolke 64, but hore 105, sustren 1, wike 172. #ea# after palatals is _a_, schal 27, 181, ischauen 84, _ea_ in ȝeate 105, scheape 125, but often _e_, ȝet AR 74/12; schepieð 65 is from #sćeppan#. #ie# after #ġ# is _i_, ȝiue 155, 205, uorȝiueð 185, _e_ in ȝelden 7, forȝelde 156: #gef# is ȝif 20 &c. #eo# after #ġ# is _u_, ȝungre 108; after #sć#, schule 66, schulde 72. #eom# is am 210, #heom#, ham 188. #ēa# is regularly _ea_, cheapeð 13, cheapild 12, cweadschipe 75, but _e_ in chepmon 13, cheffare 11, gretluker 137, gretture 62; its _i_-umlaut is _e_ in ȝeme 173, ȝemen 80, ȝemeleaste 175, leue 156, 193, misleue 165, but _ea_ in dreamen 192. #ēo# is regularly _eo_, but _e_ in seke 91, secnesse 93; the _i_-umlaut has _e_ in nede _adv._ 9, but neode 20, neodeð 26. Palatalization after #ġ#, #sć# is absent in ȝere 83, schon 33. #gīeta# is ȝete 176; #gesīene# is represented in eðcene 126.

#a# + #g# is _aw_, dawes 88: auh 54 is the equivalent of Anglian #ah#, WS. #ac#. #æ# + #g# gives _ei_, deie 94, feir 100; muwe 163 is LWS. #muge# for earlier #mæge#. #e# + #g# is also _ei_, eilie 9, weie 100: seihtnesse 139 is #sæhtness#. #o# + #g#, bitowen 198: #o# + #h#, iwrouhte 25. #u# + #g#, muwen 37, 67. #ā# + #g#, owen 167, owune 67, 190: #ā# + #h#, ouh 10, 80, ouhte 163, louh 121, lowe 118, louwe 131, nouhwuder 103. #ǣ{1}# + #h#, eihte 3, 8. #ī# + #g#, iueied 149, iheid 206. #ō# + #g#, inouh 36, 210, þouht 10. #ea# + #h#, muhte 116. #ie# + #h#, nihtes 22, isihð 23, 71, 140: lauhwen 115 corresponds to lahhen in A. #eo# + #h#, rihte 136. #ēa# + #g#, deih 56, eien 54, heie 168, 176: #ēa# + #h#, neih 72, heie 118, but þauh 7 &c., as if from þah > *#þĕah#. #ēo# + #g#, drieð 205. #īe# + #h#, nexst 27. #ā# + #w#, nout 10, nouhtunge 145, nouðer 112, 159, but drawe 11, itauwed 25 (forms from the scribe’s exemplar), iseie 116. #ō# + #w#, touward 71, 112, 199. #ēa# + #w#, þeaufule 89. #ēo# + #w#, four 83, our 91, ower 175, seouweð 65.

#Swā# is so 62 &c., once se 187, and in composition hwo se 29, hwer se 60. For #e#, _a_ is written in demare 176, for _on_ in akneon 129; for #o#, _e_ in strapeles 37; _e_ is added in heuede 197, sunegeð 174, ȝeorneliche 177, _u_ in gretture 62, herdure, neruwure 189: in contrast with A, syncope is rare. The suffix #-lēas# is unchanged in wimpelleas 37.

#w# is assimilated in urommard 146, uppard AR 216/28. iwrouhte 25, corresponding to iwraht in A, has metathesis of #r#. #ll# is simplified in griðfulnesse 4; for #l#, _r_ appears in irspiles 30. Final #n# is lost in iðe 83, o 141, but it is otherwise very regularly retained; it is simplified in monluker 93. #f# is kept in the combinations _fd_, _ff_, _fs_, _ft_, lefdi 208, cheffare 11, ofte 19, lufsumere 54; as a final, strif 134; initially after a word ending in a voiceless sound, foddre 5, fondunge 74, forwurðen 77 (with exceptions at 54, 90, 150, 172); also before _u_, ful 36, fur 142, 146, þeaufule 89, to avoid _uu_. Otherwise it is _u_, _v_, at the beginning of a sentence, Vor 5, Uorði 23; after a syntactical pause, vor 72, 94; after a word ending in a voiced sound, uet 37, ueond 69, or a liquid, uor 69, ueste 124, uere 110; or medially, iuestned 10, luuien 180. But _f_ is exceptionally written sometimes after _d_, for 14, four 83, especially after and 147, 156, 204, 209, where the exemplar had ant, as well as in flesshes 74: #of# is shortened to o 195, 208; _w_ is written for _u_ in unweawed 119. #ts# is _c_ in milce 157, 165. #þ# is assimilated in ette 160, but and te 189 is due to ant te in the scribe’s exemplar; #þ# is _d_ in lodlich 7. For #s#, _c_ is written in eðcene 126: #sć# is initially _sch_, schal 27, schon 33, medially _ssh_ in flesshes 74, wasshen 124, but fleshe 27. #c# [k] is _c_ before consonants, clene 22, hercnen 73, but akneon 129, iknotted 36, iknowed 185; _k_ is regular before e and i, keppen 38, makien 129, and as frequent as _c_ before other vowel sounds, kat 2, kom 75, kume 102. #č# is _ch_, but ecchenesse 207: istihd 119 is miswritten for istichd. Palatal #g# is regularly written _ȝ_; #rg# is _rw_ in midmorwen 162; #ng# is _nc_ in strencðe 18; #čǧ# is _gg_, liggen 29, sigge 110. #hs# is written _xs_ in nexst 27.

(4) =Of T and C.= According to the careful investigation of Mühe, MS. T exhibits a varying mixture of Anglian and Southern forms, the former being predominant. MS. C differs in no main feature from A. As in the Lambeth MS. of the PM (317/6) _ch_ for #h# is frequent, olchni 6, þocht, nawicht 10, iwracht 25, þach 53, echnen 54; noteworthy is the interpolated y sound in muchȝen 67 (#mugon#), sechȝe 116, lachȝe, hechȝe 118, iueiȝet 149 &c.

#Accidence:# (1) =of A.= Strong declension of _masc._ and _neut._ nouns. In the _s. n._ sune b 231 represents #sunu#. _Gen._ -es, gastes b 165, bearnes 75: _d._ -e, bedde b 25, bure b 186, chearre b 238, hame b 122 (WS. #hām#), but the inflection is wanting in more than half the instances, clað b 23, hus b 148, &c. The _pl. n. a._ of masculines ends in -es, bemeres 36, brondes b 161, but scheos b 39, and schon b 38, a weak form: neuters, with the exception of word 65, have taken the masc. termination, felles b 24, b 31, gomenes b 218, þinges b 140, werkes 62, wordes 96, &c., or have joined the weak declension, beoden b 124, b 206, deoflen 58, 67, sygaldren 6: wa b 186, _pl. a._ is indeclinable: genitives are cunne b 30, englene 39, 76, þinge b 200; datives have mostly -es, breres b 32, streones 5 and 19 others, but beoden b 237, cneon b 150 (Mercian #cnēom#), ȝeten b 128, siðen b 19, b 101; mel b 177, þing b 129 are _acc._ in form. The _fem._ nouns of the strong declension have -e in the _s. n._, fulðe b 113, hure b 184, neode b 17, b 202, þuftene b 123; exceptions are heast 18, b 115 (#hǣs#), neod b 1, b 20, b 217, þuften b 119; the _acc._ also has -e. _Gen._ -e, helle 76, heorte 86: _dat._ -e, honde b 121, worlde b 234, sawle b 175, b 176, but uninflected half 40, 52, help b 75, hond 34, 95, luft 52, world 40, b 234. _Pl. n._ are teolunges 6, esken 85, weden b 146; _d._, esken 79, honden b 14, sunnen 21, talen b 106, wunden b 198, sawles b 176; _a._ ahte b 3, kemese b 83, leasunges b 140, secnesses b 36, glouen b 65, honden b 29, spechen b 139, sunnen 24, talen b 137. The extension of the weak declension at the expense of the strong is Southern. Nouns of the weak declension have -e in all cases of the singular; exception, leafdi _s. a._ b 235. _Pl. n._ are neddren, tadden 88, ancres b 188, leafdis b 46, b 79; _pl. d._ bemen 39, 76, cappen b 45, earen b 206, ehnen 48, b 63, heorden b 27, hosen b 39, nomen 25; _pl. a._ earen 54, b 136, blodbinde, huue b 69, teone b 187 (Anglian absence of n). The minor declensions are represented by vet _s. d._ b 42; wummon _s. n._ b 41, monnes _s. g._ b 58, wepmonnes b 56, mon _s. d._ b 220, chapmon b 12, wummon b 47, _s. a._ b 21, cunnesmon b 144, men _pl. n._ 99, monne _pl. g._ b 15, b 70, wummone b 194, heordemonne b 5, wepmen _pl. d._ b 97; boc _s. d._ b 223, (o)boke b 134; brech _pl. a._ b 41; kues _s. g._ b 5; niht _pl. n._ b 215; feader _s. n._ b 173; broðer _s. n._ b 75, breðer _s. d._ b 76; moder _s. n._ 21; dohter _s. n._ b 52, dehtren _pl. n._ b 15; suster _s. n._ b 4, sustren _pl. n._ b 1, b 232, sustres ?_pl. g._ b 208; child _s. n._ 22, godchild _s. a._ 20, childrene _pl. g._ b 96; feondes _s. g._ 92, feond _s. d._ 34, 63, b 159; hettren _pl. a._ b 70 (#hæteru#): hetter _s. d._ b 28 is a ME. formation.

Adjectives which in OE. end in e retain that termination in all cases, as cleane b 21, softe b 198, swete b 43. Instances of weak inflections are _s. n._ eadmode b 119, fleschliche b 75, hehe b 185, swote b 43; _g._ sunfule b 51; _d._ dredfule 76, grurefule 40, hehe b 192, wide 103; _a._ greate 97, ondfule 50, rihte 15: a solitary strong inflection is linnene _s. a. m._ b 26. All other adjectives are uninflected in the singular, as ful b 93, heh b 186, riht 51. Those in #-ig# lose g, almihti b 231, attri 12; druncwile 105 represents #druncwillen#; lute b 116, #lȳtel#; #mycel# is mostly muche, but _s. n._ muchel b 18 (3); _d._ muchele 60, b 225; _a._ b 226; _pl. a._ 80: #āgen# gives _s. n._ ahne b 61; _g._ ahnes b 207; _d._ ahne b 205; _pl. n._ 57. The _pl._ ends in e, bĭsie b 121, idele b 137; exceptions are hāli b 14, idel b 87. OE. #āna# is ane b 2 &c.; #ān# is an, a; _s. g._ anes 14: #nān# is nan, na; _s. g._ nanes 51; _pl. a._ nane b 68, b 137, b 218. Adjectives used as nouns are inflected, as _s._ gode b 238, idele 74, nearewe b 204, slawe 71, wide b 205, wreaðfule 63, wurse 56; _pl._ neodfule 90, ontfule 31, prude 30, wreaðfule 32; exceptions are ȝemeles (predicative) 10, 12, god 53, 73: feorle 100 represents #fǣrlic#. Comparatives end regularly in e, lufsumre b 64, except dimluker 43, greatluker b 157: of superlatives only leaste b 188 is inflected.

The personal pronouns are ich, me, us, þu, þe, ȝe, ow b 37, b 196. The pron. of the third person is _s. n._ he _m._ 66, ha _f._ b 4 &c., heo b 127, hit _neut._ 5; _d._ him _m._ 88; _a._ him _m._ 69, hire _f._ b 89, hit _neut._ b 2; _pl. n._ ha 33, 51, 53, b 147, b 191, heo b 143, b 149; _d._ ham 4; _a._ 58 &c. Reflexives are ow b 106, ow seoluen b 85, him 27, him seolf 81, b 208, him seoluen b 234, hire b 30, b 33, hire seolf b 32, ham b 166, b 170, ham seolf b 138, b 194: definitive is ham seolf 59: possessives are mi _s._ b 91, mine _pl._ 99, b 1, b 232, þin b 162, ure b 173, ower b 1 &c., his 11, hire b 9, hare _pl._ 5 &c. The definite article is mostly þe, te after t; inflected forms are þet _s. a. neut._ b 205, þer _s. d. f._ b 155, þen _s. d. neut._, in ear þen b 126. Þet is used demonstratively 52, 53, 54, b 152, þet ilke b 152, b 153, b 161: the article is also used pronominally in þeo þe, those who b 86, which 25, þeo, that one b 122, teo, those b 179: þer buten, without that, b 103. The compound demonstrative is þes _s. n. m._ 74, þeos _s. n. f._ b 117, þis 82, þis _s. n. neut._ b 158, _s. d. f._ b 223, _s. a. neut._ b 188, tis 83, þes _pl. n._ 81, þeos 20, 56, þeose _pl. d._ 28, 43, b 115, _pl. a._ 97. The relatives are þe, þet b 126; þe sometimes means he who 11, she who 21, b 103. Interrogative is hwuch 9; its correlative is swuch b 18, b 65, b 146; #ilca# is ilke b 152; #þyllic#, þullich 104, þulliche _pl._ 3, 20. Indefinites are hwa se 15, hwam se _d._ 73, hwet se b 183; me 16, b 7; sum 27, summe _pl._ 47, b 46; eiðer 53 &c.; oðres _s. g._ 14, oþer _s. d._ 8, 47, oþre 66, b 239, _pl. n._ 26, oðer _pl. g._ b 15; oðerhwet b 177; euch 34, euche _s. d._ b 188, b 223; #ǣnig# is mostly ei 8 &c., but eani 8, b 111, b 213; nowðer b 48; eawt 52, nawt b 15, b 89; monie _pl._ 80, b 168; al _s. n. a._ 82, 72, alle _s. g._ b 207, _s. d._ b 149, _pl. n._ 20, _d._ 7, _a._ 24, mid alle b 20.

Three-fourths of the infinitives end in -en; those of the second weak conjugation mostly in -ien, as makien, þolien; with -in are bemin 43, grennin 59, hungrin 99, lokin 51, b 145, rikenin 25, 82, schawin 38 and the ME. niuelin 59, olhnin b 6, toggin b 145, wimplin b 51; with -i, teoheði 12; with -e, cume b 90, drahe b 53, forwurðe b 95, habbe b 2, teache 19, wrenche 48; contract verbs are underuon b 100, wreon b 50. The _dat. inf._ is inflected in forte donne b 227, to witene 17. Presents are _s._ 1. bidde b 237, hopie b 224; 2. hudest, sist b 57; 3. attreð b 80, bodeð 66, forms in -ið are þreatið 97, winkið 51, contract verbs, sið b 89, b 159, sleað 30, contracted forms, being about one-fifth of the total number of 3rd presents, bihalt 83, 97, ethalt 87, blent 82, buð b 11, b 187, hat b 135, leið 72, b 152, lið 71, b 93, punt b 6, seið 89, send b 127, understont 83, went b 204; _pl._ 2. dreheð b 233, feleð b 111, makieð b 80; 3. bihateð b 201, bodieð 57, makieð 38, in -ið, awakenið b 61, leornið 61, sungið b 46, b 191; also seoð b 22: _subjunctive s._ 3. arise b 55, beate b 31; in -i, biblodgi b 32, binetli b 33, easki b 78, eili b 9, frouri b 232, hearmi b 9, milci b 175; in -ie, bleasie b 162, gleadie b 232, makie b 18, b 155, b 217, trukie b 183; from contract verbs, seo b 143, wreo b 54; _pl._ cussen b 156, dreden b 196, heatien b 141, makien b 150, plohien b 218, þolien b 43; in -in, bemin b 206, lokin b 147; with apocope of n, ȝeoue b 131, segge b 172, ticki b 219; from contract verb, underuon b 151, underuo b 130: _imperative s._ 2. ȝef 104, ȝeot 103, loki b 9; _pl._ 2. ariseð 40, schurteð b 106, schapieð b 70, seowið b 70, talkið b 105, þonckið b 228, forȝeoued b 200, driue ȝe b 11, fondi(n), leue ȝe b 36, makie ȝe b 67, b 80, wite ȝe b 15, gruchesi ȝe b 177. Past of Strong Verbs: I a. _s._ 3. quoð b 76; _subj. s._ 3. sehe b 139: I b. _s._ 3. com b 74, b 93: I c. _s._ 3. dronc 21, swonc b 236: V. _pl._ 2. edheolden, underuengen b 73. Participles present: I c. keoruinde 65, 69, singinde b 124: II. bitinde b 199: III. lutinde b 152: IV. drahinde 45, forfearinde 29: V. wallinde 103; past: I a. isehen b 62: I b. iboren b 213, ibroken b 21, utnume _adj._ b 221: I c. iborhen 42, icoruen b 141, fordrunke _adj._ 96, ilumpen b 19: II. iwritene 28: II, III. bitohe b 225: III. bilokene 26: IV. ischauen b 101, isleine 33: V. edhalden b 215, ileten b 103, ilete b 104. Past of Weak Verbs: _s._ 1. cleopede 9, hefde b 225, seide b 117; 3. schende b 52, gulte b 157, tahte b 75, ondswerede b 76; _pl._ 3. liueden b 14, þohten 39. Participles present: suhinde b 199, wundrinde b 76; past: awakenet 24, biburiet b 76 and 28 others in -t, ilead 4, igurd b 28, istreonede 23, iturnde b 147, ontende b 168 and six others in -d. Minor Groups: nat 1 _pr. s._ 3, wat _pr. s._ b 7, nat 10, wite _pr. s. subj._ b 226, nute b 130, witen _pr. pl. subj._ b 158; ah _pr. s._ 17, ahen _pr. pl._ b 184, ahte _pt. s._ b 181 (with present meaning); duhen _inf._ b 59, deh _pr. s._ b 66; con _pr. s._ b 134, cunnen _pr. pl._ 47, b 171; schal _pr. s._ 42, schulen 2 _pr. pl._ b 28, schule 99, b 105, b 191, schulen _pr. pl._ 58, 89, schule ȝe 2 _s. imp._ b 71, schulde 1 _pt. s._ b 90, _pt. s._ 22; mei _pr. s._ 4, mahen 2 _pr. pl._ b 29, b 85 (4), _pr. pl._ 50, b 79, mahe _pr. s. subj._ b 148, b 180, muhen 2 _pr. pl. subj._ b 44, mahte _pt. s._ 25, b 140, b 213; mot _pr. s._ b 5, mote _pr. s. subj._ b 208; beon _inf._ 4 (9), beo b 4 (4), to beonne _dat. inf._ b 195, beonne b 74, forte beon 41, am 1 _pr. s._ b 236, is _pr. s._ 2, nis 5, beoð 2 _pr. pl._ b 104, b 223, _pr. pl._ 3, 20, 26, beo _pr. s. subj._ b 9 (9), beon 2 _pr. pl. subj._ b 203, _pr. pl. subj._ b 38 (5), beoð 2 _pl. imp._ b 45 (3), beo ȝe b 86, wes _pt. s._ b 3, were _pt. s. subj._ b 96; wule _pr. s._ b 53, b 160, wulleð 2 _pr. pl._ b 101, b 113, b 205, wule _pr. s. subj._ 72, b 27, wullen 2 _pr. pl. subj._ b 45, nalde _pt. s._ 90, walden _pt. pl._ 42; don _inf._ b 22 (3), do b 226, forte donne _dat. inf._ b 227, to fordonne 30, dest 2 _pr. s._ b 60, deð _pr. s._ 50 (3), doð 2 _pr. pl._ b 67, b 227, _pr. pl._ 38, 82, do _pr. s. subj._ b 154, don _pr. pl. subj._ b 180, b 205, dude _pt. s._ 22, idon _pp._ b 176; gan _inf._ 19, b 39, geað _pr. s._ b 124, gað 2 _pr. pl._ 1, 2 _pl. imp._ b 210, ga _pr. s. subj._ b 124, b 126, b 129, aga b 160.

(2) =Of B.= This differs from A in being somewhat more fully inflected: divergences from A are noted. londe 2, schrifte 18 have dative inflection; domes 40 is probably a mistake for dome; sunnen 26, earen 71 are _s. d._: þes 82, 92 is _s. g. m._ of the article, þen 103 _s. d. m._, 32 _pl. d._: ha 60 is probably miswritten for hare. In the inflection of the verbs i is occasionally found, skirmin _inf._ 66, seruin 46, seruid _pr. s._ 48, tutelid _pr. s._ 71, shuli _inf._ 47, liki (loki) 50: other noteworthy forms are agastan 57, a survival, maken 47 _inf._ of the second weak conjugation, ablent 84 contracted _pr. s._, bitahted 15 _pp._

(3) =Of N.= The inflections are generally better preserved than in A. Strong masculine and neuter nouns have -e in the dat. sing., deie 94, weie 100 &c.; exceptions are cloð, drunch 187: mele 158, þinge 90 are _pl. d._, blodbendes 64, _pl. a._ Of the strong feminines _n. s._ are neode 20, seihtnesse 139; _s. d._ ȝemeleaste 175, halue 174, hwule 198; _s. a._ hwule 21, 71, leasunge 117, ?mone 8; _pl. d._ soulen 157; _pl. a._ eihte 3: weak is ancren _n. pl._ 171. In the minor declensions ueonde 139 is _s. d._, monne 9, 109, 124, _pl. d._ The adjectives godere 182, heie 168 are _s. d. f._, sorie 91, _pl. n._, worldliche 90, _pl. d._ #ān# is on, o 138, _g._ ones 193, _d._ one 94, 208, on 29, _a._ one 22; #nān#, non 27, no 23, _g._ none[s] weis 3, _a. m._ nenne 20, 23, 108, no 27, _a. f._ none 11, 101, _a. neut._ no 11; _pl. d._ none 9, 109, 124: #āgen# is represented by owune _s. d._ 67, 190. The _n. s. f._ of the pronoun of the third person is heo: possessive mine 73 is _a. s. f._: #ēower# is our 91, ower 175, #heora#, hore 105. Inflections of the article are _s. n._ þe _m._, þe _f._, þet _neut._ 140, _d._ þer _f._ 130, 170, _a._ þene _m._ 6 (4), þeo _f._ 21, 71; _pl. a._ þeo 88. The compound demonstrative has _s. d. f._ þisse 195, 208, _s. a. f._ þeos 209. The relative is þet; swuche 18, 92, 125 is _s. d._, sume 140, _s. a. f._, 90, _pl. d._; ueole _pl. a._ 33; eueriche 195, _s. d. m._; #ǣnig# is eni 8, 93.

Infinitives end in -en, those of the second weak conjugation mostly in -ien, but loken 124; forms in -in, -i are absent. An inflected infinitive is forto donne 199, in other cases the simple form is preceded by uorto, uorte, for to, except to schruden 67. Inflected forms with -i are not found in any part of the verb. The contract verb #sēon# gives isihð _pr. s._ 23, 71, 140: contracted forms of the _pr. s._ occur about as frequently as in A: the _pr. pl._ ends in -eð, drieð 205, sunegeð 174, but iseoð 23; the _pr. subj._ ends in -e, -en, eilie 9, gledie 204, hermie 9, milce 157, sigge 130, siggen 152, but iseo 119. Past of Strong Verbs: I a. iseie _subj. s._ 3. 116: II. wrot _s._ 3. 209. Participles present: I c. singinde 100: II. bitinde 183: III. lutende 131; past: I a. iseien 53: I b. ikumen 19: II, III. bitowen 198. Past of Weak Verbs: heuede 1 _pt. s._ 197. Inflected past participles are isette _a. s. f._ 164, iwrouhte _pl._ 25. Minor Groups: wot _pr. s._ 198, wat 7, wute ȝe _imp. pl._ 138 (Anglian); ouh _pr. s._ 10, 80, owen _pr. pl._ 167, ouhte _pt. s._ 163; deih _pr. s._ 56; schullen 2 _pr. pl._ 29, schulen 87, 175; muwe _pr. s. subj._ 163, muwen 2 _pr. pl. subj._ 37, 67, muhte _pt. s._ 116; beon _inf._ 4, _pr. pl. subj._ 24, to beon _dat. inf._ 179, was _pt. s._ 3; uorto don _dat. inf._ 199, don 2 _pr. pl. subj._ 62; uorto gon _dat. inf._ 34, geð _pr. s._ 100, go _pr. s. subj._ 100 (4).

(4) =Of T=: mainly a statement of divergences from A. In the strong declension of _masc._ and _neut._ nouns, wede _s. n._ 125 represents OE. #gewǣde#; heordes 6 is _s. g._ As in A, the _dat._ sing. is mostly uninflected, but ȝate 105, hame 98, rihte 164, tune 109. schon 33 is a weak _n. pl._, beodes _n. pl._ 192, _a. pl._ 100 has _masc._ termination, þinge 184 is _pl. g._; datives have mostly -es, -s, cneos 129, 135, giltes 150, wahes 19, but siðe 19, 83, þinge 117; meal 158, þing 106, 188 are _acc._ in form. Strong declension of _fem._ nouns: somentale _n. s._ 139 represents #-talu#; _dat._ -e, lokinge 18, but uninflected are hond 97 (#hond#), rest 92; _acc._ -e, without exception: fondinges 74 _pl. n._ has masc. termination, tales 89 is _pl. d._, _acc._ are gloues 56, leasinges 117, speches 115, tales 114, ahte 3. Nouns of the weak declension are _s. g._ ancres 8 (4), chirches 66, schirches 32 (= chirches), _d._ deme 176, eare 192, fere 110, anker 165, lauedi 155, lafdi 112; _pl. n._ ancres 171, _d._ ehne 54, hose 35, heordes 28, _a._ cappes 38, eares 112. The tendency to substitute the terminations of the strong declension for those of the weak is Midland. In the minor declensions namon 9 is _s. d._; sustre 204, _pl. n._; childrene 78, _pl. g._

An adjective inflected in the _sing._ is hehe 176: plurals have -e, with the exception of bisi 97, idel 69, sari 91: _pl. a._ is nane 115. Beside ich 86 (3), i occurs 72 as pers. pronoun. The _n. s. f._ and _n. pl._ of the pronoun of the third person is ho 4, 122; hom 167 is miswritten for ho; #heora# is hare 125, 127, hore 126. The relative pronoun is þat: the demonstrative #þā#, those, is seen in (⁊) ta 68, 161: the indef. is mon 8 (5); hwat as noun occurs at 145, 159; #āwiht# is oht 208; alle is _s. d._ 128, _pl. d._ 116.

Infinitives are divided equally between -en and -e; those in -ien are hatien 117, þolien 87, 169, in -ie, werie 27, but loke 124; forms with -in, -i are absent. Dative infinitives are for to biginnen 199, for to puffen 143, to habben 56, with four others in -en; to breke 20, to haue 11, to lose 94, to reare 140. The 3rd _pr. s._ ends in -es, askes 188, blawes 190, and 32 others, none being contracted forms, but lis 76, seos 71, 140, and bueð 170; the 3rd _pr. pl._ in -en, bihaten 186, hauen 208, and 13 others, but suneheþ 174; the _subjunctive pr. s._ in -e, blawe 148, cume 102, blodeke 32, eile 9, like 35, make 135, but blasie 143, gladie 204, trukie 166, werie 27, seo 23, _pl._ in -en, bemen 192, hauen 66, nabben 106, halden 202 (but halde 147), luuien 180, makien 129; _imperative s._ 2. in -e, loke 9, were 30, _pl._ in -es, biddes 201, haues 21, habbes 26 and twelve others, driue ȝe 12, gruse ȝe 158, &c. Past of Strong Verbs: I a. _subj. s._ 3. sehe 116: I c. _s._ 3. swanc 210: III. _pl._ 2. drehden 205, a weak form; comp. HM 37/6. Participles present: II. bitende 183: III. lutende 131; past: II, III. bitohen 198: V. bifallen 19, ileten 85, 87. Past of Weak Verbs: _s._ 1. hafde 197. Participles present: seiende 100, suhiende 184; past: bicleopet 175, iset 164, ifest 149 and 8 others in -t, idodded 83, ilaced 37, iturnde 126, gurd 30, red 208, icnotten 36. Minor Groups: duhen _inf._ 24, deah _pr. s._ 56; cunnen _pr. pl._ 172, cunen 152; schule 2 _pr. pl._ 175, schuln 29, schule _pr. pl._ 122; mai _pr. s._ 4, muhen 2 _pr. pl._ 67, 89, 173; beon _inf._ 53, 196, beo 4 (6), to beon _dat. inf._ 179, arn 2 _pr. pl._ 87 (5), _pr. pl._ beon 126, 147, 149, beos 97, beo _pr. s. subj._ 148, 206, beon 2 _pr. pl. subj._ 189, _pr. pl. subj._ 33, 105, beos 2 _pl. imp._ 188, 201, beo ȝe 69, was _pt. s._ 3, were _pt. s. subj._ 198; wile _pr. s._ 28, 168, nule 29, wiln 2 _pr. pl._ 96, 191; don _inf._ 89, for to donne _dat. inf._ 199, to do 199, dos _pr. s._ 142, 189, don 2 _pr. pl._ 200, 201, _pr. pl._ 129, 157, 2 _pr. pl. subj._ 62, do 191, idon _pp._ 157; to gan _dat. inf._ 34, gas _pr. s._ 100, ga _pr. s. subj._ 100, 141. The termination of ladli _adj._ 7, gladli _adv._ 168, nomeli 149 is due to Scand. -ligr, -liga; nedinge 9 represents OE. #nēadinga#; wið prep. 20, 22 (in N mid), ni conj. 55 &c., and til conj. 172 are noteworthy.

(5) =Of C.= This differs little from A. Nouns of the weak declension are ancres _s. g._ 8, blodbinden _pl. a._ 64. The pronoun of the third person _s. n. f._, _pl. n._ is ha 4, 122. While the _pr. s._ of the verb regularly ends in -eð, makes 8, 20 survives from the Midland original; so too don 2 _pr. pl._ 200 beside doð 201, beon 126, 149. iburð _pr. s. impers._ 56, befits, represents OE. #gebyreþ#; other verbal forms are sechȝe _pt. s. subj._ 116, segginde _pres. p._ 100, nach for ne ah _pr. s._ 80, achȝen _pr. pl._ 167, muchȝen 2 _pr. pl._ 67, muȝen 92, wullet 2 _pr. pl._ 96, 191 beside wulled 84, wullen 38. The adv. nedunge 9 represents OE. #nēadunga#.

#Vocabulary:# The Scandinavian element is large: ai T 206, arn T 87 &c., blast T 144, eskibah 79, flutte b 182, geineð b 163, grið(fullnesse) b 4, hesmel N 118, lah b 143, lahe b 152, lane 13, lastunge 56, lates b 147, meoke b 38, b 66, nai b 48, b 76, riue b 83, riueð b 82, riuunges b 83, sahtnesse b 158, (but seih[t]nesse N is English), scale 95, semes T 3, skile b 118, skleatteð 53, tiþinges NT 114, tidinges b 138, C 114, til TC 172, wanes b 19, warpere 64, warpeð 66 (worpare, worpeð N are English), windowe b 59, wontreaðe 76, wursnet T 174: probably baðe T 105, T 156, T 187, brendes C 141, hird B 33, hwitel 89, lustni b 90, lustnen T 73, meaðeleð 73, 96, rukelin 80, rukeleð 86, ruken 81, somen (tale) T 139, suhinde b 199, suhiende T 184, suwinde N 184, umben b 229, TC 201: possibly dusten 68, glopnen T 56/58. The French element is very extensive; many of the words appear for the first time: accidie 11, amendeð N 65, mendið b 70, amices b 78, angoise 60, apostle b 50, atiffi b 63, untiffet b 64, tiffunge b 53, aturn b 146, augrim 81, best N 2, beastes 28, boistes b 16, broche b 65, caliz C N 17, chaliz T 17, canges 82, celer 92, change b 222, ichanget b 117, chartres b 16, cheres 48, complie b 179, criblin b 81, curt 34, cuuertur 89, cyrograffes b 17, dame b 129, (deuleset TC 198), disceplines b 35, dute N 79, eise b 187, eise b 223, eoli b 197 (Bonn. Beitr. xv. 110), familiers T 113, figures 81, folliche 18, frut b 177, gloire b 80, glutun 92, grace b 174, graces b 171, greueð b 105, gruchunge b 135, haire T 36, hurte b 214, hurten b 213, inobedience 6, iuglurs 47, large b 203, laz b 69, ilacet b 42, leattres b 99, leon B 30 liun 30, manciple 92, mantel C 120, imantlet C 121, meistre b 2, imembret b 65, meoster 35 mester B 48, mustreisun b 80, noise 38, obedient b 129, ore 7, parures b 79, penitence b 169, poure b 70, pouerte b 114, prophetes 57, religiun b 74, riwle b 116, rund b 59, sacrement 8, scoren b 16, scurge b 32 schurge N 31, seinte C 46, semblant 60, seruant b 181, seruin 47, seruise 43, silence b 180, skirmi 67, sot(schipe) b 111, spece 5, stamin b 27, strif b 154, isturbed N 163 isturbet b 181, suffreð N 205, surpliz b 66, taueles b 82, temptaciuns b 35, tendre b 73, terme 15, tohurten b 164, triccherie 17, vnicorne 32, ures b 135, vampez b 40, veiles b 45, veine b 80, uestemenz b 17. Latin borrowings are auez b 134 auees C 111, cuchene 93 (pre-Conquest), false 6, falsliche 19, paternostres b 134, presumptio 9, purses b 68, scapeloris C 120, unbischpet 19, venie b 150.

#Dialect:# The AR has hitherto been generally regarded as Southern, partly because of the prevailing Southern dialect of the manuscript printed by Morton, and partly because of the fancied connexion of the treatise with Tarrant Kaines in Dorsetshire. But the presence of Midland and Northern forms to a greater or less extent in all the manuscripts, although four of them at least were written by Southern scribes, points to the Northern border of the Midland area as the home of the original, while the large Scandinavian element in the vocabulary and the absence of the characteristic u in unaccented final syllables (-ud, -un, -us, -ut) decide for the East against the West Midland. MS. N is a copy made by a scribe of the Middle South; his alterations of the inflections are systematic, but with occasional lapses like timbrin Morton, 12/24, blescið 18/11, seihtni 28/19, kalenges tu 54/2, wenes tu 54/5 (beside wenest tu 54/20), muhtes 304/13 (but muhtest 270/3) &c.; more frequently he copies Anglian sounds from his exemplar. He also substitutes, as far as he can, English and French words for Scandinavian, e. g. hercnen 73 for lustnin, yet he retains such purely Northern elements as suwinde 184, and the suffix in godleic Morton, 136/15, ureoleic 192/25. Peculiar to the scribe are his representations of #a# + #h#, #ā# + #h#, #ō# + #w# (touward occurs in Layamon). MS. A presents the characteristic features of the Katherine Group; it is a copy by a scribe of the Northern border of the South. The Midland element in its sounds is considerable, but the inflection is mainly Southern; the _u_- and _å_-umlauts of #a# appear to be due to the scribe and not to the original. MS. B is closely related to A, but it is somewhat more Southern in preservation of the inflections; the scribe was more accustomed to French than to English. MS. C also closely resembles A, but in the flexion North-Midland forms appear more often by inadvertence. In MS. T, both sounds and inflections are predominantly Midland: still in other parts of the manuscript the Southern element is more evident than in our extract. This manuscript stands nearest in dialect to the original; it appears to be a copy of a North-Midland text made by a scribe not long enough resident in the Midland area to have quite forgotten his native Southern speech.

#Style:# MS. N is not only the most remote from the original in dialect, it has also been altered in language more than the others, partly from a desire to make the meaning plainer, partly from a dislike of any singularity of expression. The changes made may be classified as i. insertion of connecting particles, ‘and,’ ‘vor,’ ‘þeonne,’ N 144 &c.; ‘so uorð so’ in A is altered into ‘uor so’ Morton, 136/13: ii. expansions like ‘ȝe habbeð’ N 95, ‘he nout’ N 101, ‘to þer eorðe’ N 130, ‘þeo þinges’ N 160: iii. re-arrangement of words in a prose order, ‘kume hom’ N 102, ‘so’ N 115, ‘dreamen wel’ N 192: iv. substitution of nouns for pronouns, ‘nenne mon’ N 23; the writer has a peculiar affection for the word mon, so, ‘ase deð, among moni mon, sum uniseli ancre,’ Morton 128/23, where A has ‘monie’ without noun: v. elimination of words and expressions used in a figurative way, ‘hit is’ N 99 for ‘driueð,’ ‘kumeð--heouene’ N 170, destroying the alliteration. These alterations have tended to obscure the peculiar rhythmic movement of the prose, which was a feature of the original as of Sawles Warde, the Katherine Group, Hali Meidenhad and some smaller pieces. It is discernible in the other manuscripts, especially in elevated passages, as b 182-7, b 205-8, b 231-5, and the scribe of MS. A often shows by his punctuation that he recognized its existence.

#Introduction:# The Ancren Riwle, as it was called by Morton, the Ancrene Wisse (the Anchoresses’ Guide) as its title is in MS. A, was written for the instruction of three sisters, ‘gentile wummen,’ of whom the author says ‘ine blostme of ower ȝuweðe, uorheten alle worldes blissen ⁊ bicomen ancren’ (Morton, 192). Their dwelling is under the eaves of a church, they are ‘under chirche iancred’ (M. 142); there is but a wall between them and the Host (M. 262). They live in separate cells, for they send messages to one another by their attendant maids (M. 256), and they are fully provided for, ‘euerich of ou haueð of one ureond al þet hire is neod[;] ne þerf þet meiden sechen nouðer bread ne suuel, fur þene et his halle’ (M. 192). They are greatly beloved, ‘vor godleic ⁊ for ureoleic iȝerned of monie’ (M. 192); their whole life in so strict an order is as a martyrdom, ‘ȝe beoð niht ⁊ dei upe Godes rode’ (M. 348).

As they were not subject in their anchorhold to any recognized monastic rule, they sought some regulations for their way of life, and the treatise they received is represented, so far as the matter is concerned, best by MS. N. But a book so helpful was certain to be copied for the use of other anchorites, with suitable adaptations and possibly additions; such a copy is MS. A, made a considerable time after the original. It omits the important reference to the author, found only in MS. N, wherein he speaks of the practice of the lay brothers of the community to which he belonged (Morton, 24), the word ‘leawude’ in ‘ure leawude breðren’ (M. 412/8), and the passage addressed by the author to the ladies for whom the book was composed (M. 192) containing the biographical details quoted above: of the numerous additions the most interesting is that in which reference is made to the general adoption of the rule by anchoresses all over England, with such unanimity that it is as though they were all gathered within the walls of one convent at London, Oxford, Shrewsbury, or Chester (M. L. Review, ix. 470). As MS. T is imperfect at the beginning, its first leaf corresponding to Morton, p. 44, it cannot be known whether it left out the first passage (Morton, 24) mentioned above, but it does omit the second passage (Morton, 192), and further eliminates commendatory references to the sisters found in Morton, 48/2-4, 50/20-24; it is therefore adapted like A. So too is the French version; it contains some of the additions of A, and is subsequent to it. A third stage is reached when the book is recognized as profitable reading for others who are not anchorites, for nuns, as in the Latin version of MS. M, in which the first ritual part is abridged and the last wholly left out as inapplicable to those who have a definite rule of their own, such as the Cistercian sisters at Tarent, for whom Simon of Ghent may well have executed this translation. Similarly the extracts of MS. B were probably made for the use of seculars.

Hitherto no plausible guess as to the author has been made. Simon of Ghent, who died in 1315 A.D., is manifestly out of the question. Bishop Poor (d. 1237) has been drawn in solely because of his connexion with Tarent (Dugdale, v. 619), of which he was the principal benefactor. From internal evidence it may be gathered that the writer was a disciple of S. Bernard (1091-1153), whom he quotes some twelve times expressly, and from whose Liber Sententiarum he says he takes most of his sixth book; ‘hit is almest Seint Beornardes Sentence,’ Morton, 348/14. He was acquainted with Ailred of Rievaulx and with the treatise which Ailred wrote for his sister the anchoress (Morton, 368), of which he made extensive use. He belonged to some monastic order, for he speaks of ‘vre leawede breþren,’ and ‘ure ordre’ (Morton, 24). He appears to have been acquainted with other anchoresses (Morton, 102, 192, 410). There is a note of weariness at the end of the book, as of one already advanced in years, and indeed the accumulated experience of a long life must have gone to its making. He was a widely read man; he quotes from many authors, of whom, after S. Bernard, S. Augustine and S. Gregory were the chief, but he drew on the Bible twice as often as on all the others put together. Finally, the Scandinavian element in his native speech was exceptionally large, and French was so familiar to him as to colour his English far more than that of any previous writer.

There were two men living towards the end of the twelfth century who might answer to this description, Gilbert of Hoyland, Abbot of Swineshed in Lincolnshire (Dugdale, v. 336), and S. Gilbert of Sempringham. The former completed the treatise on the Canticum Canticorum begun by S. Bernard, in which the mystic interpretation is quite different from that which runs all through the Ancren Riwle. But for S. Gilbert (1089-1189) I think a good case can be made out. He was brought up in South Lincolnshire, where the Danish element was strong, and not far from the northern border of the Midland area, for Lincolnshire north of the Witham was more Northern than Midland. In later years his visitations took him often to his houses of Watton and Malton in Yorkshire. He received his early education mostly in France, and he probably visited that country often in later life; he spent more than a year there in 1147, 1148 A.D. To no other person would the recluses have been so likely to apply for a rule, since he was famous as the greatest director of pious women in England; ‘vir eximiae religionis, in feminarumque custodia gratiae singularis,’ says Trivet in his Annales; ‘vir plane mirabilis, et in custodia feminarum singularis,’ W. of Newburgh. His own foundation for women and men, the order of the Gilbertines, had its beginnings in an anchorhold which he built for seven maidens against the north wall of his own church of S. Andrew at Sempringham sometime about 1131 A.D. (Dugdale, vi, pt. 2, *ix). For these he framed a Rule, ‘dedit . . . eis praecepta vitae et disciplinae,’ and provided servants ‘puellas aliquas pauperculas in habitu seculari servientes.’ When, after a long visit to S. Bernard, he returned to England with his Institutiones confirmed by Eugenius III, his order was regularly founded, with himself as Master. The Rule of his nuns was framed on Cistercian lines, but with modifications from many sources. While it differs of necessity from regulations suitable to the life of the recluse, it shows the same extraordinary attention to details (‘non solum magna et maxime necessaria, verum etiam minima quaedam et abiecta . . . non omisit,’ Dugdale, *xiii) which is displayed in the Ancren Riwle. And the two Rules often agree in these details, as will be seen in the notes; the most remarkable example is the similarity of the devotions of the lay brethren of the order to which the writer belonged, as described in the AR (Morton, 24), to the rule for the Hours of the Fratres in the Sempringham Order (Dugdale, *lx). There are numerical differences in the number of Paternosters and Psalms, but the Gilbertine Rule, as we have it, is a revision, probably a relaxation, of Gilbert’s, and the principle is the same. This method of saying the Hours is given by the writer to the recluses as an alternative use to the more elaborate one already prescribed, and he adds, ‘Gif ei of ou wule don þus heo voleweð her, ase in oþre obseruances, muchel of ure ordre.’ Gilbert was intimate with Ailred of Rievaulx, and sought his advice in the case of the nun at Watton (Twysden, Decem Scriptores, i. col. 420). Unfortunately, no authenticated writing of his, save a formal letter addressed in his last days to the Canons of his Order (MS. Digby 36, f. 189 b), has come down to us. But the first of his biographers tells us that, when in the course of his constant visitations of his houses he rested for a time anywhere, he did not eat the bread of idleness, but among other occupations wrote books, ‘scripsit quandoque libros’ (Dugdale, *xv), and the writer of the Nova Legenda Anglie, i. 471, says ‘libros multos scripsit; verba eius nichil aliud quam sapientiam et scientiam sonuerunt.’ The first members of his Order would surely multiply copies of the works of their founder, and it is not likely that all of these have disappeared. The Ancren Riwle was probably one of them. But there is besides a group of writings which are seen in their true setting when regarded as a product of the Gilbertine movement; the table on p. 356 gives the contents of three manuscripts which are in my opinion collections of the works of S. Gilbert. Among them is that ‘Englische boc of Seinte Margarete’ (M. 244/20) possessed by the recluses, as the writer of the AR knew.

There has been much dispute as to the language in which the AR was written. The older scholars, Dr. Thomas Smith (1696 A.D.), Wanley (1705), Planta (1802) had no doubt that it was Latin. Morton (1853) championed the English version, but some of his arguments were refuted, others shaken by Bramlette. Muhe, holding the priority of the Latin proved, was obliged to adopt an involved and improbable view of the relationship of MS. T to the other manuscripts. It should be observed that these scholars were unable to take into account the Corpus MS. and the French version. The first to pronounce from a knowledge of all the materials was G. C. Macaulay in the M. L. Review, xi. 61. He appears to have disposed effectually of the claim on behalf of the Latin version, but his arguments in favour of French as the original language are not convincing. It must suffice here to say that nothing he adduces appears to be so crucial as the passage at 58/79, or even 56/38, 56/54, 70/170. In a general comparison, the English has all the vigour and raciness of an original work, while the French gives the impression of being unidiomatic and wanting in spontaneity.

In the foot-notes p. 60, l. 12, add C after chepilt: p. 61, l. 17, read chirche: p. 65, l. 62, add C after grettere: p. 67, l. 96, read wull{et} C for wulh C., also at p. 75, l. 191.

A. THE SEVEN DEADLY SINS.

The references throughout are to the Corpus MS., unless otherwise stated.

1. #wildernesse#: of the world; he has already said, ‘Iþisse wildernesse wende ure Louerdes folc, ase Exode telleð, touward tet eadie lond of Jerusalem . . . ⁊ ȝe, mine leoue sustren, wended bi þen ilke weie toward te heie Jerusalem,’ AR 196/28-30. Comp. ‘alse longe se we iðese westen of þesser woruld wandrið,’ OEH i. 243/3; ‘Claustrales in huius mundi deserto exulantes,’ Alanus de Insulis, 65. #þer . . . in#, in which; see 1/3: ‘ou vous aleȝ enȝ,’ F.

3. #beastes . . . wurmes#: The Lion of Pride, the Serpent of Envy, the Unicorn of Wrath, the Bear of Sloth, the Fox of Covetousness, the Swine of Greediness, the Scorpion of Lechery, each with its whelps. The conception comes from S. Jerome, ‘quasi inter scorpiones et colubros incedendum ut . . . iter per insidias saeculi huius et inter venena faciamus possimusque . . . terram repromissionis intrare,’ iv. 796. Comp. also, ‘Per superbiam enim quasi a leonibus lacerantur, per invidiam tanquam viperarum morsu percutiuntur,’ Cesarii Sermo lx, in S. August. v. App. 301 B. It is not in the manner of the Bestiaries, where the lion and the unicorn are types of Christ, though the influence of the Bestiaries is often shown in the AR.

4. #ilead . . . to#, traced to, classified under; ‘reduci ad,’ M; ‘menee od,’ F.: a rare use; comp. 54/20. #seouene#: in the older English literature the number is eight; Superbia being followed by Vana Gloria. See Max Förster, Über die Quellen von Ælfric’s Homiliae Catholicae, Berlin, 1892, pp. 47-9 for a good summary of the changes in the lists. #seoluen# B: so T seluen.

5. #streones#: ‘hweolpes,’ AR 198/7; ‘engendrures,’ F. #vnsteaðeluest#: ‘Destable,’ F. literally, unstabled. #nis hit# &c., is it not the species of Pride called Disobedience? CTN agree with B; the meaning is the same: T reads, nis hit of prude. Jnobedience. Her to falleð sigaldres: M has ‘Jnconstans fides. cont{ra} sacram doct{ri}nam. nu{n}c ex sup{er}bia inobedi{enci}e est: ad h{oc} p{er}tine{n}t sortilegia.’ The division in Morton is therefore wrong: P has Inobedience ne falleþ it to sigaldrie. ‘Þe vifte hweolp [of þe Liun of Prude] hette Inobedience,’ AR 198/17.

6. #Herto falleð#, come under this head; comp. ‘alle þe þing ꝥ lust falleþ to,’ AR 52/24, 58/9; ‘⁊ falleð to biȝete,’ SK 24/471. #false teolunges#, wrongful practices, especially in treatment of the sick by means of herbs gathered with incantations and of other pagan devices; comp. ‘Se cristena mann ðe on ænigre þissere gelicnysse bið gebrocod, and he ðonne his hælðe secan wyle æt unalyfedum tilungum, oððe æt wyrigedum galdrum, oþþe æt ænigum wiccecræfte, ðonne bið he ðam hæðenum mannum gelic,’ Ælf. Hom. Cath. i. 474/19-22. These ‘unallowed practices’ are, at the same place, contrasted with ‘true leechcraft,’ the skill of a doctor: comp. ‘uncundelich lechecreft,’ 62/36, and see the Homilia de sacrilegiis, ed. Caspari, ch. iv and notes, for abundant illustrations of these superstitions. Comp. also, for a wider use of #teolung#, ‘to æghwylcre neode man hæfð on cyricbocum mæssan gesette and tilige man (= let one set to work) georne mid þam . . . þæt is hwene betere, þonne man to wiccan, and to wigleran tilunge (= treatment) sêce æt ænigre neode,’ Wulfstan, 171/7-12 (B-T). Morton translates ‘false reckoning,’ which hardly comes under the head of unsteadfast belief; ‘fals takynges’ P.

7. #lefunge o swefne · o nore#: this order is peculiar to A. For the Dream Books of mediaeval England see Förster in Archiv cxxi. 33, cxxv. 39, cxxvii. 31. #o nore#: so BCT; N has on ore ⁊ of swefnes; PV have nothing corresponding; M is vague, ‘ad h{oc} p{er}tine{n}t sortilegia · ⁊ quecu{n}q{ue} infidelitas · credere sompniis · ⁊ h{u}i{us modi}’: in F the place is at the damaged top of the folio; it has, apparently, ‘credence en estrenies en songes ⁊ toutes manieres de sorceries.’ #ore# cannot represent OE. #ār#, which has no meaning like luck, nor can it be connected with L. #augurium#, the contemporary French form of which is #eür#. I think it is F. oré, favourable weather, favourable occasion, as in ‘Nos n’avrons ja tens ne oré | Desci que li vienge a plaisir,’ Roman de Troye 5952, 3: the particular form of ‘unsteadfast belief’ meant being the trusting to the system of favourable and unfavourable days for different kinds of work &c., embodied in such books as the Calendar printed in M. L. Review, ii. 212-22, where it is stated that the first day of the month is good for beginning a piece of work, the second for marrying, the third is a bad day for taking up one’s abode in a town, and so on (for the literature see Archiv cx. 352). The collection in Caspari’s note on § 12 of the Homilia already cited shows that the superstition was often attacked in sermons as pagan; he quotes ‘Nullus Christianus observet, qua die de domo exeat, vel qua die revertatur, quia omnes dies Deus fecit; nullus ad inchoandum opus diem . . . attendat,’ Pseudoaug. Sermo cclxxviii. Comp. ‘time,’ OEH ii. 11/13 and VV 27/22-29.

8. #heaued sunne#: Orm’s ‘hæfedd sunne,’ 98/2728; peccatum capitale: ‘cum mortali peccato,’ M. Comp. ‘Nu syndon eahta heafod leahtras,’ Ælf. Lives, i. 354/267.

9. ‘þe ueorðe [hweolp of þe Liun of Prude] is Presumptio,’ AR 198/14.

10. #ȝemeles#: so BPV, negligent, _adj._ for _noun_, negligence, carelessness: N has the noun ȝemeleste; C scheomeles. #under#, classified under the head of: ‘þe seoueðe [hweolp of þe Bore of heui Slouhðe] is Gemeleaschipe,’ AR 202/13.

11. For #uuel# C has lure: NT have incorrectly lure for biȝete; so in M, ‘Qui non p{re}munit aliu{m} de dampno u{e}l inco{m}m{od}o.’ Not to warn a man against something hurtful is slothful negligence; not to apprise him of something to his advantage is venomous envy. The sins are different and come under different heads. The first half of the sentence is in effect hypothetical, and equivalent to, if a man does not warn &c.; so 54/21; 66/120, and F, ‘Ki ne garnist altre de son mal ou de son gaig[ne][;] nest ceo perescouse negligence ou venimouse envie.’

12. For #slaw ȝemeles# C has slauðe scheomelese. #teoheði mis#: Contrast ‘rihtliche teðien,’ OEH ii. 215/32; ‘giuen rihte tiðinge,’ id. 129/32; ‘theoþe ryht vnder his honde,’ OEM 77/149. teouðen C; tiheðe T; Mis iteoðeged N, the being mistithed; a remarkable use of the participle; ‘male decimare,’ M; ‘mes doner,’ F, a vague expression, which looks like a translator’s failure. How S. Gilbert once dealt with a ‘mistither’ may be read in his life, printed in Dugdale, vi., pt. ii., p. *vii. #mis# is aphetic for amiss, wrongly; comp. 56/48.

13. #edhalden#: edhalde C; OE. #oþhealden#, withhold; so at 64/73: comp. ‘Lante ⁊ thyng me was taght | I held ouer-lang as i noght aght,’ CM 28398. #oðer--mis fearen#, or treat badly, is peculiar to A.

14. #ȝisceunge#: ‘Þe Vox of ȝiscunge haueð þeos hweolpes: Tricherie ⁊ Gile, Þeofðe, Reflac,’ AR 202/18. #⁊ anes cunnes# is peculiar to A.

15. #strong reaflac#: ‘rapina,’ M. #hwa--mei#, if one is able to pay it: peculiar to A. #þe--ȝisceunge#: ‘species cupiditatis,’ M; ‘qi est desouȝ couoitise,’ F.

16. It is sinful ‘biseon ȝemeleasliche eni þing þe me mide uareð, oðer ouhte to ȝemen,’ AR 344/6.

17. #þen--hit#, than the owner of it thinks right: M has here p{ri}us for peius. #ȝemeles of slawðe#, negligence, a subdivision of Sloth. The author has already classified under Gemeleaschipe, ‘miswiten ei þing þet heo haueð to witene,’ AR 202/14. C reads scheomeles of slauðe.

18. #alswa is dusi#: alswa · idusi C: apparently OE. #gedysig#. #longe--unbischpet#: ‘diu e{ss}e s{i}n{e} confirmac{i}one,’ M.

19. #falsliche#, insincerely. #abiden#, put it off: N connects it with what follows by reading uorte for ne.

21. #moder#: so he writes of the ‘seoue moder sunnen,’ AR 216/21.

23. #istreonede#, _pp._ as noun: ꝥ te istreonede T; ꝥ þe streonede C. #strong monslaht#: ‘fort homicide,’ F; ‘homicidiu{m},’ M.

24. #galnesse#: comp. ‘þe Scorpiun of Lecherie[;] þet is, of golnesse,’ AR 204/15. #awakenet#, originated; comp. 64/61, 66/91, 143/70; AR 44/9, 220/9; HM 27/8, 31/5; ‘woden . . . whence first awoke the West-Saxon bloud royall,’ L’isle, Divers Ancient Monuments, sig. f 3 v. #of galnesse awakenet# are not represented in M, though necessary to the argument.

25. #nomeliche#, particular, proper; exceptionally an _adj._ here; in l. 27, as usually, an _adv._ corresponding to OE. #namcūþlīce#; comp. ‘ne ne muhte, ase ich wene, mide none muðe nomeliche nemen ham,’ AR 226/6. ‘touȝ peccheȝ seueralment par lour p{ro}pre nouns[;] ne porreit nul hom contier,’ F.

26. #beoð bilokene#: ‘includu{n}tur,’ M: comp. ‘Auh ine þeo þet beoð her etforen iseid alle þeo oðre beoð bilokene,’ AR 226/7. ilokene CT.

27. #understonden him#, perceive; see 13/34 note and comp. ‘þenne aȝe we to understonden us | from alle uuele he scal blecen us,’ OEH i. 57/63, 64; ‘Peter · anon þer after · hyne vnderstod · | Hwat his louerd hedde iseyd,’ OEM 45/297, 8. #of#: the genitive of the thing perceived is found in OE., ‘ðe hiora ðeninga cuðen understondan,’ Cura Past. 3/4.

28. #imeane#, ‘general heads,’ Morton, evidently taking it for the _adj._ used as a noun: it seems better to regard it as the _adv._ generaliter, referring each species of sin to its genus. T omits; B alters by inserting þat, which I indicate. ‘Nec est a{liqui}s ut puto qui [non] possit intellig{er}e suu{m} p{ec}c{a}t{u}m sub aliquo p{re}d{i}c{t}or{um} contineri,’ M.

29. #anlich#: comp. ‘he (S. John Baptist) . . . wende into onliche stude iðe wildernesse,’ AR 160/7. #þe--for donne#: nothing corresponding in M. #for fearinde#: forð farinde CT; uorðfarinde N; ‘passanȝ,’ F.

31. #hehe . . . iheortet#: comp. ‘ase of prude[;] of great heorte[;] oðer of heih heorte,’ AR 342/24. #hehe#, adverb; LWS. #hēage#, comp. 68/142. #ouerhohe#: ouerhoȝe C; ou{er} hehe T; ouer heie N. Apparently they all mean, too loftily; the forms with _o_ may be due to the influence of ouerhowien (comp. 28/323): ouerhowe, contempt, occurs as a noun, ‘ouerhowe of eorðliche þinges,’ AR 276/3, HM 43/4 (comp. OE. #oferhoga#, a contemner): for hehe in B is corrupt. M has ‘elatos corde.’

32. #iþonket#: iþonked C; iðoncked N, is explained as a new formation from iþanc, OE. #geþanc#, thought, thus meaning thoughted, but the versions connected it with þankien, OE. #þancian#, ‘Serpens uenenosus inuidos ⁊ ingratos,’ M; ‘La venimouse serpente lenuious ⁊ ceauȝ qe sunt de male voluntee vers lour bienfetours,’ F. T has ‘þe ondfule ⁊ te luðere iþohtet: ꝥ beo{n} malicius ⁊ luðere aȝain oðere’; luþere J·hertet V. The unicorn stands for Pride, not Anger, in the patristic literature; comp. Cohn, Zur literarischen Geschichte des Einhorns, ii. 8.

33. #o rawe#, in their order, in succession. #to--isleine#: ‘Int{er}fecti quo ad d{eu}m,’ M; ‘q{a}nt a dieu[;] il sunt tueȝ,’ F. Comp. ‘mest al þe world, þet is gostliche isleien mid deadliche sunnen,’ AR 156/9.

34. #hond#, control: the MSS., except V which has warde, agree with B: ‘in eius excercitu,’ M; ‘de sa meignee,’ F. #of#: comp. 56/48; a locative use = in.

35. #falleð#, is proper to, is in accordance with his nature; comp. 54/6: ‘quilib{et} de officio ad se p{er}tinente,’ M, ‘qe a lui apent,’ F.

36. #draheð wind#: the germ of this comparison is possibly, ‘Qui inflantur superbia, vento pascuntur,’ Isidore vi. 241/4. Comp. also, ‘Dominus cuidam heremite ostendit in spiritu tres homines quorum unus in monte excelso trahebat ventum ore aperto . . . Hii sunt vani et superbi homines qui vane glorie ventum attrahunt et multa opera faciunt ut ab hominibus laudentur,’ Jacques de Vitry, ed. Crane, 68/2.

37. #hereword#: comp. 84/69; ‘don hware þuruh me buð þene kinedom of heouene, ⁊ sulleð hit for a windes puf of wor[l]des hereword[;] of monnes heriunge,’ AR 148/2; OEH ii. 83/20; ‘vent de veyn glorie,’ Bozon 89/25. #idel ȝelp#: comp. ‘Se seofoða leahter is iactantia gecweden | þæt is ydel gylp on ængliscre spræce,’ Ælf. Lives, i. 356/300; OEH i. 103/29; VV 5/20; Orm 10/391; SK 470.

38. #orhel#, pride: so T; oreȝel C; horel N; gle P; craft V; ‘pompose melodie,’ F, confusing it with orgel, organ.

39. #o--world#, in four quarters of the world: comp. ‘æt þissum feower endum middangeardes,’ BH i. 95/13; ‘þenne sculen engles mid bemen blauwen on fower halue þe world,’ OEH i. 143/18. As to the form of the expression, N reads, a uour halue þe worlde; P, on foure half þe werlde; all the other MSS. have uninflected half and world (word B), and omit of. For the ellipsis compare the similar construction of side: half apparently follows the analogy of pound and similar words of measure.

40. #grurefule . . . grisliche#: see 120/95. #Ariseð#: see 58/77.

42. #iborhen#: iboreȝen C; iboruwen N; iburhen T; ‘saluab{itur},’ M.

43. #inohreaðe#: a favourite word with our author, comp. 62/41; 143/74, and not found outside AR and the group associated with it. It means literally, quite quickly, quite readily, but in AR it is mostly a sentence adverb meaning, quite possibly, probably; comp. ‘ant so ofte inouhreðe ne dest tu hit nout i rihte time,’ AR 270/6. inochraðe C; inohraðe T: ‘parauenture,’ F. #dimluker#: of this comparative, descending from an OE. *#dimlīce#, there does not appear to be any other example: for the termination see 125/270. Elsewhere in ME. dim is used of the voice. ‘min{us} sonare{n}t,’ M; ‘plus coiement son{er}eient lour busme,’ F.

44. #Jeremie#: sein Jerem’ T; sein Jerome C. #solitarius#: ‘assuetus in solitudine,’ Jer. ii. 24. M has ‘Onag{er} in desiderio . . . sui ·i· vane gl{ori}e.’ T omits sui.

45, 46. N, apparently puzzled by seið ABCT, remodels, Of þeo ðet draweð wind i{n}ward uor luue of hereword · seið ieremie[;] ase ich er seide. The other MSS. agree with A, but T has prud for wind, and C omits in. #seið#, means; ‘And seið syon ase muchel on englische leodene ase heh sihðe,’ HM 5/6. P omits #seið--seide#.

47. #iuglurs#: joculatores, called ‘menestraus,’ AR 84/11; ‘nebulones,’ W. of Malmesbury, ii. 438, were usually a combination of minstrel, storyteller, tumbler and buffoon, but those in the text are limited in their means of making mirth.

48. #makien--ehnen#, pull faces, twist their mouths awry, look obliquely with their eyes: ‘mutare uultu{m}. curuare os. obliq{ua}re oculos,’ M; ‘faire cheres besturner la bouche ⁊ trestourner les eoilȝ delesclent,’ F. #schulen#, #schuleð#, l. 53, are found only in this passage: OE. #(be) scȳlan#; dialectic sheyle, shyle. T has schuldi (? through confusion with #scyldan#), but sculeð at l. 53: P, sculleh (for scullen, scowl); V, staren.

49. #seruið#: comp. with this and the following paragraphs a passage from an anonymous sermon of the fourteenth century, ‘Nota quam bonos (servos) habet diabolus qui ad nutum sibi obediunt, imo qui nutum eius praeveniunt. Habet suos ioculatores, scilicet lascivos; suos traiectores qui trahunt de sacco plus quam sit in sacco, omnes male iudicantes et maledicos; suos thesaurarios, omnes avaros; suos gladiatores, omnes contentiosos; suos advocatos, omnes detractores; suos insidiatores, omnes invidos; suos latrinarios, omnes gulosos; et sic de aliis. Certe periculosum est servire tali domino,’ Hauréau, Notices, iv. 101. #bringen o lahtre#, induce to laugh; a curious expression, which seems to be without parallel: ‘ut ad risu{m} prouocet,’ M, ‘p{ur} mettre en risee,’ F.

50 B. #liki# is a scribe’s mistake for loki. Comp. ‘Riht so hit farþ bi þan ungode | Þat nouht ne isyhþ to none gode,’ ON 245, 6.

51. #þider#: þiderwart C; þiderward N. #riht--heorte#: comp. ‘þa eagan minre heortan,’ Ælf. Lives, ii. 28/425, 38/559; ‘mid þe eȝene of his horte,’ OEH i. 157/28, 203/11; ‘Ablinde þe heorte, heo is eð ouercumen,’ AR 62/10, 90/22, 178/16; ‘opene to vnderstonde þe ehne of þin heorte,’ HM 3/15; ‘espiritel sacrement | Ke nus od le oil de cuer ueum,’ Adgar, 175/283. See also 115/119, and comp. ‘lay to the eere of thy herte,’ Rule of St. Benet, 1/3. For #ehe# C has echȝe. #winkið#: the writer had perhaps in mind, ‘Annuens oculo fabricat iniqua . . . novissime autem pervertet os suum, et in verbis tuis dabit scandalum,’ Ecclus. xxvii. 25, 26.

52. #o ꝥ half#: on C; oþere half N. He closes the eye which looks in the direction of the good deed: ‘S{ed} ex p{ar}te illa co{n}niue{n}t oclis,’ M. The readings of the passage which follows are, ⁊ bi halt o luft · ȝef þer is eawet to edwiten oðer · ladliche þiderwart schuleð wið eiðer · C; ⁊ biholdeð oluft ⁊ asquint · ⁊ ȝif þer is out to eadwiten · oðer lodlich[;] þiderward heo schuleð mid eiðer eien · N; ⁊ bihaldeð oluf ȝif þer is eyt to edwite{n} · oðer loken laðliche þiderward · sculeð mid eiðer hwe{n} &c. T. A means, turn away their unclosed eye to the left and suspiciously try to pick holes in the good, or else they scowl wickedly at it with both eyes. BCV seem to have lost an infinitive after oþer. In N lodlich agrees with out. M has ‘⁊ q{uas}i a sinist{ri}s vident · si q{ui}d sit ibi q{uo}d rep{re}hendant · u{e}l displicent{er} se h{abe}nt’: F ‘regardent del senestre sil i ad rien qe rep{ro}uer ou laid cele part regardent en esclench · dautre part q{a}nt il oient le bien,’ &c. #o luft#, on the left side, askance, an expression of suspicion, Milton’s ‘squint suspicion,’ Comus 413, or of incredulity as to the genuineness of the good deed. But ‘ibi’ in M suggests another explanation; he looks in another direction to see if he can there find something else to find fault with.

53. #skleatteð--adun#, slaps down the flaps of his ears: scletteð C; sleateð N; sclattes T; ‘dep{ri}m{un}t aures,’ M.

54. #lust#, hearing; ‘auditus’ M: OE. #hlyst#. C has luft, and F accordingly ‘Mes la senestre enqore al mal est touȝ iours ou{er}te.’ T has luf and P loue. In 53 B #ea# may be miswritten for aa, ever.

55. After #muð#, CNV add mis.

56. #lastunge#: so CN; ‘ampliori det{ra}ctac{i}one,’ M; leasinge T; sustenynge V, due to confusion with lasten, endure: ‘par plus entocch{er},’ F.

58. #eateliche#: atterluche T; no _adj._ in P. #ageasten#: glopnen T; rapelich glutten P, the former word due to reading #ȝet# as ȝer. There is an OWScand. glúpna, to be surprised, but Björkman (241) thinks a Scand. origin of the English word doubtful. Comp. the modern dialectic gloppen in the North and North Midland; glottened, startled, is also recorded for Shropshire.

59. #niuelin#: niuelen CNT; nyuelen V; P omits: probably means to snuffle: M has ‘geme{n}t’; F, no equivalent: is possibly a form of snivel, and is recorded in EDD. for Gloucestershire and Oxfordshire, to turn up the nose in disdain. #makien sur semblant#, wear a rueful countenance: comp. 117/19; ‘ȝif þu makest ei sembla{u}nt,’ AR 90/18: loþly semblaunt P; ‘frunt vn egre semblant,’ F.

61. #hond#: ha{m} T.

62. #makien grim chere#: comp. ‘niuelen ⁊ makien sure ⁊ grimme chere,’ AR 240/4; ‘makeð hire ueire cheres,’ id. 218/11. M has ‘q{u}i{a} p{rius} discu{n}t officiu{m} suu{m} · ut facia[n]t horribilem’ [uultum].

63. #skirmeð#: Master Walter Leskirmissour, who performed before Edward the First at Whitsuntide 1306, was, no doubt, an artist of this sort. A picture of one who is keeping three knives and three balls going in the air may be seen reproduced in Strutt, Horda Angelcynnan, i. plate 19. #⁊#: BC omit.

64. #warpere#: so C; worpere N; cast{er}e T. M has ‘Iracu{n}dus coram diabolo pu{n}g{na}t ut pugil · cu{m} cultellus est p{ro}tector cultelloru{m}’; his original had probably cultellis, and projector; possibly protector represents a mistake, warde, or wardere.

65. #eiðer beoð#: eiðer baðe ha beoð C, with same meaning.

66. #he . . . him . . . he#: ho . . . hire . . . ho T, and so hire for him in the next three lines. #warpeð#: so C; warpes T; worpeð N. #from#: frommard N; see 77/63 note. #skirmeð#, directs, aims: ‘i{m}pu{n}g{na}t,’ M. P has kerueþ.

67. #eawles#, hooks; comp. 120/126: used of the torturer’s hook, SK 2178; SM 6/28; the ‘īsen hoc’ of BH 43/25. In Ælf. Gloss. 316/6 #āwul# glosses L. fascinula (= fuscinula), the Vulgate word at 1 Sam. ii. 14, which is a diminutive of fuscina, ‘quoddam instrumentum ferreum . . . quo vtuntur . . . piscatores ad pisces capiendos, coci ad carnes extrahendas de caldario,’ Catholicon. F has ‘crochouns’; M ‘cum creag{ri}s’: creagra (= κρεάγρα), fleshhook, occurs in the Vulgate at 2 Paralip. iv. 11, 16. Similarly, ‘And when þai hadde on hym ylayd | Her scharpe hokes al þo | It was in a sori playd | Ytoiled boþe to ⁊ fro,’ Desputisoun, ed. Linow, 56/477.

67-69. #skirmi--ut#: M has dimicabunt for #pleien#; but otherwise nothing corresponding to this passage: F ‘ietteru{n}t, lun vers laltre[;] sicome pesce de policon ⁊ despeies denf{er} le p{er}cer{un}t parmi.’

68. #dusten#, fling; a word characteristic of the group SK, SJ, SM; comp. 120/127: dunchen P, push, strike. #pilche clut#, rag of a pilch, whether that means a garment of fur or skin, or the nether garment of an infant: but the latter meaning is not evidenced till the seventeenth century.

69. #asneasen#: snesen C; sneasin T; alsnesien N; stingen V; pierce: OE. #āsnǣsan#. For #ꝥ# see 1/10 note.

72. #tutel#, mouth: the word, which occurs only in AR, descends from a Teutonic root, meaning something projecting, comp. Franck, _s.v._ Tuit; in its English use it has acquired a derivative meaning like its O. French congener tuel, tuelet, pipe, passage: comp. ‘þe veond of helle . . . went þurh þe tutel ꝥ is euer open into þe heorte,’ AR 74/7, ‘ȝeoniinde tuteles,’ (= aures prurientes) 80/15. For the verb #tuteleð#, whispers, comp. 64/88; ‘þinne tutelinde muð,’ AR 106/28; ‘garulat ei q{ui}cq{uit} uult,’ M. For #eare# C has arm.

73. #hwam se#: se C. #idel of god#, not occupied in good; comp. 64/87; ‘uol of zennes, and ydel of alle guode,’ Ayenbite, 131/12; ‘ydel of guode workes,’ id. 218/20: the construction with _of_ is rare; Wiclif has from: ‘huclif (read hucsif) de bien faire,’ F; ‘ociosis,’ M.

74. #underueð#: underfeð C; underuoð N; vndertakes T; vnderfongeþ P; vnderuongeþ V: underweng B is no doubt for underuengþ. #ȝemeles#: C has scheomeles corrected into ȝemeles. #is þes#: is tis T; is wel C.

75. #bearnes#: so C; barnes V: but bermes N; barm T; barme P: ‘le dormir al filz del diable ⁊ a la fille,’ F; ‘Ociu{m} ⁊ negligencia ⁊ so{m}nus sunt pueri diaboli,’ M, surely a translator’s mistake. For #abreiden# T has abreien.

76. #wontreaðe#: comp. 121/129, 143/96: wṛontrede C; wondrede N; wand{re}ðe T: OWScand. vandrǽði (Björkman, 92, 290). V substitutes serwen: P for this and the next word, wonderlich.

77. #echeliche#: so T; ateliche CN; ferfulliche V. M has nothing corresponding to ⁊--wakien: F ‘en la meseise denf{er} pardurablement veillera,’ but no Latin quotation. #Surgite# &c.: all the MSS. agree with B in this quotation. Part of it is in S. Jerome, ‘Semper tuba illa terribilis vestris perstrepet auribus, Surgite mortui, venite ad iudicium,’ ed. Martianay, 1706, v. 438; also in Alanus, ‘Vos qui iacetis in sepulchris surgite et occurrite ad iudicium salvatoris,’ 63 b.

79. #Þe--esken#: the readings are, Þe giscere is his eskebach fareð abuten esken C; Þe ȝisc{er}e is his askebaðe · fares abute{n} askes T; Þe ȝiscare is þes feondes askebaðie ⁊ lið eu{er} iþen asken · ⁊ fareð abuten asken N; Þe couetous mon · is þe fendes askebaþi · ffareþ abouten asken V; Þe coueitouse man haþ swich a bay þ{a}t he liþ eu{er}e in þe askes ⁊ askes al aboute{n} hym P. askebaðe is a Scandinavian word, meaning one who bathes or sits in ashes, similar are Danish askefis, blower in ashes, askepot, wallower in ashes (Björkman, 135, 6), and the English dialectal ashypet. #feareð abuten esken#, is busy with ashes: the usual _prep._ is with; comp. 5/6. The form of the expression agrees with 56/36, 58/92, and contrasts with the vague ‘Cupidi est officiu{m} cineres co{n}gregare · cumulare ⁊ cumulos multiplicare’ M: F has ‘Li couoitous en son despit enfant qest touȝ iours entour la ceindre ⁊ ententiuement sentremette damonceiller la ceindre ensemble a g{ra}nȝ ⁊ plusours monceals,’ where despit is probably a mistake for esp{er}it and qest for gist; the passage looks like a translation of an original wrongly read as, þe ȝiscere in his estre babe lið euer abuten asken.

80. #ruken#, heaps: probably a Scandinavian word (Björkman, 252): used in this sense still in North and North-Midland dialects.

81. #peaðereð#, pokes, stirs up: paðereð CN; puðeres T; poþereþ P; Piþeriþ V. A word of obscure origin: potter, pother, of same meaning, represent it in modern Yorkshire and Lincolnshire dialects: ‘palpat ⁊ planat,’ M; ‘Trestourne la cendre de fusiaus,’ F. #augrim#: ‘algorismi,’ M; arithmetic.

82. #canges#, fool’s: for the word, which is characteristic of the AR, SK, HM group, see Björkman, 290, note 4. T substitutes askebaðes. P reads conions; F has ‘cangon.’

84. After #wis mon# T adds ⁊ wummo{n}, and for #eorðlich# T has worldlich.

85. #ahte# appears to have been repeated by mistake from the foregoing. #ablendeð#, probably from ‘Quid aliud detrahentes faciunt, nisi in pulverem sufflant, atque in oculos suos terram excitant,’ S. Gregorii Opera, ii. 193.

86. #bolheð#, inflates: boleȝeð C; boluweð N; bolhes T; bolneþ P; bloweþ V. M strangely, ‘excecant (i.e. cineres) insufflantem ⁊ inflant’: F ‘Cest qi se enfle par eus en orgoil de queor.’

87. #mare--neodeð# belongs to #ethalt#: T has mare þen hire nedes.

88. #wurðen him#, become for him; ‘vertet{ur},’ M. T has hire, and similarly twice in the next line. #tadden#: frouden P; see 46/273. #ba#: boðe N; Baðe T.

89. #hwitel#: whittel P; OE. #hwītel# is usually a mantle, cloak; the sense here accords better with Icel. hvítill; it means a blanket spread over the bed straw to lie on. So the poor man in Piers Plowman has a too short ‘substratum,’ ‘when he streyneþ hym to strecche · þe straw is hus whitel,’ C 284/76; Walter of Henley quotes as an English proverb, ‘wo þat strechet forþerre þan his wytel wyle reche, in þe straue his fet he mot streche,’ Husbandry 4/6. ‘de v{er}mib{us} erit tam coop{er}toriu{m} q{ua}m substratoriu{m},’ M; ‘son cou{er}tour ⁊ sa coilte,’ F; coilte meaning mattress. The reading of N, his kurtel ⁊ his kuuertur, spoils the meaning.

90. #Subter# &c.: Isa. xiv. 11; the Vulgate has erunt vermes.

92. For #manciple# M has mancipium, which may = manceps, purveyor. #ah#: Uor N: TP omit.

94. #neppes#, drinking cups, but Morton translates ‘table cloth.’ nepp C; neppe N; nappes TP; cuppe V; ‘ciphis,’ M; ‘hanaps,’ F. #crohhe#: so T; crochȝe C; OE. #crōh#: crocke NPV; OE. #crocca#: ‘urceolo,’ M; ‘poot,’ F.

95. #bismuddet#: so BT, a form found here only; comp. ‘smod,’ stain, E. E. Allit. Poems, 59/711: bismotted V, from be + smot; both words mean besmutted, smudged. C has bismuðeled, which, with ð for d, appears to be a derivative of *besmud. bismitted N; OE. #smittian#, to stain; discoloured. bismoked P, grimed with smoke, is a substitution for a less familiar word. #bismulret#: bismurlet T; bismorlet V point to a *#smyrlian# from #smyrels#, ointment: bismeored C; bismeoruwed N; bismured B; bismered P, besmeared, are variant spellings of the same word; OE. #besmierwan#. ‘perfusus et fedatus,’ M, a colourless expression beside the vigorous English; ‘esmite ⁊ enbroe,’ F. #scale#: OWScand. skál, bowl (Björkman, 92, 93): schale CP; scoale N; skale T; bolle V.

96. #mis wordes#, words mispronounced; comp. 62/43 note for another meaning: ‘iargoune paroles corrumpneme{n}t,’ F. P omits all from Meaðeleð to fallen. #haueð imunt#, has an inclination; OE. #gemyntan#, intend, purpose: the use here is peculiar: þat is in poynt to fallen V; ‘en pensee de cheir,’ F.

98. ‘Ecce servi mei’ &c., Isa. lxv. 13.

99. #hungrin#: impersonal; comp. 188/390.

100. #feorle#: apparently for feorli = OE. #fǣrlic#, sudden; used in ME. for wonder: it may have been suggested by vos confundemini in the next verse: comp. ‘Tamquam prodigium factus sum multis,’ Ps. lxx. 7. But all the MSS. are with B, and F has ‘vous serieȝ la pouture del enemy.’ #Quantum# &c.: Apocal. xviii. 7. The following #Contra# &c. is adapted from ‘in poculo, quo miscuit, miscete illi duplum.’ M has the Latin of the text. CN read luctum ⁊ tormentum.

103. #kealche#: kelche BT; keache C. V has ȝif þ{o}u þe kelche þe cuppe. Wallynde bras to drinken, and P ȝiue þe gloton þe coppe · he þat wil eu{er}e drynk · Coppe in glotonye ȝiue hy{m} wellande bras to drinken, from which it is evident that they regarded kelche as an independent word, perhaps as = OE. #celic#, cup, used for drinker. But the construction points to a compound, kelche-cuppe, of which the first element must be a verb, perhaps the word which has survived in the Northern dialects as kelch, to throw up, keiltch, an upward lift or push; giving a meaning for the combination of tosspot. M has ‘miscete ei duo. pro cyphatu potus: date ei es candens’; where cyphatus means the man provided with a cup (scyphus). N has gulchecuppe, compound from gulchen, to swallow greedily; comp. ‘ne beo hit neuer so bitter, ne iueleð he hit neuer[;] auh gulcheð in ȝiuerliche,’ AR 240/2 (gluccheð A; glucches T). #wallinde bres#: comp. 146/118.

104. #swelte inwið#, burn within: form from #sweltan#, to swoon, die, with meaning from #swelan#, to burn: aswelte wiðinnen N: ‘qil arde tout de denȝ,’ F; M has nothing corresponding to ȝeot--inwið. #aȝein# &c.: comp. ‘Aȝaines an likinge; habben twa ofþunchunges,’ HM 7/35.

B. THE OUTER RULE

Passages in C (mostly interlined or marginal) which are not in N are inserted between asterisks in the text of the latter. The collations at the foot of pp. 60-75 show the other divergences of C and those of T from N; when not followed by any letter they give the readings of T; those followed by C are the readings of C, while B indicates agreement of T and C as against N.

The Eighth Book of the Ancrene Wisse consists of a brief introduction, to the effect that the outer rule is not rigidly binding, and seven sections (‘stucchenes’ 72/188) treating of i. eating and drinking; ii. worldly possessions and dealings, ll. 1-25; iii. clothes, 26-67; iv. occupations, 67-100; v. care of the person, 101-20; vi. servants, 120-222; vii. use of the rule, and conclusion, 223-39.

1. #bute--reade# corresponds to frequent phrases in the Gilbertine Rule, like ‘nisi necessitas postulet aliqua hoc fieri,’ ‘nisi magister aliter iusserit.’ With the former compare 60/18, 62/20, 64/84, 74/217; with the latter 60/13, 62/30, 37, 66/98; ‘þes riwle ⁊ alle oðre beoð in owres scriftes read ⁊ in oweres meistres breoste,’ MS. C f. 190. The master is ‘presbyter aliquis senex maturus moribus, cui raro, nisi de confessione et animae aedificatione, [inclusa] loquatur. A quo consilium accipiat in dubiis, in tribulationibus consolationem,’ Ailred, 642 c.

3. #þuncheð bet#, seemeth to be rather. The contrast of Martha and Mary, the active and the contemplative life, is a favourite topic in the AR; ‘Husewifschipe is Marthe dole[;] and Marie dole is stilnesse and reste of alle worldes noise,’ 414/16. Less frequently it is Lya and Rachel that are opposed, Hugh of S. Victor, i. 133.

5. #for# &c.: the passage is based on Ailred, ‘Aliae [inclusae] . . . pecuniae congregandae vel multiplicandis pecoribus inhiant: tantaque cum hac sollicitudine in his extenduntur, ut eas matres vel dominas familiarum existimes, non anachoretas. Quaerunt aliquibus pascua, pastores . . . Sequitur emptio et venditio’ &c., 641 c, but its vivid detail and interest are all the writer’s own.

6. #Olhnin#, wheedle, get on the right side of; a word peculiar to AR, SJ, SK, SM; ‘couendra . . . de querre la g{ra}ce de messer,’ F. #heiward#: OE. *#hægweard# occurring in _dat._ hæigwerde; adopted by the writer of Quadripartitus, p. 22 (_c._ 1100), as heiwardo, _d._, but often called messor; among other duties, he kept cattle out of the enclosed fields and impounded strays: see Liebermann, Gesetze, i. 452; Leo, Rectitudines, 245. #wearien#: warien NCT; OE. #wergian#, curse, revile; comp. ‘ne ne warien hwon me agulteð to ou,’ AR 186/2, 284/22; ‘Ȝe ne schulen uor none þinge ne warien, ne swerien,’ 70/20: ‘mandir (for maudir) le q{a}nt il les enparke,’ F.

7. #ȝelden# &c., and moreover pay for the damage done. #wat crist#: comp. ‘Deu le set,’ AR 382/17. #hwen# &c., when there is complaint among the people at large about the recluse’s cattle, or possibly, wealth. The order of the words forbids the explanation, ‘complaint of anchoresses’ cattle in an enclosure,’ Morris. For the vague use of #in tune#, comp. KH 153 note. Comp. ‘si bestias haberetis, aliena pascua forsitan occupare{n}t, essetque magnus clamor vicinorum dicentium: Utinam isti eremitae nunquam advenissent, nam multiplex eorum possessio multiplex nobis infert impedimentum,’ S. Stephani Grandimontensis Regula; De bestiis non habendis; Migne, P. L. cciv. col. 1143: possibly the source of this place.

8. #Nu þenne# introduces a command, 123/218, 126/311, or request 119/78, or argument 122/191, but its use here for still, notwithstanding, is peculiar. Note that the scribe of T deleted þenne in favour of þah.

10. #ifestnet#: L has nothing corresponding to the following ancre--heorte, but instead ‘Cauens en{im} psalmista [di]cente. Nolite cor appon[ere]’; a reference to Ps. lxi. 11.

11. #driue#, practise, pursue: comp. 130/72; ‘þa þe þone ceaþ drifað,’ Benedictine Rule, ed. Schröer, 95/11; ‘ꝥ nis bute dusilec | al ꝥ ha driueð,’ SK 424, 5, 1798; ‘long wune is her driuen,’ GE 1681. #chepilt#, a female trader, one who buys to sell at a profit, as the text explains.

12. #efter#: see 7/53. #chepeð#, offers for sale, with _dat._ chapmon; comp. ‘And chepte heom to sullen vre helare,’ OEM 40/115, but with prep. in sense of buying, ‘Ȝif me cheapeð on of þeos et ou,’ AR 190/8.

14 C: the addition þah--wordes, not in any other MS., is noteworthy: F has nothing corresponding to it or to the sentence in A, þing--honden.

14. #sumhwile#: he is probably thinking of the Fathers of the Desert, who plaited mats of palm, for the Vitas Patrum was a favourite book of his. The regulation is only of general application, these sisters being fully provided for.

15. #wite#, take charge of: in troublous times the anchorhold would be regarded as a place of safe deposit. #of#: so CN, but T omits (correct footnote by deleting B); it depends on #Nawt#. ‘Rien ne gardeȝ en v{os}tre maisone daltrui choses,’ F. In N #of# must be partitive, for witen takes the _acc._ of the thing guarded: see 118/52 note.

16. #boistes#, boxes, caskets, mostly for ointment, but here probably jewel cases. #chartres#, deeds; probably the earliest instance. #Scoren#, scrolls: OF. escroe; comp. ‘Scrowe oðer quaer,’ AR 282/29.

17. #cyrograffes#, indentures, bonds; an early instance of the word. #calices#: there was a special objection, ‘nulla femina . . . calicem Domini tangat,’ Udalrici Sermo Synodalis, Migne, P. L. cxxxv. 1071 b.

18. #strengðe#, violence: comp. 40/168: ‘bute vor neod one, als strengðe ⁊ deaðes dred,’ AR 6/23; ‘auh teares doð him strencðe’ (= lacrima cogit), id. 244/27; ‘Ne dede dieuel him none strengþe,’ VV 113/19. F has ‘force.’

20. #makeð--hus#, causes your house to be laid open; comp. 117/8, 118/28; ‘oðer ȝif þu iherdest þeoues breken þine woawes,’ AR 242/23. The Gilbertine Rule, while forbidding access to the nuns ordinarily, says ‘propter ignis incendium vel mortis instantis periculum, vel propter furtum et latrocinium omnibus sustinemus introitum,’ p. *lxxvi.

22. #seoð#: comp. ‘Nullich ꝥ no mon iseo ou bute he habbe leaue speciale of ower meistre,’ AR 56/21; ‘inclusa etiam facie velata loqui debet cum viro,’ Ailred, 642 d. #wel mei don of#, it matters little about: #don# means originally, serve, suffice, as in ‘that will do,’ but the phrase with the words in this order is specialized: comp. ‘Ah wel mæi do{n} hu hit ga[;] for wræcches we beoð æuere ma,’ L 12754, 5; ‘Scheome is understonden bi þe reade[;] auh wel mei don,’ AR 356/11, where Morton mistranslates. Quite different is, ‘an olde ancre mei don wel ꝥ tu dest vuele,’ AR 52/9. T has duhen here, as A at 64/59 and C at 65/52, ordinarily meaning to be of profit, to avail, but the sense is the same as in the phrase containing don. The construction is impersonal; ancre is _dative_ at 64/59, 65/52, as at 64/74: for #of#, concerning, comp. ‘he . . . dyde of heom ꝥ he wolde,’ AS. Chron. D 208/9. ‘De colore aute{m} vest{ium} non est m{u}ltu{m} curandu{m},’ L; ‘ne puit chaler de voȝ draps,’ F.

23. #unorne#, plain, rough: ‘vils,’ F; ‘du{m} [ta]me{n} no{n} n[im]is (?) exq{ui}site,’ L. But Förster (Morsbachs Studien l. 171) would translate, ordinary, usual.

24. #ow to neodeð#: comp. ‘nimen . . . þet hire to neodeð,’ AR 414/24. #ow# is _dat._ depending directly on the verb, the usual construction of the person in EME. for neoden and neod, comp. 123/210; #to# is adverbial and a superfluity, quite in the manner of the writer, comp. ‘þurh hwat muhte sonre ful luue of aquiken,’ AR 58/10; ‘þet ich spec er of þeruppe,’ id. 372/23; 130/80 note. Contrast, ‘Nefde he nane neode to us ac we hefden muchele neode to him,’ OEH i. 123/35, where to = of. #to bedde#: comp. ‘to ruggen and to bedde[;] iscrud mid gode webbe,’ L 19946, 7; ‘Nowe is the tyme of the yere when provysion was wont to be made . . . of ther wynter vesturys [to] theyr bodyes and to ther beddis,’ Wright, Suppression of Monasteries, 68/4: ‘a lit ⁊ a dos,’ F.

26. #linnene#: its use in any form was a great concession. It was noted that Abbot Roger Norreys of Evesham, in his contempt for the Rule, ‘camisiis et lintheaminibus . . . palam utebatur,’ Chron. Abb. de Evesham, 104. #hearde#, hard; _pl._ of heard, l. 44: #herde# N 28 is the same word, but Morris glosses it, hards, hurds, tow, and heorden, hards of flax, referring both to #heordan#, without accounting for the difference in form. The meaning, of hards and of coarse hards, is not satisfactory. F has ‘sil ne seit de stupeȝ ⁊ de grosses estoupes’; the two nouns appear to be an Anglo-French and a French form from the same Latin word, stupa. Possibly the former means tow of flax and the latter tow of hemp; anyhow the cloth was called stupacium. Comp. generally, ‘Porro talia ei vestimenta sufficiant quae frigus repellant. Grossioribus peliciis utatur, & pellibus propter hyemem, propter aestatem autem unam habeat tunicam: utroque vero tempore duas de stupacio camisias vel staminas,’ Ailred, 644 e.

27. #Stamin#: OF. estamine, an under-garment loosely woven of coarse wool, nearly as uncomfortable as a hair shirt, ‘camiseam de grossiori panno [habeant], si voluerint’ of the Gilbertine Rule, p. *lxxix. ‘Estamiȝ,’ F.

28. #hetter#, garment: ‘vn de voȝ vestures,’ F. OE. _pl._ #hæteru#, often in ME. as singular. ‘Vestiti quoque dormiant et cincti, vt semper sint parati,’ Grimlaici Regula Solitariorum, in Holstenii Codex, i. 291. Lay folk did not in those days wear night clothes. #leoðeliche#, loosely: the ME. adverb corresponding to the OE. adjective #liþig#, flexible; comp. OWScand. liðugr, free: liðeliche, 72/194 is OE. #līþe#, soft. The writer here and elsewhere shows himself anxious to mitigate the austerities of his pupils. F has nothing corresponding to swa--under.

30. #cunne# is historically genitive plural: see 132/9 note and 81/80 note. #schriftes#, confessor’s: the ‘meistre’ of 60/2: comp. 80/62; ‘bi ure shriftes rede,’ OEH ii. 55/29; ‘mid ðe rade of þine scrifte,’ VV 127/2. In F ‘sanȝ congie de son confessour’ corresponds to ‘wiðute schriftes leaue,’ 62/33.

31. #ilespiles felles#, hedgehogs’ skins: OE. #igil#, #īl#, hedgehog + #pīl#, prickle; the compound is used in ME. for the animal. Comp. ‘⁊ alle [sunnen] weren prikiende so piles on ile | He biþ þicke mid piles,’ Worc. Frag. F 21, 2. In #irspiles# N 30 _r_ is probably due to OF. heriçun: F has ‘peel diricon.’

31 N. #ileðered# in this MS. only: it must mean, furnished with leather thongs: F has ‘[pl]umbee.’

32. #holin#: OE. #holegn#, #holen#, holly.

33. #binetli#, whip with nettles: NED. quotes from Cotgrave, ‘_enortier_, to benettle.’

34. #biuoren#, in front of the body. #ne na keoruunge#, practise no cutting or mutilation. #ed eanes#, at any one time. F ‘a nule foiȝ.’

35. #luðere#, severe, lit. wicked. #disceplines#: ‘smerte smiten of smale longe ȝerden,’ OEH ii. 207/6. Comp. ‘Disciplina pacis nostre super eum, seið Isaye, þus ure beatunge ueol upon him,’ AR 366/14, 346/24.

36. #cundeliche#: for sicknesses which come in the natural course they must not put faith in or try remedies which are unnatural, such as the nostrums of the herb-woman: see 54/6 note. The writer in another place, 368, says that recluses are apt to be far too much concerned about bodily health.

37. #leste# &c., lest worse befall you: see 30/18. #leste# descends from #þȳ lǣs þe#; this is an early instance of its use.

38. #meoke#, soft, supple; comp. 64/66: the only instances in English of the use of this word in the material sense of OWScand. mjúkr as in Icel. mjúk-hendr, soft-handed. ‘In yeme utamini sotularib{us} grossis ⁊ callidis,’ L.

39. #Hosen wiðute vampez#, stockings without feet; the ‘chausses’ were usually footed. ‘En chauces sanȝ auant pieȝ gise qi voudra,’ F; ‘In caligis sine pedalib{us} dormiet{is},’ L. #vampez#, _pl._ of vampe or vampey, are properly the front part of a boot, the ‘uppers’ (avant pied), here they mean the whole covering of the foot. In Cavendish’s Life of Wolsey (ed. Singer 335), Wolsey is represented as saying, ‘we do intend . . . to go afoot . . . in the vamps of our hosen,’ i.e. in our stocking feet. The second #and# in 35 N is superfluous.

40. #Ischeoed--bedde#: another prohibition of undue austerities. The passage is not in any other of the English MSS., nor in F, but L has ‘calciatis nu{m}qu{am} n{e}c nisi in lecto.’

41. #Sum--wereð#, it may be that some woman wears &c. For #inohreaðe# see 56/43; F has ‘parauenture’ here as there. #brech#, drawers; OE. #brēc#, _pl._ of #brōc#, answering to femoralia of the monastic Rules. #here#, haircloth; OE. #hǣre#.

42. #streapeles#, the legs of the drawers; especially so called when they were closely confined to the limb by cross-gartering. They were worn by men also: see Strutt’s Complete View of the Dress &c. i, plates 31, 49, 56, for good illustrations. OE. #strapul#: ‘Hoc tibiale: a strapylle,’ Wright, Vocab. 775/18, 734/23. F has ‘les braeis de heire m[u]lt bien noueȝ les tiguns aual desqe a pieȝ mult ferm laceȝ,’ but nothing corresponding to #ah--here#, which is in A alone: and yet it is necessary to the sense. The writer does not approve of the ‘brech of here,’ a sweet and patient disposition is better, an often-repeated idea; ‘Þis is Godes heste, þet him is muchele leouere þen þet tu ete gruttene bread, oðer werie herde here,’ AR 186/10. L is with A, ‘Alique utu{n}tur femoralib{us} ciliciu{m}. Mallem tame{n} in vobis cor humile ⁊ pote{n}s s{us}tinere dura v{er}ba · et p{ro}brosa · q{uam} duru{m} ciliciu{m} portare.’

43. #swete . . . swote#: a frequent combination: comp. ‘swete ⁊ swote iheorted,’ AR 118/3; ‘so unimete swote ⁊ swete,’ id. 102/26. #þolien#: comp. ‘A mis-word þet ȝe þolieð . . . ȝe nolden sullen hire uor al þe worldes golde,’ AR 190/7.

44. #ȝef--wullen#, If you can do without wimples, and you would doubtless wish to do so.

45. #beoð bi#, have for use: comp. ‘beoð bi þe leste þet heo euer muwen,’ AR 350/7; ‘gifð us al þat we bi ben,’ OEH ii. 69/29, 179/6. Similarly, ‘ne na mâ wifa þonne ân hæbbe, ac beo be þære anre þa hwile, þe heo lybbe,’ Wulfstan, 271/14 (B.-T.); ‘ne æac maran getilige to haldænne þonne ic gêmetlice bi beon mage,’ Blooms, ES xviii. 343/43. #cappen#: the ‘mitras lineas, nigras et forratas de agninis pellibus’ of the Gilbertine Rule, p. *lxxix.

46. #wimplunge#: so S. Bernard contrasts the wimpled fine lady and the veiled nun, ‘Risus immoderatior, incessus lascivior, vestitus ornatior wimplatae magis quam velatae congruerent,’ i. 123 f. The wimple was a long strip of fine linen which encircled the head, neck, and the top of the shoulders; at this time one end of it hung down along the left arm. There is a good illustration of it in Shaw’s Dresses and Decorations, i, on the middle figure of plate 10. Like other linen clothing, it was at this time coloured with saffron; ‘hire winpel wit, oðer maked geleu mid saffran,’ OEH ii. 163/32; Rel. Ant. ii. 15/8; the ‘ȝeolewe clað’ of 82/108. The long passage from Ancren l. 46 to wimplunge l. 59 is in AC only; in the latter it is added on the margin, which has been cropped. L is very fragmentary at this point, but it had matter corresponding to A.

47. #cundeliche#, by reason of her sex, because she is a woman, and ordered as such by S. Paul to veil her head.

48. #heaued clað#: the ‘couvre-chef,’ a veil of fine linen worn on the head. Holy Scripture says nothing of wimples or other head-dress, but speaks of covering only. ‘Si turpe est mulieri tonderi aut decalvari, velet caput suum,’ 1 Cor. xi. 6.

51-55. The source of this passage is probably, ‘Linus papa . . . constituit ut mulieres in ecclesia velatae sint. Et hoc propter tres causas fit: una est, cum sint decipula diaboli, ne laxis earum crinibus iuvenum animi illaqueentur; . . . tertia est ut reatus originalis peccati, qui per mulierem evenit, ad memoriam nobis revocetur. Iudex quippe malorum est Christus: sacerdos eius vicarius. Ante sacerdotem ergo debet se mulier velare velut rea et tanti mali sibi conscia coram iudice celare. Unde dicit Apostolus, ut mulier velata sit propter angelos, id est sacerdotes,’ Honorius Augustodunensis (Migne, P. L. clxxii) 589 d. #sunfule# goes with eue; comp. 63/44.

52. #on earst#, at the beginning, would correspond to OE. *#on ǣrest#, which is apparently not found: OE. #on ǣr# means beforehand. Comp. ‘on erest,’ AR 264/8; ‘on earst,’ SM 14/7; ‘on alre earst,’ HM 17/25; SM 14/4. The phrase is confined to AR and its group; elsewhere at erst is used.

53. #drahe#, divert from their proper use: a rare meaning. #tiffunge#, adornment.

54. If #ȝetten# means yet, furthermore, it repeats and reinforces #Eft#. As a form it seems to be quite isolated: it may be derived from ȝette and owe its final _n_ to the influence of such pairs as ofte, often; uppe, uppen; buten, bute; seþþen, seþþe. #ȝette# 47 C is also a rare form; comp. 76/19; HM 13/9, 43/13; ‘ewt ꝥ mon seið þe oðer deð ȝette,’ id. 43/21. It can hardly come from #gīeta#, which gives ȝete; perhaps it is for ȝet + þe, like þætte for þæt þe: þe ȝet is frequent in Layamon.

55. #þurh hire onsihðe#, through the seeing of her: comp. 124/253, perhaps the only other place where the word occurs: it is possibly formed on the analogy of OE. #ansīen#. #Et hoc# &c.: ‘Ideo debet mulier potestatem habere supra caput propter Angelos,’ 1 Cor. xi. 10.

56. #iwimplet#: the writer is addressing an imaginary disciple who insists on the wimple as satisfying the requirements of S. Paul. He replies that the apostle requires more; the face also must be veiled; his words are directed against the recluse who receives visits from men. The wimple can be dispensed with by the recluse who keeps within her walls and avoids the sight of men. The visits of various people to the recluse are often referred to; see AR 56/20, 58/5, 68/16.

57. #þe# is for þe þe, as in C and at 64/60.

59. #wel# is a mistake for þurl due to anticipation of the following wel. Three windows are mentioned, that looking into the church, the ‘chirche þurl,’ AR 68/16; the parlour window, through which they converse with visitors and communicate with the servants, the ‘þurl’ of 74/209, AR 68/19; and the house window, the ‘rund windowe’ of the text. Each window was hung inside and out with black cloths marked with a white cross, AR 50/2, 96/10, and furnished with shutters; compare the elaborate regulations for the windows in the Gilbertine Rule, Dugdale, *lxxv. #wel mei duhen#: see 62/22 note: #ancre# is dative.

60. #þus ne dest#, i.e. hidest not thyself from men’s gaze.

61. #þer . . . of#, thereby, by reason of that, see 1/3 note: so ‘hwarof,’ whereby AR 58/22.

63. #þah#, if. Comp. ‘Ȝif we weopeð for ure owune [sunnen] hit is nout muchel wunder,’ AR 312/23. ‘ki qe vult estre veue mes qele satife nest pas g{ra}nt m{er}ueille,’ F.

64. #untiffet wið uten#: comp. 1 Pet. iii. 3, 4.

65. #broche#: ‘fermail,’ F; ‘firmaculos,’ L (should be firmacula). #imembret#, striped, parti-coloured: comp. ‘Singuli Fratres singulas zonas tantum habeant, sintque zonae eorum simplicis corrigiae, sine fibulis & absque omni tinctura,’ Statuta Ord. Grandimont., Holst. ii. 303. #glouen#: comp. ‘Ut nunquam induant gantos,’ Regulae Sanctimonialium Fontis Ebraldi, Migne, P. L. clxii. 1097.

57 C-61. See 66/114-19. The scribe of C copied this passage by inadvertence at the bottom of f. 193 _r_ instead of f. 194 _r_.

66. #ow ne deh#, it is not proper for you. #meoke#, soft and pliant, not like the heavy sheepskin winter garments. See 62/38 note.

67. #greattre#, coarser and larger pieces of work, not fancy trifles.

68. #forte--wið#, with which to get yourselves friends. ‘nec eorum (i.e. friends) munuscula litterasque suscipias, nec illis tua dirigas, prout moris est, puta zonas, marsupia, quae diverso stamine & subtegmine variata sunt,’ Ailred, 642 e. In the Gilbertine Rule the nuns are forbidden to make purses embroidered with silk, p. *xciv.

69. #huue#, coif, skull-cap: OE. #hūfe#; Germ. haube. #blodbinde#, ligatures of silk to stop bleeding: ‘tenas,’ L (a LL. form = taenias). #laz#, not ‘lace’ Morris, but laces, i.e. strings for lacing garments: ‘laqueos de serico,’ L.

70. #chirche claðes#: ‘les vestementȝ de seint iglise,’ F.

72. #fore#, beforehand: OE. #fore#: without telling him about it beforehand, as well as the circumstances, your relationship to the persons, how often you receive them, how long you entertain them.

73. #tendre of cunne#, affectionate towards kindred. The story which follows is in Eudes de Cheriton (ed. Hervieux, 270) and in Jacques de Vitry (ed. Crane, 54). Both were active in the first quarter of the thirteenth century. Eudes may have found the story (which is, in any case, an interpolation) in AR, he quotes, p. 195, a variant of the proverb found in AR 96/24, ‘euer is þe eie to þe wude leie,’ and applies it correctly.

74. #⁊--him#, to whom came.

75. #efter#: see 7/53.

76. #dead biburiet#: probably and has fallen out between these words.

77. #dead gasteliche#: ‘mortuus sum in claustro sepultus,’ Eudes, 271; ‘Quanti monachorum dum patris matrisque miserentur, suas animas perdiderunt,’ S. Jerome, ii. 577.

78. The amice, L. amictus, is the oblong piece of linen which envelops the neck of a vested priest. For a good illustration see Bock, Gesch. der liturg. Gewänder des Mittelalters, ii. Tafel ii. To its upper edge is sewn an apparel which forms a collar to it. The parures, apparels, are pieces of richly embroidered cloth sewn on the amice and on the alb, two at the lower hem before and behind, two on the cuffs, and sometimes two on breast and back. See Shaw’s Dresses, i. plates 14, 16; Rock, Church of our Fathers, i. 424-66. The Gilbertines were allowed to use silk for these embroideries.

80. #mustreisun#, ostentation, boasting: OF. mo(n)straison, L. monstrationem: NED. records a later monstrison and monstration.

81. For #gode werkes# spoilt by publishing them, see the characteristic passage in AR 146-52. #Criblin#: the exact meaning of this word, hitherto unrecorded, is hard to determine. Its connexion with F. cribler, LL. criblare (in Mulomedicina Chironis, ivth cent.), L. cribrum can hardly be doubted; it must mean some kind of open work; either embroidery on a net foundation, ‘filatorium,’ or drawn-thread work, or, what seems most probable, ‘tambour,’ wherein the strips of linen stretched in a ring frame, with the pattern pierced by a bodkin and the edges of the holes thus made framed in needlework, would above all things suggest a sieve. Such work might be used for ornamenting altar cloths, or pyx cloths, or even albs (see Bock, ii. 35). It was elaborate work, such as recluses ought not to undertake.

82. #Taueles#, linen cloths which are spread on the mensa of the altar, the ‘tres tobaleae mundae’ of the Roman rite. LL. toualia, Eng. towel. #riueð#, stitches, sews together; OWScand. rifa, to tack, sew loosely together: in Scottish dialects, riv.

83. #measse kemese#, albs: OE. #cemes#, LL. camisia. #nomeliche oueregede#, especially such as are foolishly elaborate: #oueregede# is found here only; egede is a characteristic word of the group, AR 282/13; HM 39/2; SM 11/9.

84. #Helpeð# &c.: comp. ‘Quod ut fiat, videat inclusa, ut si fieri potest, de labore manuum suarum vivat, hoc enim perfectum est,’ Ailred, 641 d. A general injunction, not applicable to the sisters, for whom ample provision had been made, AR 192/16.

85. #se forð se#, as far as: comp. ‘so uorð so,’ 65/67; ‘se uorð ase,’ 75/187; ‘ase forð as,’ 72/201; ‘so uorð ase,’ AR 268/10, 382/11.

86. The reference is probably to ‘ne quemquam otiosum possit diabolus invenire, ne variis desideriis pateat cordis aditus, altera sororum libros scribat . . . suat altera cucullas sororum,’ Opera v. 442.

87. #lihtliche#, without good reason. #allunges#, altogether, wholly: the genitive form is less common than the dative, 70/154, which represents OE. #eallunga#. #of sumþing . . . idel#, without something to do: comp. 58/73. #anan rihtes#, immediately, straight away.

89. #for nawt#, to no purpose.

90. #iȝemen#: OE. #gegīeman# occurs only in the sense of treating as a patient, amending: ȝeme T means, take heed to, give attention, the variant in N, #ihwulen#, have leisure: comp. ‘hwon so ȝe euer muwen ihwulen,’ AR 44/5. Apparently it occurs nowhere else.

91. ‘In desideriis est omnis otiosus,’ comp. Prov. xxi. 26. For #awakeneð# see 54/24. ‘Ecce haec fuit iniquitas Sodomae, sororis tuae, superbia, saturitas panis et abundantia, et otium ipsius,’ Ezech. xvi. 49.

94. #rust#: ‘otium enim et desidia quasi quaedam rubigo sapientiae est,’ S. Jerome, ii. 773.

95, 96. From Ailred; ‘sunt quaedam inclusae, quae in docendis puellis occupantur, et cellam suam vertunt in scholam,’ 641 f. #forwurðe#, degenerate into; a meaning apparently found only in AR; its ordinary sense is, to perish, 54/23. Comp. ‘Þeo þet schulden one lecnen hore soule mid heorte bireousunge . . . uorwurðeð fisiciens ⁊ licomes leche,’ AR 368/28; ‘bicumeð (forwurðeð T) meister, þe schulde beon ancre,’ 64/24.

96. #ꝥ--of#, concerning whom it would be danger; comp. 1/3. For #of#, meaning ground, cause, comp. ‘strengðe of,’ 66/116; ‘gostlich fondunge þat is more dred of,’ AR 194/23: for #pliht#, risk, ‘Nu ne sceole ȝe halden eower child to plihte to longe hæþene,’ Twelfth Cent. Hom. 6/7: #dute# 79 N has the same meaning.

97. #bimong#: a form characteristic of AR and the allied writings.

99. See 64/68 note. In the next line #writen# probably means compose or copy books; comp. ‘Nulla etiam de nostris praesumat libros aliquos, vel orationes, vel meditationes scribere vel scribi facere sine assensu prioris omnium,’ Gilbertine Rule, p. *lxxxiii.

100. Their hair is to be cropped, #idoddet#, or shaven four times a year, or if any one prefers it, trimmed, #ieueset#, but in that case, the hair must be washed and combed more often, C 85; not more than seven times in the year according to the Gilbertine Rule.

102. #beo bi#, as at 62/45.

103. #as ofte#: four times a year, as in the Gilbertine Rule, p. *lvi. #þe#, who, equivalent to whoso; if any one can dispense with bloodletting; #þer buten#, without it: see NED. _s.v._ Here § 16.

105. #þe þreo dahes#, a recognized period of indulgence; ‘Minutis tribus diebus pitantia mane vinum autem bis datur . . . a laboribus vacant, ad lectos redeunt, a post prandium usque ad vesperas colloquium de bonis faciunt,’ Guigonis Consuetudines, Migne, P. L. cliii. 737.

106. #schurteð#, amuse: a rare word supposed to be cognate with Germ. scherzen. ‘Mes dalieȝ de paroles od voȝ meschines ⁊ od honestes countes solaceȝ vous ensemble,’ F.

107. #beoð#: the subject ȝe is understood from the preceding ow.

109. They were too severe in their austerities, AR 378/21, 228/18.

110. For #monluker# see 125/270 note.

115. #ꝥ--riwle# depends on #nan#. This passage corresponds to 65/57-61.

116. #strengðe#, weight, importance: a favourite word of the writer; comp. ‘of þincges wiðuten . . . nis nout muche strencðe,’ AR 12/12; ‘me schal makien strencðe of onnesse of cloþes,’ id. 12/5. For #of# see 66/97. In the introduction to part viii, he says that they must not promise, as unwise people might do, to observe any of the external rules.

117. #inre#, the inner rule, the ‘lady rule,’ to which the outer is but an handmaid: comp. AR 4/10, 12/24, 410/18.

118. #skile#, reason.

119. #þuften#, handmaid; comp. 68/123; ‘for mi lauerd biseh his þufftenes mekelac,’ HM 45/12; AR 4/11. OE. #þyften#.

120. #feareð to wundre#, goes to misfortune, ruin: OE. #wundor#, a portentous thing. Comp. 6/46 note; 117/10; ‘þu scealt to wundre gewurðan,’ AS. Hom., ed. Assmann, 174/163; ‘⁊ tukeð ham alto wundre,’ AR 380/15; ‘ȝeuest þin ahne dere bodi to tuken swa to wundre,’ HM 27/14; ‘so was ðis were to wunder brogt,’ GE 3977. #Ancre# &c.: the first clause is conditional, as at 54/11; if an anchoress have not her food close at hand, two women are busy, i.e. have plenty to do, are needed. This absolute use of #bisie#, meaning fully employed, is noteworthy. F has ‘Recluse qe nad pas sa vetaille pres · mestier ad dauer ij fe{m}mes’; L, ‘Anachorita que no{n} h{abe}t victu{m} ad manu{m} indiget duabus ancillis.’ The rule is founded on that of Ailred, ‘Itaque eligatur tibi aliqua anus, non garrula, non vaga, non litigiosa, non nugigerula . . . Haec ostium cellulae custodiat . . . Habeat sub cura sua fortiorem ad onera sustinenda puellam,’ 641 f.

121. #þe leaue#, who may remain, to stay: an intransitive use.

123. #unorne#, not ‘old,’ but plain in appearance; comp. 62/23; either a young girl or middle-aged, without adornment.

124. #beoden#, prayers: comp. ‘Cheatereð ouwer beoden euere, ase sparuwe deð þet is one,’ AR 174/24: ‘voise disant ses proiores,’ F.

129. #dame#, mistress: each of the anchoresses had her own maids; see 74/208.

132. #ȝe#: the reading of N is preferable: CT have no nominative: ‘Nul hom ne lessent entrer,’ F.

134. #oboke#, by book; comp. ‘Sum is clergesse ⁊ sum nis nout ⁊ mot . . . an oðer wise siggen hire ures,’ AR 6/12. #bi#, by the repetition of: ‘die par p{at}r{e} n{ost}res,’ F. Comp. AR 24, where the writer describes how the lay brethren of his own order say their hours.

136. Comp. ‘So þet me seið ine bisawe, “Vrom mulne ⁊ from cheping, from smiðe ⁊ from ancre huse, me tiðinge bringeð,”’ AR 88/26: Ailred, 641 b.

140. #to uuel turnen#: ‘vnde q{ui}s aliq{uid} mali pot{er}it suspicari,’ L.

141. #heaued clað#: ‘coeuere chief,’ F. #eiðer ligge ane#, let each lie by herself, comes in awkwardly among the directions about their clothes: F has it here, but T after habben, l. 143.

142. #cop# is apparently the caputium of the Gilbertine Rule: ‘Conversae vero laicae sorores vestiantur sicut monachae, cucullis et scapulari exceptis; quorum loco habeant pallia de adultis agnis forrata; et caputia earum mamillas tegentia ad formam scapulariorum sanctimonialium,’ p. *lxxxvii: so a short cape covering the shoulders instead of the longer cloak called scapular. It was to be sewn high on the breast, not closed by a brooch: hence its name #hesmel# in N, as a garment with a hole for the head to pass through; Icel. hálsmal: #istihd# in N is probably miswritten for istichd. ‘lour cotes soient par de sus closes par deuant la poitrine sanȝ fermail,’ F.

143. #unleppet#, literally unlapped, not enfolded; ‘desaffublieȝ,’ F: not in their ‘cop’ or ‘hesmel.’ OE. #læppa#, skirt. #unweawed# N, ungarmented, means the same thing, not ‘unveiled,’ Morris: comp. OE. #wǣfels#, pallium, indumentum. #open heaued#, bare-headed; ‘teste descouerte,’ F. #ihudeket# C, covered; from *#hȳdecian#, derivative of #hȳdan# (NED).

144. #cussen#: the mode of salutation then general among lay folk is forbidden them. For the custom at a much later period see Cavendish’s Life of Wolsey, ed. Singer, p. 171.

145. #toggin#, tug, pull about; comp. 186/318. T has the derivative, toggle: Sc. dialect, tuggle.

146. #aturn#, attire, or possibly, bearing, manner. OF. atourn, equipment, adornment. Comp. ‘for þi is hare aturn se briht,’ HM 23/10; ‘aturnet,’ 123/209.

147. #hwerto . . . iturnde#, in what direction they are going, what way of life they have chosen. #Hare lates# &c., let them wisely give heed to their gestures, behaviour; ‘porteures,’ F.

150. #venie#, acknowledgement of fault and petition for pardon, usually in the form of a genuflection or of a profound bow (curvatio). It was also used as a formal act of humiliation at the end of a Psalm and with the angelic salutation, as ‘cum tribus veniis totidem feci salutationes,’ Caesarius Heisterbach., ii. 33, 39: see also Ecbasis Captivi, ed. Voigt, ll. 769-72. Comp. ‘nimeð ower uenie dun et ter eorðe mid te honden one[;] oðer ualleð adun al uor muchel misnimunge,’ AR 46/27; ‘sumat veniam super terram,’ Gilbertine Rule, p. *lxxxi.

154. #do--ut#, put it utterly out.

156. #eiðer# &c., and let them raise one another and end with a kiss: #ham# in N is reciprocal.

157. #þe greatluker gulte#, who was more in fault; see 125/270.

158. #witen# &c.: see 90/73 note. #some#, concord: comp. ‘to some and to sehtnysse,’ Ælf., Hom. Cath. ii. 198/19, ‘myd sib and myd some,’ OEM 89/15; ‘sib ⁊ sæhte,’ 11/184; ‘sib wið ute uihte,’ 133/60. #somentale# in T means concord; in Orm, sammtale, in CM, samertale, concordant.

159. #umben#: see 74/229 note. For #leaððe#, OE. #lǣððo#, hatred, N has substituted the commoner #wreððe#.

160. #o brune#, alight; comp. ‘bed bringen o brune,’ SK 1355; AR 296/12. #aga#, go out; an uncommon use of a word which means, to depart. Comp. ‘That other fyr was queynt and al agon,’ Chaucer, C. T., A 2336.

161. #nond#, aphetic form of anond, onond. The emendation appears to be justified by the reading of N, although this shortened form does not occur elsewhere. All the scribes seem to have been puzzled by the peculiar use of the word; N adds a gloss ‘also.’ T has dos hond to, sets his hand to; C omits. The word is adverbial, meaning likewise; a development of #on efen#, on a level with. He doth likewise the same thing, is a tautology characteristic of the writer: ‘il fet meismes ceste chose,’ F.

162. #ꝥ he wule ꝥ#, which he wills that it should burn: comp. 7/52: ‘le quel il vult qe arde en n{ost}re queor,’ F.

163. #ne geineð nawt#, is of no avail.

164. #nohtunge#, depreciation: comp. ‘for noht oðer nohtunge,’ HM 9/1. But F interprets it otherwise, ‘ascune altre chose qe rien ne vaut.’ #to hurten#, may dash asunder: ‘par quey il seuerent lune de laltre,’ F. #to hurren# CT means, whirl asunder: comp. dialectal Danish hurre, dial. English hurr, to whirr round.

165. For #frommard# see 58/66. #cwencheð# should be cwenche or #hurten#, hurteð. An early instance of cwenchen, to be extinguished.

166. #halden ham#, let them, i.e. the brands, hold themselves firmly together.

167. #ne--of#, let them not heed; see 8/84. F has ‘⁊ ne lour seit a rien tout soffle lenemy.’

168. #monie#, i.e. brondes. #iueiet#, joined; corresponds to OE. #gefēged#, _pp._ of #gefēgan#: a favourite word of the author; comp. ‘iveied togederes,’ AR 26/9; ‘iueied somed,’ id. 308/17; ‘hope ⁊ dred beon euer iveied togederes,’ id. 336/9, 356/7. #ontende#: comp. 128/370; ‘of þeos two treon ȝe schulen ontenden fur of luue wiðinnen ower heorte,’ AR 402/7. For #wið# see 130/52: F has ‘nomeem{en}t ensemble. si plusours estes ensemble iointes ⁊ bien dam{ur} esprises,’ where the first ensemble is superfluous.

170. #schriuen ham#, let them make their confession: a new development in the meaning of the word: OE. #scrīfan# means, to hear confession, to impose penance (#scrift#). F has ‘Al p{re}stre ia le plus tard ne se co{n}fessent souent,’ where the equivalent of #noðeleater#, nevertheless, is noteworthy.

174. #se lengre se mare#: ‘a touȝ iours · plus ⁊ plus,’ F.

177. #gruchesi#, a hitherto unrecorded form, means, like the other readings, to munch, nibble. It is related to #gruse# T as the mod. dialect. forms growdge (Lincs.), grouge (Notts) are to grouze, to eat noisily (mostly Lincs.): #gruselie# N may be represented by gruzzle, to eat voraciously (Lanark). Similarly OF. groucier is grutch in ME., in mod. dialects, grouse, to grumble.

178. #liht#, readily given by the mistress; comp. 48/312. F appears to have read liþ, ‘le conge gist en toutes choses la ou ny ad pecche.’

179. #na word#: the rule for the anchoresses was, ‘Silence euere et te mete[;] vor ȝif oðre religiuse doð hit . . . ȝe owen biuoren alle,’ AR 68/21. #⁊ teo stille#, and those few in a low voice: N has added #beon#, and let those be &c. #complie#: after the anchoress has said compline, the servant must be careful not to disturb her obligatory silence. The times of silence are stated in Ailred’s thirteenth chapter. #aþet#, until; OE. #oð ðæt#, until that, a conjunctional phrase, as at 72/189, 77/61, 69, 118/23, but here a preposition; comp. ‘aþet endunge þissere weorlde,’ OEH i. 119/15; ‘aðet tes dei,’ SK 1305. þet, þat are used alone as conjunctions, until; comp. 162/248; ‘ꝥ come þes dei,’ OEH i. 33/32; KH 123 note. #a þa#, 78/71 (= a þe) represents #oð þe#, _conj._, until: so too #of# = oð, 13/15. #uort# N 73/162, until, is shortened from for te (= for to); comp. ‘slepte uort midniht,’ AR 236/25; ‘for to þe fowertuðe dai,’ OEH ii. 23/7. But it is mostly a conjunction, as at 134/64, 136/156, 151/41; ‘uort ȝe beon al greiðe,’ AR 16/6; ‘for to þe time cam,’ OEH ii. 23/4; or it forms with þet a conjunctional phrase, 73/172; ‘vort tet we speken,’ AR 64/12; ‘forte ꝥ on þen þridde dai[;] ꝥ is heorte be liht,’ OEH ii. 103/23. Finally, in ‘ȝet nabbe ȝe nout wiðstonden uorte þet þe schedunge of ower blode,’ AR 262/17, #uorte þet# is a preposition. Note the readings of TC at l. 172.

181. #hure# appears to be a repetition of the preceding: N has cloð; CT clað: ‘fors le mangier ⁊ auestir,’ F.

182. #ꝥ . . . bi#, by means of which. #flutte#, subsist; OWScand. flytja, but the meaning here answers to the reflexive flytjask, to maintain oneself: ‘dunt ele se puit sustenir,’ F. Comp. ‘þet moni þusunt muhten biflutten,’ AR 202/25, apparently the only other place where it is used in this sense. The noun fluttunge is in HM, ‘to fluttunge ⁊ to fode,’ 27/8, 29/4; SM 22/34. #Ne misleue# &c., Let no recluse’s servant have such want of confidence in God as to think that He will fail her, whatever betide the recluse. The servant may rest assured that she will be provided for in any contingency. ‘Nule ne mescroie dieu qeiqe auienge de la recluse qil lui faille,’ F. See 141/36, and for #trukie# comp. further 82/105, AR 68/6, 234/17, 356/31.

183. #þe meidnes wið uten# would seem to restrict the application of the last sentence to the aged indoor servant, see 66/121. The reading of T, þeo ꝥ arn wið ute{n}, applied to people in general who help the recluse, seems better.

184. #alswa as#, even as, just as: so ‘alriht so,’ AR 92/8. hom in T is a mistake for ho.

185. #haueð ehe . . . toward#: comp. ‘hwon ȝe habbeð touward me eien oðer honden,’ AR 76/15 (= ‘cum extenderitis manus’): ‘qi ad loil desperance v{er}s si haut louer,’ F. In N 168 ‘of’ has been lost after ‘eie,’ which cannot mean any.

186. #heh bure#, Blake’s ‘heaven’s high bower’ is quite in the manner of the writer; he has ‘breoste bur,’ AR 34/11; ‘heorte bur,’ 102/22; ‘in to þe stirrede bur bliðe to heouene,’ SM 22/12. Comp. also, ‘in to þan heuenliche bure,’ OEH ii. 167/3. A has preserved the original reading: F has ‘v{er}s si haut louer.’

187. #eise . . . este#: a frequent combination in AR, comp. ‘Eise ⁊ flesches este beoð þes feondes merken,’ AR 364/2, 136/26, 220/6, 374/27; ‘Al þe este ⁊ al þe eise is her,’ HM 29/26. ‘Od aise ne od delit ne achate hom pas tiele ioie,’ F.

188. #reden#: F has ‘lire,’ but the women would not understand French. #euche wike eanes#: ‘Quater in anno legantur scripta fratribus et sororibus,’ Gilbertine Rule, p. *xciv. #ou beoðe# in N 173, to both of you, means, to the anchoresses as well as to their servants; comp. N 176.

190. #igodet#, improved: comp. 8/92; AR 386/15.

192. #for þi as#, for the reason that: comp. 130/53. The writer affects a fullness of expression in such phrases: so ‘ȝef þet’ in the preceding line; ‘uor þi ꝥ,’ in order that, AR 66/22; ‘uor hwon þet,’ if on occasion, id. 160/3, 270/11, 300/16; ‘mid tet ꝥ,’ as soon as, id. 76/22; ‘wið þen þet,’ on condition that, id. 242/27; ‘bi þen þet,’ by that, id. 330/18. #ow#: dative, to you.

194. #liðeliche ⁊ luueliche#, gently and affectionately. #wummone lare#, teaching to women.

195. For #selthwenne sturne#, F has ‘relement estiburne’; the former word is dialectic for rarement, the latter apparently ME. stiborn, Chaucer C. T., D 456; comp. ‘Styburne, or stoburne (or sterne). _Austerus_,’ Prompt. Parv., ed. Way, 475: OF. estibourner, to palisade.

197. #eoli ⁊ win#. The source is probably, ‘Hinc namque est, quod docente Veritate per Samaritani studium semivivus in stabulum ducitur, et vinum et oleum eius vulneribus adhibetur, ut per vinum scilicet mordeantur vulnera, per oleum foveantur. Necesse quippe est ut quisquis sanandis vulneribus praeest, in vino morsum doloris adhibeat, in oleo mollitiem pietatis,’ S. Gregorii Pastoralis Cura, ii, ch. 6. The biographer of S. Gilbert says he applied this teaching, ‘Quoniam autem vulneribus saucii nunc vinum, nunc oleum infundere debet Samaritanus qui interpretatur custos, studuit . . . medicus iste animarum utroque uti genere medicamenti.’ Dugdale, p. *vi. Wine is mystically interpreted justice; oil, mercy.

199. #suhinde#, biting, smarting: perhaps connected with OWScand. svíða: a Northern word, see Minot, v. 12 note and EDD _sou_. C substitutes sturne.

200. #luue eie#, love-fear; ‘doute en am{ur},’ F. Comp. ‘With loue awe, sone, þy wyfe chastyse,’ How the Wyse Man taught hys Sone, 33/140, where the editor reads lone; ‘frigti luue,’ 197/18. The words are often associated, as ‘And quat for luue and quat for age,’ GE 3632.

201. #icnaweð#, confess: arn cnawe in T means are confessing; OE. #gecnǣwe#; see KH 983 note. #Ase forð as#: see 64/85: ‘Ausi auant come v{us} poeȝ,’ F.

203. #nearowe#, strict, sparing: comp. ‘hold hire neruwe,’ AR 268/25; ‘neruwe domesmon,’ id. 156/14; ‘et te neruwe dome,’ id. 308/9. It is a noun in the next line, as is #wide#, l. 205: ‘lestreit del corn . . . le large,’ F. #hearde#: as they in fact were; ‘Noðeleas, leoue sustren, ower mete and ower drunch haueð iþuht me lesse þen ich wolde,’ AR 412/28. Similarly Ailred, ‘parcissimo cibo vix corpus sustentas,’ 644 c.

205. #ȝe don#, may ye do, do ye.

207. #ahnes#, own; a gen. sing., corresponding to OE. #āgnes#, in a sort of apposition to #ower#: so aunes in C: the construction is probably the same in ‘His ahȝenes þonkes he þrowede for us,’ OEH i. 121/27. With #ones# N 193, alone, comp. 147/163; ‘mid his ones mihte,’ AR 160/10, where T has the curious anres as here; ‘wið his anes wit awarpen,’ SK 591, 1283; as in Latin, ‘Mea unius opera respublica salva est.’ In OE. are found, ‘mid þines anes ȝeþeahte,’ Boethius, ed. Fox, 128/19; ‘ðæt ge ures nanes ne siendon,’ Cura Past. 211/14, where the possessive has conformed to the adjective.

209. #cumeð# &c., pay a visit to your maids for relaxation. With #froure# comp. ‘iuvencula quaedam quae ei (sanctimoniali) ad solatium fuerat deputata,’ Caesarius Heisterbach., ii. 216. #cumeð . . . to þe þurl#: comp. the rule as to visits of the recluse’s friends, ‘ȝif eni haueð deore gist, do hire meiden ase in hire stude te gladien hire uere, ⁊ heo schal habben leaue to openen hire þurl enes oðer twies ⁊ makien signes touward hire of one glede chere,’ AR 68/22. #earunder#, before undern, noon: undern is from nine to twelve, sometimes twelve as here and at 206/323, sometimes nine as at 220/205: comp. ‘ereyesterday,’ the day before yesterday, quoted from Coverdale in NED iii. 267. With #ouerunder#, after undern, comp. ‘ofer non,’ Wulfstan, 205/9; ‘ouernon,’ afternoon, R. of Gloucester, ed. Wright, 7302, 7487; ‘mydouernoon,’ Hymns to the Virgin, 84/49; ‘þy feorþan dæge ofor undern,’ BH 93/14. The dialectic overday, overnight, overyear refer to the past day &c.

210. #note gastelich#, spiritual occupation, duties.

211. #sitte# &c.: do not remain at the window talking to them past the proper time for compline.

213. #hurten heorte#, wound another’s feelings, if retailed: that readily works mischief. Comp. AR 256/1-7, where the devil is said to be busy about separating the sisters with gossip.

215. #lokeð#, watches over, preserves; see 4/20. #edhalden#, entertained: comp. ‘Prohibemus . . . ne aliqua . . . praesumat alicui hospiti dare carnes . . . nec aliquem balneare, vel minuere vel ultra unam noctem retinere,’ Gilbertine Rule, p. *lxxxv. #ꝥ beo#, let it occur.

218. #plohien# is _subj. pr. pl._, Let not the anchoress or her maiden play; it represents OE. #pleogian# as ME. pleien does OE. #plegian#. Possibly the dialect word ploy, amusement, usually explained as aphetic for employ, is connected with this form. The #gomenes# would be backgammon, chess, and the like.

219. #ticki to gederes#, pat, caress each other, or possibly, romp, play the child’s game of ‘ticky.’ See NED _s.v._ Tick, _v._^1 for examples of the phrase ‘tick and toy.’

220. #fleschlich froure#: the reference is perhaps to ‘Venientibus quippe ad religionem non est consideranda carnis fragilitas, ut ei delicate subserviatur, sed impedimenta fervoris spiritus, ut sollicite fugiantur,’ Opera, i. 370 b.

221. #wið ute met# &c., beyond measure (exceptional) exquisite joy. Comp. ‘utnume feir,’ SJ 6/1.

222. #þruppe# usually means, in addition, as at 127/358, but in AR it generally refers to what has previously been said. Comp. ‘Turneð þeruppe (= back to the place) þer ich spec hu he was ipined,’ AR 188/17; ‘þet ich spec er of þeruppe,’ id. 372/23; where it repeats ‘er’; ‘þeruppe is inouh iseid,’ id. 194/5, already enough has been said. The passage to which he refers them is probably ‘ne schal tu nonesweis þeos two ilke cumforz, min ⁊ te worldes--þe joie of the holi gost ⁊ flesches froure habben togederes,’ AR 102/13.

223. #eise#, at leisure, have opportunity: so ‘hwen þu art on eise carpe toward ihesu,’ OEH i. 287/11; ‘eise (= opportunity) makeð þeof,’ HM 17/24; AR 288/21; ‘aisie,’ convenient, OEH ii. 47/16; ‘efter hire eaise,’ to her liking, AR 114/10. In ‘Et te one psalme ȝe schulen stonden ȝif ȝe beoð eise,’ AR 20/27, it means, in good health, as ‘hwo se is ful meseise,’ id. 46/22, means, whoever is very infirm. The Gilbertine Rule gives leave to sit at the choir offices, especially after bloodletting, p. *lvii.

225. #biheue#: see 91/108. #bitohe#: see 21/106.

226. #wite#: subj. as in the exclamation ‘wite Christ,’ OEH i. 29/26: the ind. as in N is usual. CT have deu le set. #do me toward#, set out for Rome, a journey of hardship and difficulty; see Arnulfi Lexov. Epistolae, ed. Giles, 197. The simple infinitive after #leouere# is noteworthy: the reading of N represents the normal OE. #to donne#.

229. #beoð umben#, be bent on. The phrase is constructed with (1) inf., 70/159: (2) noun, ‘and beo ge embe þæt ylce,’ Ælf., Lives, i. 120/79, 154/120, 434/34; ‘Ac hi efre beoð ymbe þat an,’ OEH i. 221/7: (3) relative adverb as here and at 75/201: (4) with relative clause, ‘⁊ ymbe þæt wæron þæt hig hig sylfe on Hierusalem beclysan woldon,’ AS. Hom., ed. Assmann, 185/123; ‘is vmbe eueriches weis þet heo him luuie,’ AR 218/12. #beon abuten# has the same meaning and constructions: comp. 46/267, 118/29; ‘Aure to feawe men bien abuten to habben ðese hali mihte,’ VV 133/20; ‘Satan is ȝeorne abuten (= expetivit) uorto ridlen þe ut of mine corne,’ AR 234/15, and absolutely, ‘Inouh ich was abuten,’ I did my best, AR 88/8. But ‘abuten to eggen,’ AR 146/1, means, employed in inciting. #þeronuuen#, thereupon, on that object, i.e. that ye keep it better &c., where the adverb is somewhat superfluous, but in the writer’s manner. OE. #þǣr an ufan#. But #on uuen# has in two places at least the meaning of, for the future; SJ 53/9; AR 236/14; and the word in the text might mean, thereafter. #þer abuten# N 202, about that thing.

231. #wite . . . warde#: see 118/50.

233. #dreheð ⁊ dreaieð#, suffer and endure; OE. #drēogað ⁊ dragað#: comp. ‘þe alre meast derue | ꝥ eni deadlich flesch | mahe drehen ⁊ drawen,’ SK 1889; ‘þu hauest for mi luue muchel idrohen ant idrehen,’ SJ 34/9. For the form #dreaieð#, comp. 123/206, 147/153.

234. #him seoluen#: comp. 50/360. #aa#, ever: comp. 118/53, 119/90, 120/108, 125/276: so in SK (MS. R) 664, 1480; HM (MS. T) ‘aá’ 15/34. The doubling is merely an indication of length.

235. #þe leafdi#: comp. ‘Saluum la Dame souent,’ Adgar, 200/58.

236. #meaðful#, moderate: OE. #mǣþfull#; comp. 122/197.

237. #writere#, the scribe; comp. 128/375. #sum chearre#, sometimes; comp. ‘sume cherre,’ AR 108/10.

238. #þe#, for thee, dative.

_Greek_

κρεάγρα [kreagra]

_Cross-References_

1/3, 1/10 (note) = I. A (Worcester Fragments) 13/34 (note) = V. (A Parable) 54/6 (note) = _present selection_ (A: Seven Deadly Sins) 62/22, 74/229 (notes) = _present selection_ (B: Outer Rule) 77/63 (note) = X. (In Diebus Dominicis) 90/73 (note) = XIII. (Vices and Virtues) 118/52, 125/270 (notes) = XVI. (Sawles Warde) 132/9 (note) = XVIII. (The Orison of our Lady) table on p. 356 = _present selection_ under Manuscripts

_Errata_

v. Cotton Cleopatra C 6 [_corrected by author from “C 5”_] #Literature:# ... Mühe, T. [Muhe] #Phonology:# ... but _u_ in wule 72 [_“u” misprinted as bold instead of italic_] #ā# is regularly ... (beside leasse 61 (4), leaste b 188) [(4) leaste] #ū#, _u_; [_u_,] #ea# before #r# ... ȝeouen b 71 [ȝeouen,] #ēa# is regularly ... #ȝīet# is ȝet b 193 [_printed as shown: apparent error for “gīet”_] #a# + #g# ... in MS. C ploȝe [C. ploȝe] Final #ig# is regularly _i_ [_“i” misprinted as bold instead of italic_] #siehst#, #siehð# with _i_-umlaut [_“i” misprinted as bold instead of italic_] #ea# before #r# ... and _a_, after #w# [_#w# misprinted as italic instead of bold_] before length. groups _o_ [length groups] #eo#, _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #i# [_#i# misprinted as italic instead of bold_] (4) =Of T and C.= ... investigation of Mühe [Muhe] Three-fourths of the infinitives ... witen _pr. pl. subj._ [_pr. pl. subj._,] idon _pp._ b 176; [176,] (2) =Of B.= ... sunnen 26, earen 71 are _s. d._ [_d. s._] (3) =Of N.= ... ueonde 139 is _s. d._, [_comma missing_] Infinitives end in -en ... II. bitinde 183: [183.] Infinitives are divided ... II. bitende 183: [183;] #Vocabulary:# ... [_all commas in this paragraph are printed (or missing) as shown_]

[IX A.] 3. ... inter scorpiones et colubros [colubres] 32. ... F. T has ‘þe ondfule ⁊ te luðere [_open quote missing_] 37. ... a windes puf [þuf]

[IX B.] 26. ... Grossioribus peliciis utatur [_spelling unchanged_] 65. #broche#: ‘fermail,’ F; ‘firmaculos,’ [_open quote missing_] 68. #forte--wið#, with which to get yourselves friends [_“with” added by author_] 75. #efter#: see 7/53. [#efter#;] 78. The amice, L. amictus [L amictus] 103. ... p. *lvi ... see NED. _s.v._ Here § 16. [N.E.D.] 207. ... apposition to #ower# [_#ower# misprinted as plain (non-bold)_]

X. IN DIEBUS DOMINICIS

#Manuscript:# Lambeth, 487: see p. 312.

#Editions:# Morris, R., OEH i. 41-47, and Specimens, 17-21; Zupitza-Schipper, AE Lesebuch, ed. viii, 92-95.

#Literature:# (1) =of the Vision of S. Paul=. Brandes, H., Ueber die Quellen der me. Versionen der Paulus-Vision, in ES vii. 34-65; id. Visio S. Pauli, Halle, 1885; Batiouchkoff, Th., in Romania, xx. 17; James, M. R., Visio Pauli in Texts and Studies, ii. 3, Cambridge, 1893; Meyer, P., in Romania, vi. 11-16, xxiv. 357-375, and in Notices et Extraits, xxxv. 153-158; Ward, H. L. D., Catalogue of Romances in the British Museum, ii. 397-416; Cohn, O., Die Sprache in der me. Predigtsammlung der Hs. Lambeth 487, Berlin, 1887. Vollhardt, W. (see p. 269/19). (2) =of the Vision in general=. Fritzsche, C., Die lateinischen Visionen des Mittelalters, in Romanische Forschungen, ii. 247, iii. 337; Peters, E., Zur Geschichte der lateinischen Visionslegenden, in Romanische Forschungen, viii. 361-364; Becker, E. J., A Contribution to the Comparative Study of the Mediaeval Visions of Heaven and Hell, Baltimore, 1899; Bedae Opera Historica, ed. C. Plummer, ii. 294. (3) =of the Sunday Letter=. Priebsch, R., in Otia Merseiana, i. 129, and in Mod. Lang. Review, ii. 138-154; Napier, A., in An English Miscellany, 355-362.

#Phonology of x and xi:# References to piece xi are marked b. Oral #a# is _a_, crabbe b 84, slakien b 67; #a# before nasals, _o_, biwon 73, from 87, but swam b 90; #a# before lengthening groups, _o_, ahonge 14, ontful 53, but and 8, 85, b 25. #æ# is regularly _e_, cweð 45 (3 times), þet 25 &c., but abac b 86, blake b 82, b 120, blaca b 99, saterdei 71, þat 25, 68, watere b 86: with habbe b 14, b 77 comp. LWS. _subj._ #habbe#. #e# is regularly _e_, betre b 24, eten b 101, b 104 (but eoten 80), engles 5 (4), sunbendes b 67; but it is _i_ in tilden b 110, _eo_ in seolcuðre 17: stude 40, 41, b 26, whulche b 80, wulc b 20, swulc b 85 are due to OE. forms with #y#, hwilc b 21, swilc 21, uwilc 83, 85 to forms with #i#. #i# is _i_, bidde 60, wille 60, b 62, bindeð b 110, but en 59, wule 6, nule b 28 and all other parts of #willan#. #o# is _o_, froggen b 83, longe 47, but iwrat 79, walde 46, 47, b 93, nalde 46, 51, nalden 32, 58, all Anglian forms with _a_; in weord 65 (5) _eo_ is written for _o_. #u# is _u_, bicumeð 73, sunedei 4, hundes b 38. #y# is _u_, cunnes b 80, cunde b 85; #mycel# is muchele 67 &c.

#ā# is regularly _a_, an 16, claþeð b 114, gast 87, lauerd 39 (5), na b 100 (Anglian), þas 30, swa 29, but on 43, louerd 60, þon 5, þeo b 19, þeos b 14 (4) þos b 95, b 99, se b 11, b 69; noteworthy is foage b 119: escade 44, 49 descends from #ǣscian#. #ǣ{1}# is _e_, efreni 27, ledde 50, but _a_ in þare b 98, _ea_ in eani 18, 48, sea 24 (4); ulcne b 66 descends from #ylc#. #ǣ{2}# is _e_, breðe 42 (Anglian #brēþ#), neddren 26, but ariste 87. #ē# is _e_, gleden 35, ferde 10, but deað b 58. #ī# is _i_, is 25, swiþeliche 90, fifte 26. #ō# is _o_, bicom b 9, nom b 10, bisocnie 80, but eoðre 45. #ū# is _u_, hus b 73, lude 33. #ȳ# is _u_, fur 25 (3), mus b 113, tuneð b 27 (4), uþe 24, but forþi 6.

#ea# before #r# + cons. is _e_, herde b 51, midelerd b 81, both before lengthening group; _a_ between #w# and #r# appears in swart b 105, warp 16, warðe 41. #ea# before #l# + cons. is invariably _a_, ald 43, alle 5. The _i_-umlaut is _e_, aweriede b 29, erming 6 (3), but earming 22, bicherreð b 112. #eo# before #r# + cons. is _eo_, eorðe 59 (4), ȝeorne 49, heorte 16 (3), weorkes 67, but ibureȝe 36, apparently from OE. #gebeorgan# (comp. ‘bureȝe,’ OEH i. 25/16, ‘bureȝest,’ id. 39/20). The #wur# group is represented by wurþien 75, 90. The _i_-umlaut is wanting in beorninde 12, after #w# it is _u_, wurse 26, wursien b 14, unwurðe b 29: berninde 16 (3) is from #bærnan#, smurieð b 114 from #smyrian#. #eo# before #l# + cons. is seen in seolf 76, 83. #ea#, _u_-umlaut of #a#, appears in eateliche 17, heauekes b 38. #eo#, _u_-umlaut of #e#, is _eo_, heofene 5, 99, ȝeolewe b 107, b 108, weorlde b 91, b 100, or _o_, ȝolewe b 120, world b 36, but hefene 82, heueneriche 55, ȝeluwe b 83, without umlaut. #eo#, _å_-umlaut of #e#, is seen in beode 80, beoden b 29, beoreð b 82, eoten 80, feole 19: unaneomned 28 is perhaps an analogic form. #eo#, _å_-umlaut of #i#, is _eo_ in seodðan 16, b 115, seoðþan 40, seodðe b 25, heore 6 (3); hare 31 is Anglian #heara#: analogous are dalneominde 99 (comp. ‘neoman,’ OEH i. 29/18), icleped 88 (4). #eo#, _u_-umlaut of #i#, is seen in seofen 41, seofe 17, seofeþe 26. The palatal diphthong #ea# appears in sceal 62, scal b 89, ȝete 13: #ie# after #ġ# in ȝeue 71, ȝefe 60, 69, geuen b 49, b 102, ȝeueð 93; #gef# is ȝef 1, gif 6. #eo# after #ġ# is _u_ in ȝunge b 87; after #sc# it is seen in sceolde b 13, scolde b 111, sculen b 21: #heom# is heom 9 &c., ham 70.

#ēa# is _e_, deðe 87, eren b 27, aȝen b 90 (#ongēan#), and six others, but ædie b 19 (‘eadi,’ OEH i. 39/5), dead, deade b 59: the _i_-umlaut gives _e_, alesnesse b 76, chese b 111, iheren b 28 (12), remeð 33. #ēo# is regularly _eo_, beot 98, feorðe 25, iseo 58, þreo b 51, but bitwenen 83, fredome 3, þre b 69; the _i_-umlaut does not occur. After #sc#, #ēa# appears in scean 29.

#a# + #g# is _aȝ_, daȝes 98, maȝen 40 (5); slage b 57, slaȝeð b 98 are new formations from the _pp._ #slagen# (Bülbring, Ablaut, 96); ah 51 (5) is Anglian #ah#. #æ# + #g# is invariably _ei_, mei b 103, seide b 87. #e# + #g# is also _ei_, eisliche 12, toȝeines 60 (3), wei b 24, but awey b 94. #o# + #g# is seen in forhoȝie b 25. #ā# + #g# is _aȝ_, aȝene 23 (4), faȝe b 82 (3), foaȝe b 119, expressing the [ā^o] sound. #ǣ{1}# + #ht# gives ehte b 100, b 105. #ē# + #g# appear in leies 17, leit 30 (#lēget#), tweien 8; #ō# + #g# in wohe 47; #ū# + #h# in þruh b 60. #ea# + #g# is seen in gneȝeð 34 = *#gneagað#, with _å_-umlaut of #a#, idreȝen b 70, _pp._ analogous to #dreagan# _inf._ with the same umlaut; #ea# + #h#, #ht#, in iseh 48; the _i_-umlaut in mihte 42, mihte 92, niht 30. The _i_-umlaut of #eo# + #h# occurs in siste 26 (#siexta#). #ēa# + #g# is _eȝ_, eȝen 15, heȝe 12; #ēa# + #h#, _eh_, abeh 64, heh 45: þah 23, b 97 is Anglian #þæh#. #ēo# + #g#, #ht# are seen in liȝere 53, lihtliche b 43, the _i_-umlaut in lihting 72. #ā# + #w# is _aw_ in iknawe b 24, nawiht b 22, _au_ in saule 7 (7), snau 25. #ǣ{1}# + #w# gives _eu_ in eubruche b 34. #ō# + #w#, noht b 11 (#nōht#). #ēa# + #w# is seen in sceawede 12 (8), sceaude 16, scawede 11, scawere b 116; #ēo# + #w# in eow 2 &c., feower b 45, heowe 17 (WS. #hīw#), reowliche 33, how b 118, fower b 80, bireusunke b 53.

In syllables without stress #a# is usually levelled to _e_, but it survives in dringan 47, ilca 31, locan 86, 91, pinan 36, 37: #o# becomes _e_ in heuene 55, seofeþe 26, suteliche 3, but _a_ in escade 44, 49; #onuppan# is anuppon 46. In alla b 76, alra b 46, blaca b 99, wiðinna 43, _a_ is written for final _e_, similarly clusterlokan 41, manaðas b 34; comp. quica 41/192. The prefix #ge-# is largely retained as _i_, iblissieð 5; it is _u_ in uwilc 83 &c. #e# is added in amonge 30, medially in hefede 68, swiþeliche 90, lost in onswerde 57, sceaude 16.

_w_ is added in hwure 61. #ll# is simplified in suteliche 3; #m# doubled in summe 14 &c.; #mm# simplified in swim b 88, swam b 90, as #nn# in clenesse 51, 91, ene b 45, ine b 34: #n# is doubled in sunne 100. #p# is doubled in deoppre b 41. Initial #f# is written _u_ in ualleð b 46, b 47, uindeð b 7, uenne b 8, b 33, but _f_ in falleð b 106: #f# between vowels or vowel and liquid is usually _u_, but ȝefe 69, leofe 72, monifolde 57, ufele 42, b 94, wifes b 37, nefre 45, 51, 52, efre 97, efreni 27: #f# is assimilated in wimmen b 113, but wifmen 93. #tt# is simplified in put b 31; #ts# is _c_ in milce 63, milcien 62. #dd# is simplified in midelerd b 81; #d# is lost in onswerde 57, 70: #d# is _t_ in ontful 53, iseit 82, b 14, _td_ in feðer fotetd 28, _ð_ in forðwarð b 87, iclepeð 3, iherð 73, isceaweð b 49. #þ# is written _ðd_ in strengðdeð b 85, _dþ_ in redþer 68, _d_ in dringan 47, rested 95, wurdliche 91, _t_ in speket b 92: #þþ# is _dð_ in seodðan 16, b 115, seodðe b 25, but seoðþan 40. #sć# [š] is _sc_ in gledscipe 81, iscild b 121, scal b 89, scolde b 111, and other forms of #sceolan#, scrift 32 (5), _s_, _ss_, _ssc_ in fis b 84, fisses b 88, fissce b 84: the scribe writes elsewhere ‘ichefte,’ OEH i. 77/5 (#gesceafta#), ‘iblesced,’ id. 5/7, ‘edmodnesce,’ id. 5/19. #č# is expressed by _ch_, chese b 111, chirche 79 &c., eche b 98, tech b 89, uwilche 74, whulche b 80; but _c_ is used finally for the same sound in ic 57, hwilc b 21, swilc 21, swulc b 85, uwilc 85, wulc b 20. #čč# is seen in totwiccheð b 94, wrecche 7, 11. The stop #c# is _k_ before _e_, _i_, stoke b 113, swike b 111 and in clusterlokan 41, otherwise _c_, locan 86, but apparently _ch_ in musestoch b 109, b 110. #čǧ# is _gg_ in liggeð b 34, seggen 3. #cw# appears in cweð 45 (3), but _qu_ occurs elsewhere in the MS., as ‘quic,’ OEH i. 81/1. #ġ# is _ȝ_, daȝes b 45, ȝef 1, ȝeue 71, ȝete 13, slaȝed b 98, but Gif 6, slage b 57, geuen b 49: #ng# is _nk_ in bireusunke b 53, ‘of sprinke,’ OEH i. 75/31 (comp. Horn, Beiträge, 29); but _ng_ for #nc# occur in ‘þong’ (= þonc), OEH i. 39/33, ‘dringen’ (= drinken), id. 37/33. Initial #h# is lost in lauerdes 4 &c., lusten 1, lude 33, redliche 64, redþer 68, remeð, reowliche 33, bireusunke b 53, witsunne 88; it is added in heow b 21, how b 118, hiheren b 16; #h# is also lost in iwrat 79; for it _ð_ is written in þurð b 53. #hw# is seen in whulche b 80, wulc b 20: siste 26 is #siexta#, Angl. #se(i)sta#.

#Accidence:# Strong declension of _masc._ and _neut._ nouns. In the _s. n._ sune b 120 represents #sunu#. _Gen._ -es, muðes b 53, cunnes b 80, but monedeis 72; _d._ -e, deie 3 (3 times), scrifte b 69, fredome 3, ȝete 13, but domesdei 72, sunnedei 61, gast 87, 100, scrift b 67, atter b 106, non 71, smel b 112, without inflection. _Plural n. a._ of masculines, -es, daȝes 98, sunbendes b 67, but euencristene b 96 with adj. termination; neuters _n._ are deor 28, 33, weord b 14, beode 80 (#gebedu#), but þinges b 80, with masc. termination; beoden b 29, clusterlokan 41, deoflen 21, 43, 48, weak forms; _a._ hors b 37, weord 65, but huses b 36, weordes b 16 (4), wifes b 37, treon 12; _d._ -es, rapes b 12, weorkes 67, -weorkes 94, weordes b 94, but manaðas b 34, treon 13 (? #trēum#). Of the feminines mihte 92, 94, 95 has added e in the _nom._, bisocnie 80 represents #-socn#. The other cases end in -e, _s. g._ dede b 54, but weorldes b 100, a masc. form; _s. d._ ireste 77, weorlde b 91, but irest 5, sea 24, 27, b 84 (#sǣ#); _s. a._ reste 7 (5), but rest 6, sea 24; _pl. n._ ehte b 105, saule 19, but gleden 35, saulen 6; _pl. d._ pine 27, 97, saule 7, 73, but honden 14, pinan 36, 37, sunnen b 32 (3); _pl. a._ laȝe 59, b 28, pine 57, saule b 98, but laȝen 46, pinen 39, saulen 14, 22, sunnen b 62 (3) are weak forms. Nouns of the weak declension have -e in all cases of the singular, _n._ crabbe b 84; _g._ heorte b 53; _d._ chirche b 28; _a._ nome b 96: the plural has -en, _n._ crabben b 84, neddren 26, b 82, but neddre b 91; _d._ eȝen 15, haleȝen 68; _a._ eren b 27, but licome 31. Minor declensions: fet _pl. d._ 14, 28, 64 (possibly _sing._); mon _s. n._ 42 (3), _s. a._ 43, b 66, men _pl. n._ b 33, monne _pl. d._ 32, 74, 83, men 31, wepmen 93, wifmen 93, wimmen b 113; boc _s. d._ b 7; mus _pl. a._ b 113; þruh _s. d._ b 60; niht _s. a._ 30; feder _s. n._ b 120, fedre _s. d._ 99; moder _s. n._ b 88; breðre _pl. n._ 72; children _pl. a._ b 37.

The weak declension of adjectives has -e throughout the singular, _n. m._ alde 44, b 87, halie b 121, _f._ leofe b 88, foaȝe b 119, blake b 120, _neut._ faȝe b 91; _d. m._ ȝunge b 87, halie 87, 100, ufele 42, _f._ eche b 98, stronge b 106, _neut._ halie b 17; _a. f._ muchele b 36. The only exception is heh _s. n. m._ 69. The strong forms are flectionless in the singular, except _s. d. f._ halie b 7, b 27, b 75, heuie b 66, mildere 70, seolcuðre 17 (with heowe _neut._), warde 41 (= wardre); _s. a. m._ sunfulle b 66, _s. a. f._ muchele b 15, b 49. The termination of all cases of the plural, strong and weak, is e; exceptions are blaca b 99, freo b 50, sari b 56. #āgen# is represented by aȝene _s. a. f._ 34, _pl._ 23, 35, b 98: #ān#, #nān# appear as an _n._ 45, 50, b 84, on 43, nan 42, b 69, naþing 79; ane _d. m._ b 8, _a. m._ 40, ene b 45, an 16, ane _a. f._ 20, b 9, an _a. neut._ 49, nan 51, na b 101. Adjectives used as nouns are deade _s. d._ b 59, fulle _s. a._ b 104, god 48, 52, b 101, sunfulle _pl. d._ b 76, _pl. a._ 11: nouns as adjectives, erming 6, 22, 31, 96, liȝere 53, wrecche 7, 11, 13: hindene b 116 has _pl._ adj. termination. Noteworthy among numerals are þridde 25, 95, fifte 26, siste 26, seofeþe 26 (#seofoþa#).

The personal pronouns are ic, we, us, þu, ȝe, eow, heow b 21, how b 118. The pronoun of the third person is _s. n._ he _m._ 13, heo _f._ 50, 86, 91 (dei like L. dies is _fm._), b 88, b 104, hit _neut._ 10, _d._ him _m._ 12, 13, hire _f._ 91, _a._ hine _m._ b 10 (4), heo _f._ 50, hit _neut._ 2, _pl. n._ hi b 93, heo 8 (10), ha 21, b 15, _d._ heom 9, 56, b 39, ham 70, b 117, _a._ heon b 98 (for heom), ham 36, 39. Reflexives are ham 5, heom 94, heom seoluen b 117, b 118; definitive, seolf 76, 83; possessives, mine _s. a. f._ 63, _pl. a._ 58, þin _s. n. m._ 60, 69, þines _s. g. m._ b 62, þine _s. d. m._ 66, b 63, _s. d. f._ 67, _pl. d._ 66, his 34, hire 20, ure 55, 83, heore 6 (5), hare 31. The definite article is _s. n._ þe _m._ 4, _f._ 25, þet _neut._ 25 &c., þat 25, _g._ þes _m._ 4, _f._ b 100, _neut._ 68, _d._ þam _m._ 41, 87, þan 3 (6), þen 61, 69, þon 5, þe b 8 (4), þa 3, þare _f._ b 98, þere b 60, b 84, b 103, þer 15, b 106, þe 15, þan _neut._ b 17, þon 23, þa b 111, þe 15, _a._ þenne _m._ 75, þene 90, 97, b 59, þon 88, þe b 24, þa _f._ 20, b 32, þe 24, þet _neut._ b 70 (with scrift _m._), _pl. n._ þa, 5, 6, b 79, _d._ þam 7 (4), þan 13, 32, þa 14 (4), þe 15, _a._ þa 11 &c.: þet 8, b 35, b 47, b 51, b 114, b 115, b 116, is demonstrative. The article is also used as antecedent to relatives, þeo þe b 19, þa þe b 39, they who. The compound demonstrative is _s. n._ þis _m._ b 84, þes b 31, þis _neut._ b 91, þas b 73 (comp. 13/43), _d._ þisse _m._ b 10 (3), þis b 77, þisse _f._ 54, b 91, _neut._ 31, _a._ þeos _m._ b 81, þas _f._ b 36, þis _neut._ b 39, _pl. n._ þas 30, b 90, þos b 95, b 99, þeos b 14, b 33, b 105, _d._ þas b 113, _a._ 57, 65, þes b 100. The relative is mostly þe, but ꝥ 43 (6), þet b 106: interrogatives are hwa _s. n._ 7, 73, hwet 44, hwat, ꝥ b 78, hwilc _s. n._ b 21, wulc b 20, whulche _pl. n._ b 80, correlative swilc 21, b 40, swulc b 85: #ilca# is ilke _s. d._ 27, _pl. n._ 30, ilca _pl. d._ 31. Indefinites are hwa 6, hwa efre 97; me 36, b 9, mon 98, b 24; sume _s. d._ 9, sum _s. a._ 95, summe _pl. n._ 14, 28; oðer _s. d. neut._ 50, eoðre 45, oðre _pl. d._ 27, b 35, oðer _pl. a._ 97; ulcne _s. a._ b 66; uwilc _s. n._ 85, uwilche _pl. d._ 74, uwilc 83, uwilcan _s. n._ 17 (#gehwilc ān#); eani 18, 48, efreni 27; monie _pl._ b 113; alle _s. d. f._ 5 (4), al _s. a. m._ b 81, _s. a. neut._ 90, b 39, alle _pl. n._ 17 (4), alra _pl. g._ b 46, alremest b 35, alle _pl. d._ 27, alla b 76, alle _pl. a._ b 121.

The infinitive ends regularly in en; locan 86, 91, iþolie b 11 are the only exceptions; verbs of the second weak conjugation have -ien, iðolien 40, lokien 46, and six others; exceptions are enden 32, iloken 85, sceawen b 21. Dative infinitives with inflection are to bihaldene 18, to brekene 30, to demene 89, to swimminde b 86, uninflected are to haliȝen 74, to wurðien 75 (virtual nominatives), for to lokien 9, for to arisen b 40 and ten others in piece xi with for to, to draȝen b 117 and fifteen others with to. Presents are _s._ 1. bidde 60, iseo 58; 2. bringest b 63, leist b 60; 3. bicherreð b 112, wuneð b 91, exceptional are bitacnet b 74, speked 37, speket b 92, contracted forms as beot 98, bret b 111 amount to one-third of the total number; _pl._ 1. cumeð b 58, slage we b 57, tuneð b 44; 2. habbeð 73, b 20; 3. beoreð b 82, wepeð 34, and of the second weak conjugation, iblissieð 5, lokieð b 115, smurieð b 114, wunieð b 80; _subjunctive s._ 2. ȝefe 60, 69, milcie 68; 3. ibureȝe 36, iknawe b 24, icnawe b 25, cume 61, 69, forhoȝie b 25, ilokie 97, trukie b 105; _pl._ 1. tunen b 44: _imperative s._ 2. aris 70, haue 39, iscild b 121, swim b 88, tech b 89; _pl._ 2. ihereð b 79. Past of Strong Verbs: Ia. _s._ 3. cweð 45 (3), iseh 48: Ib. _s._ 3. com 10 (3), bicom b 9, nom b 10: Ic. _s._ 3. biwon 7, 73, gon 65, bigon 54, b 89, swam b 90, warp 16; _pl._ 3. urnen 20: II. _s._ 3. scean 29; _pl._ 3. swiken 30: III. _s._ 3. abeh 64: IV. _s._ 3. stod b 7: V. _s._ 3. het 9, weop 55. Participles present: Ib. dalneominde 99: Ic. beorninde 12, berninde 16 (3): II. glidende 35; past: Ia. ibeden 71, geuen b 49, b 102, ispeken b 77: Ic. biwunden b 79, idoluen b 46: III. icorene _pl._ 68: IV. idreȝen b 70, istonde b 9: V. ahonge 14, 19, ihaten 4, b 52. Past of Weak Verbs: _s._ 3. ferde 10, ledde 50, sende 88, escade 44, 49, onswerede 70, onswerde 57, sceawede 12 (7), sceaude 16, hefde b 69, b 70, hefede b 8, seide 59, b 87; _pl._ 3. ledden 44, 49. Participles present: graninde 33, liuiende 42, wuniende 12, 53; past: afered b 104, ibet b 62, forgult 22, iherd b 20, iherð 73, b 77, isceaweð b 49, iseit b 14, ise[i]t 82, isend b 39, iwrat 79; fotetd 28 is participial in form; inflected are aweriede b 29, blessede b 19, iclepede b 110, forgulte 73, isende b 73. Minor Groups: witen _inf._ 7, 58, wat _pr. s._ 62, witeð 2 _pr. pl. imp._ b 118, b 119, wiste _pt. s._ 51, biwisten _pt. pl._ 21; aȝen 1 _pr. pl._ 90, b 65; sceal 1 _pr. s._ 62, scal b 89, sculen 1 _pr. pl._ b 21, sceolde _pt. s._ b 13, scolde b 111; mei _pr. s._ b 103, b 107, maȝen 1 _pr. pl._ 40, b 50, 2 _pr. pl._ 65, 92, _pr. pl._ b 101, mihte _pt. s._ 42, b 11; to beon _dat. inf._ b 49, is _pr. s._ 60, nis b 69, bið 53, b 59, beoð 1 _pr. pl._ b 56, _pr. pl._ 34 (5), beon b 19, beo _pr. s. subj._ 79, 84, beo 2 _pr. pl. subj._ b 119, _pr. pl. subj._ 99, wes _pt. s._ 8, nes 52, weren _pt. pl._ 17 (4), were 11, nere 23, were _pt. s. subj._ 44, nere b 70; wulle 1 _pr. s._ 62, wule _pr. s._ 6, nulle 85, nule b 28, b 67, wulleð 1 _pr. pl._ 2, wuleð 2 _pr. pl._ 1, walde _pt. s._ 46, nalde 46, nalden _pt. pl._ 32; don _inf._ 48, _dat. inf._ b 101, deð _pr. s._ 29, deað b 58, do we 1 _pr. pl._ b 44, doð _pr. pl._ b 34, fordoð b 81, idon _pp._ b 69; gan _inf._ 42, 43, eode _pt. s._ 10, eoden _pt. pl._ 9.

With ȝette _adv._ 19, comp. ‘ȝiete,’ OEH i. 139/13, ȝetten 64/54; mid _prep._ 65 with accusative is Anglian (Napier, Anglia, x. 138): leste _conj._ b 104 (#þȳ lǣs þe#) is an early instance of the compound.

#Dialect:# These pieces were copied by the scribe of the PM in the same MS. As was said at p. 327, he belonged to the Southern border of the Midland area. On the evidence of the spoilt rhymes in the Pater Noster, inne : sunne, OEH i. 55/23, 24 (4 times), linnen : sunnen, id. 67/230, 231, he must be located to the West of that area, where u was the representative of OE. #y#, #ȳ#.

In the present articles his exemplars were in the South-Western dialect. That of piece x was considerably the older, probably of the early transition period about the beginning of the twelfth century, as is evident from the archaic forms which have survived in the copy. There is no trace of these in piece xi, the original of which was probably little older than the copy. As in the copy of the Poema Morale, the scribe’s alterations affect mainly the sounds; the grammar remains Southern; a Midland form like beon b 19 is isolated.

#Vocabulary:# The foreign element is small; most of the Romance words are in piece xi. French are archangel 8, blanchet b 114, castles b 38, feble b 9, glutenerie b 34 (first appearance), grace b 49, lechurs b 117, manere b 84, prophete b 7, b 43, sacreð b 76, sacramens b 75, salmes 47, seint b 22, merci 39, meister 21, meistres 23, ureisuns b 75: Latin, apostles 88, sancte 8; mihhal 8 is probably a direct borrowing from the Vulgate Michahel. Scandinavian are caste b 10, icast b 68, griðe 80.

#Introduction:# The ultimate sources of this discourse are (i) the Legend of S. Paul’s visit to the other world, and (ii) the Sunday Letter as extended by the addition of the Dignatio diei Dominicae.

(1) S. Paul in his second epistle to the Corinthians, xii. 2-4, said that he had been caught up to the third heaven and heard words unspeakable. But a detailed account of what he saw, partly drawn from the Revelation of Peter (ed. M. R. James, p. 65) and coloured by Egyptian ideas of the other world, was extensively circulated in the early Church, and existed in two Greek versions as early as the fourth century. One of these, the Ἀναβατικὸν Παύλου, is lost, but it is probably represented in a Latin version discovered by Dr. M. R. James and published in Texts and Studies, ii. no. 3. The other younger Greek version, denounced by S. Augustine as ‘nescio quibus fabulis plenam’ (iii. 541 e), was printed by Tischendorf in Apocalypses Apocryphae, 34-69: he dates it about 380 A.D. There is an early Syriac version, an English translation of which is reprinted by Tischendorf under the Greek Text.

The Latin version already mentioned is the most ancient and the fullest form of the legend, and it is the main source of the Latin mediaeval versions, which have been classed by Brandes in six redactions. Of these the first alone contains an account of S. Paul’s visit to heaven, the others describe only the abode of the lost. The fourth redaction (B iv) printed in Brandes, Visio Pauli, 75, in the Cologne edition of Beda, vii. 362, as one of his sermons, and by P. Meyer from a Toulouse MS. of the fourteenth century in Romania, xxiv. 365, appears to be the main source of most of the versions in the modern languages, as of our text. Meyer enumerates twenty-three MSS. of it; he thinks that it is not anterior to the twelfth century and that it was widely circulated in England. In Notices et Extraits, xxxv. 153, he gives a list of six versions in French: (1) by Henri d’Arci, there printed; (2) by Adam de Ros, trouvère anglais, printed by Ozanam in Dante et la philosophie catholique, 1845, p. 425; (3) Anonymous, MS. Bibl. Nat. 2094, of which Brandes cites the beginning and end, p. 51; (4) Anonymous, B.M. Add. 15606, printed in part in Romania, vi. 11-16; (5) by Geoffroi de Paris, an adaptation of the preceding; (6) by an anonymous English trouvère, printed in Romania, xxiv. 357. The English versions in verse are (1) MS. Laud 108, Bodleian, printed by Horstman in Archiv lii. 35; (2{a}) MS. Jesus Coll. Oxford E 29, printed in OEM 147-155; (2{b}) MS. Digby 86, Bodleian, printed by Horstman in Archiv lxii. 403; (3) Vernon MS. Bodleian, in OEM 223-232 and ES i. 293-299; (4) MS. Douce 302, Bodleian, in OEM 210-222. There is, besides the present article, a fourteenth-century prose version printed in ES xxii. 134. The relations of the English and French versions are determined by Brandes in ES vii. 34.

Some references in the older literature should be noticed. Ælfric (Hom. Cath. ii. 332) calls the legend a lying composition, and proceeds to tell that of Fursey as true. The writer of the Blickling Homilies (43, 45) relates the episode of the wicked bishop, following a text closely resembling the oldest Latin version, which differs little from the Greek at this point. In a second passage, 209/29-211/7, he has combined vague recollections of the legend with scenery drawn from Beowulf (see the Preface to BH, pp. vi, vii).

The first part of the present article differs from B iv and agrees with F iii in substituting smoke (‘smorðer,’ l. 26) for fulgur; with F iii it omits the Fiery Wheel and the Bridge of Dread, and the punishment of usurers by name. It is therefore possible that it and F iii had a common source. But our author has exercised a free choice in details; he says nothing of the punishment of the unchaste child murderers, of the oppressors of widows and orphans, of those who broke their fast before due time, and of those in the pit; nothing of the vision of sinful and righteous souls borne through the air; all of which are in B iv. His own fantasy is probably responsible for the division of the torments of the furnace, l. 24, between the furnace, the fount of fire and the sea of hell, and for the pleading of S. Paul in ll. 56-72, which are without parallel in any of the other versions.

(2) The Sunday Letter was a fiction which originated in the south of France or northern Spain towards the end of the sixth century. It purported to be a letter, which had fallen from heaven, written in Latin by Christ’s own hand, denouncing judgement on those who did not observe Sunday rightly. It had great vogue in England before the Conquest, and furnished material for the homilies printed in Wulfstan, ed. Napier, nos. 43, 44, 45, 47, in Otia Merseiana i. 129, and in An Eng. Miscellany, 357. Latin versions are printed in the two last-named. Our author makes only general reference to it in 78/75-85, but ll. 85-91 are taken directly from a Dignatio diei Dominicae which is sometimes associated with it, and is found separately in the Pseudo-Augustine Sermons clxvii, cclxxx, and Alcuin, ed. Froben, ii. 487. It is also added to one MS. of the Visio Pauli (Brandes, 102), and it precedes the German version which he prints at p. 83. It also forms the subject of the fourteenth homily in OEH i. 139.

1. #Leofemen#: like ‘Men þa leofestan’ of the Blickling Homilies: the writer also uses, ‘Gode men.’ But ‘Lordinges and leuedis,’ 215/31 is French = Seingnurs & dames. #ȝe willeliche#: Zupitza prints ȝewilleliche (_adv._, meaning gladly), and the separation of the words in the manuscript is of no weight against it. But the prefix #ge# is in this text commonly reduced to _i_, and ȝewilleliche occurs nowhere else and has nothing to correspond in OE., the forms in which are #willīce#, #willendlīce#, while willeliche is in AR 396/20. #ȝe# is probably a repetition of the preceding by mistake for ec, which very frequently goes with and in these homilies (comp. 76/4, 78/68).

2. #hit# belongs to lusten as well as to understonden; comp. ‘þe luste nulleð þesne red,’ OEH i. 63/161, and for the postponement of #hit#, ‘Al hit us mei rede ⁊ to lare ȝif we wulleð,’ id. i. 15/5, where to goes with rede.

3. #fredome#: the Latin version in Harley 2851 has for title Priuilegia diei dominice.

4. #blisse# &c.: see 78/77.

6. #erming#, only here and at 76/22, 31 as adjective, for the usual armliche. OE. #earming#, a miserable person. #rest of#: comp. 78/96; ‘þæt is sio an ræst eallra urra geswinca,’ Boethius, 144/27; ‘hwonne him lifes weard, | frea ælmihtig frecenra siða | reste aȝeafe,’ Genesis, 1426; ‘lagosiða rest,’ id. 1486. Rare in ME., but for the verb comp. ‘thei rest of her traueilis,’ Apoc. xiv. 13 (Purvey).

7. #to soþe# &c.: see 90/73 note.

8. #þet wes#: comp. 1/10, where the verb is plural.

10. #hu--ferde#, how things went on there: ‘quia deus voluit ut Paulus videret penas inferni,’ B iv. 75/5. #Mihhal--wuniende#, there is nothing corresponding in B iv, but James has, ‘dixit [angelus] mihi: Veni et sequere me, et ostendam tibi animas impiorum et peccatorum ut cognoscas qualis sit locus,’ 28/17, and Adam de Ros, ‘Seint michiel en ueit auant | Sein pol ses hores disant,’ Ward, ii. 410.

15, 16. #eȝen#: probably a mistake for eren (= ‘auribus’ B iv), as Kölbing pointed out in ES xxii. 137. #hefede#, by the hair, ‘capillis.’ #heorte#: a strange substitution for ‘brachiis’ of B iv.

16. #ouen--leies#: ‘fornacem ignis ardentem per septem flammas in diversis coloribus,’ B iv. #he#, i.e. ouen; if not a mistake for þe, a striking example of parataxis.

17. #eateliche to bi haldene#: comp. ‘eatolice on to seonne,’ Beda, 240/21; the _dat. inf._ answers to the L. supine as in terribilis aspectu. In #sead . . . to iseonne#, 133/30, it corresponds to the genitive of the L. gerund, aspiciendi.

18. #strengre#: see 21/94 note, and comp. ‘ne geþæncaþ hio na, hu strang hit biþ an helle to bionne,’ Wulfstan, 225/12.

21. #meister deoflen#, principal devils: for this use of meister comp. KH 642 note. They are not in B iv, but F iv has ‘Soignours, an l’apre fornoise habitent · vij · delo[u]rs | · vij · diable l’atisent: cest lor maistre labours | Et · vij · flames an issent de diverses colours.’ #swilc#, as if; OE. #swilce#, _conj._; comp. ‘He . . . geseah | modiglice menn on merebate | sittan siðfrome swylce hie ofer sæ comon,’ Andreas, 247; ‘mon geseah swelce hit wære an gylden hring on heofonum,’ Orosius, 234/8; ‘þe king Leir iwerðe swa blac[;] swlch hit a blac cloð weoren,’ L 3069. #Swylc swa# is also found with the same conjunctive sense, ‘þyslic me is gesewen . . . þis andwearde lif . . . swylc swa þu æt swæsendum sitte,’ Beda, 134/24. For #swilc swa#, such as, 76/29, see 34/80 note.

24. #þe sea of helle#: B iv has ‘Et septem plage erant in circuitu eius (i.e. fornacis): prima nix, secunda glacies’ &c. The writer or his original has changed these plagues of the furnace into waves ‘uþe’ of the ‘flumen orribile in quo multe bestie dyabolice erant quasi pisces in medio maris,’ which is mentioned at a later point in the Latin, while he alters the river into a lake, perhaps due to a recollection of the ‘stagnum ignis et sulphuris’ of the Apocalypse, xx. 9.

25. #snau#: comp. 120/100.

26. #smorðer#, thick smoke: B iv has ‘sexta fulgur’; F iv ‘Et la siste de foudres et d’avenimemant.’ F iii agrees with the English text. #ful stunch#: comp. 46/277; 133/44.

28. #unaneomned#, without a name, because they were like nothing in this world; not ‘unmentionable, on account of their number,’ Morris. There is no description of the beasts in the Latin, but such details are to be found elsewhere in the Visions literature, e.g. Visio Tnugdali, 16/7, 17, 19/26.

31. #to brekene#: dative infinitive: OE. #swīcan#, #geswīcan#, to cease from, are often constructed with dative of nouns, as, ‘gif he ðonne ðære hnappunge ne swicð,’ Cura Past., 195/11, but apparently not with the dat. inf. This construction is common with analogous verbs such as #onginnan#, #forlǣtan#, #ieldan#. In ME. the dative of the noun occurs, as ‘þa aswac worden[;] Merlin þe wise,’ L 16112; and the gen., ‘iswikeð unrihtwisra dedan,’ OEH i. 117/32 as in OE., ‘ðæs noldan geswican,’ BH 211/6. Comp. 81/85, 6. #þe--nalden#: ‘qui non egerunt penitenciam post peccata commissa in hoc mundo,’ B iv. 75/14.

32. #enden#: see 80/54.

33. #lude remeð#: ‘ululant’; comp. 120/99, 192/528.

34. #his#, each of them his; distributive in meaning.

37. #Miserere# &c.: possibly from some unprinted version of the Visio, or from some version of the Evangelium Nichodemi; comp. The Harrowing of Hell, ed. Hulme, 18/203.

39. #ham#: the writer frequently doubles the subject or object by a pronoun; comp. ‘ꝥ ic hit efre dude mid mine wrechede licome þas sunnen,’ OEH i. 29/9; ‘þe mon þe leie · xii · moneð in ane prisune nalde he ȝefen,’ id. 33/9; ‘Gif þu hine iseȝe þet he wulle,’ id. 17/13. See also 78/97 note; 136/144; 138/12.

41. #midde warðe#: OE. #middeweard# is usually an adjective, occasionally a noun: it is probably adj. here, and miswritten for middewarðre. Comp. ‘In mideward þe felde,’ KH, O 574. #clusterlokan# is explained as ‘enclosures,’ Morris; ‘cloisters,’ Strat.-Bradley. The corresponding passage in B iv appears to be, ‘Et ostendit illi puteum signatum ·vij· sigillis et ait illi: Sta longe ut possis sustinere fetorem hunc,’ and the meaning, fastening, lock, seems most appropriate here. The word is OE. #clūstorloc#: comp. Pogatscher, §§ 179, 182; L. L. claustella, _pl._ of claustellum, is glossed clusterlocæ, Sweet, Oldest E. Texts, 50/220; hæpsan, loca, Napier, OE. Glosses, 106/4003; clustello, loce, fæstene, id. 136/5936. The metrical versions have ‘seals,’ except the Jesus MS., ‘Seoue duren þer beoþ on’; OEM 153/235 and the second prose version renders, ‘a put ylokke wiþ seuen lockes,’ ES xxii. 136/53. Comp. also, ‘Til he vnclustri al þe lokes | þat liif ligges vnder,’ ES ix. 441/59, 60.

42. #þar neh#, near that place; an expression of rare occurrence; comp. ‘magas þa þe þær neah wæron,’ BH 139/16.

44. #escade . . . to#: see 77/49; a rare construction, not in OE., and probably influenced by F. demander à; comp. ‘Huet may þe zone betere acsy to his uader þanne bread,’ Ayenbite, 110/14: analogous is, ‘fulluht we to þe ȝeorneð,’ L 29473. But at is older, ‘hwæt axast ðu æt us,’ Ælf. Lives, ii. 74/112, and of is in Layamon, ‘he axede gauel of þan londe,’ 6122. Comp. ‘þretest to,’ 155/83.

45. In the Latin and the other versions the bad bishop is not in the ‘puteus,’ but in another place of less torment; there he is ‘avarus et dolosus et superbus,’ here he is specialized into one who iniquitously vexed his tenants and dependants by legal proceedings and steady oppression. So the Monk of Eynsham saw a bishop grievously tormented ‘quod placitoris loco inter saeculares iudices consedere plurimum delectari soleret, multis etiam bona conscientia nitentibus in litigantibus violentus contra iustitiam oppressor exstiterit,’ 698/5. Some contemporary is here meant, such as Gilbert Glanville, Roffensis (Godwin, De Presulibus, i. 572), or perhaps the earlier Gerard of York (id. ii. 27; Mapes, De Nugis Curialium, 224). The haughty maiden of ll. 50-54 is not in the Latin; in all probability she is drawn from the life.

46. #lokien#: ‘non custodivit legem dei,’ B iv. 77/21; see 4/20 and comp. ‘witen,’ 77/58.

49. #swiðe unbisorȝeliche#, with great want of care, consideration, like ‘mid mycelre reþnesse,’ said of the bishop’s treatment by the devils in BH 43/29.

52. #Elmesȝeorn#, fond of giving alms, benevolent; OE. #ælmes-georn#: it occurs here only in ME. #prud . . . ⁊ modi#: comp. 3/4; ‘So modi and so prute,’ OEM 82/300.

53. #wreðful ⁊ ontful#: comp. 56/31.

55. #forð mid#, together with: see 1/19 note. #of#, from: a common use with dative in OE.; comp. ‘Peahte ðeod com of Scyþþia lande on scipum,’ Bede, 28/7.

56. #on þunres liche#, in the likeness of thunder: the alteration of the MS. reading wunres is due to Morris, but the resultant meaning is unsatisfactory. He suggested, on þunres sleȝe, comparing ‘þær com swylce þunres slege,’ Ev. Nichod. ed. Thwaites, 13/3, and the expression occurs in ME. ‘ofdradd of ðese muchele ðþunresleiȝ ðe cumþ ut of godes auȝene muðe,’ VV 11/18. The writer has elsewhere, ‘Vre drihten wile cumen dredliche in fures liche,’ OEH i. 143/15, which may suggest the true reading here. The Latin has ‘deus descendit de celo et dyadema in capite eius’; possibly crunes lurks under wunres.

60. #toȝeines#, _adv._, in reply: #him# depends directly on #seide#, as in ‘ic eou habbe þet godspel iseid,’ OEH i. 5/13; ‘heom seggen godes lore,’ id. 7/33, though the construction with to is also found in these homilies. Comp. ‘Cuðberhtus him togeanes cwæð,’ Ælf. Hom. Cath. ii. 138/34. But the word is generally a preposition, as at 64/56, 86/142. #ȝef--is#: see 134/84.

61. #la hwure#, ah! at any rate. This writer uses #La# mostly with interrogatives, ‘La hu ne beað,’ 89/34; ‘Lahwet scal þis beon,’ 89/36. #a þet#: see 72/179 note.

63. #efterward#, in quest of, seeking; = ‘efter’ 7/53; comp. ‘þat ha beon þe lasse afterward swuch þing,’ HM 37/7; ‘Iohannes . . . wearð him æfterweard,’ Ælf. de Novo Testamento, 18/21. Similar uses of the compound in the sense of the simple preposition are, ‘al urommard þisse,’ AR 178/18; 58/66 note; 70/165: ‘They met Beues inwarde the paleys,’ Beues of Hamtoun, 69/1208; ‘alysde of þam witum ða þe towearde wæron,’ Wulfstan, 228/11. Similarly ‘þu most beon on ward þine sunnen,’ OEH i. 37/20 appears to mean, thou must give attention to thy sins.

64. #swiðe wa#: see 40/181 note and comp. ‘Ofte hadde horn beo wo | At neure wurs þan him was þo,’ KH 115, where him shows that horn is dative. #abeh# &c.: ‘Post hoc prostravit se Michahel et Paulus et angelorum milia milium ante filium dei,’ B iv.

66. #for#, by: comp. 94/26.

68. #þes þe redþer#, the sooner on that account, the sooner. The more regular comparison is seen in, ‘ah þes þe we heoueden mare wele on þisse liue, þes we ahte to beon þe edmoddre,’ OEH i. 5/27, 21/12.

69. #a þet#: see 72/179 note.

71. #non#, three o’clock, when the Sunday festival began; ‘ab hora nona sabbati usque in prima hora secunde ferie,’ B iv. 79/21; ‘fram nóntide þæs sæternesdæges oð monandæges lihtincge,’ Wulfstan, 207/11. #a þa#: see 72/179 note.

72. #þet efre forð#, for all future time: for #þet#, until, see 72/179 note; it is so used especially when aþet, or aþa precedes it; comp. ‘a þet ic beo ealdre oðer þet ic beo sec,’ OEH i. 23/3. #forð#, right onwards, develops the meaning, continuously, ever; comp. ‘ðat we moten forð mid ȝew on blisse wuniȝen,’ VV 21/24, 25/12, 113/16.

74. #mucheles#, by much; an adverbial genitive, mostly used in comparative phrases, as, ‘mucheles þe swuðere,’ AR 368/6; ‘mucheles þe more,’ OEM 86/74; ‘se læce bið micles to bald,’ Cura Past., 60/2.

75. #for--seið#: ‘Hanc epistolam scripsit dominus Iesus Xristus manibus suis,’ Sunday Letter in An Eng. Misc., p. 400. The Latin quotations which follow are probably from some redaction or expansion of the same fiction.

79. #Ne beo# &c.: ‘nec aliud faciatis in die dominico nisi sacerdotibus meis seruiatis,’ An Eng. Misc., 403.

80. #bisocnie#, visit, frequenting; elsewhere, petition, request: Mätzner compares ON. kirkju-sókn: see chirchsocne 82/4; hamsocne 12/9.

82. #iset#, miswritten for iseit, translating ‘dicitur.’

85. #iloken#, observe, from the idea of keeping guard over something; comp. 116/156.

86. #ester dei#: ‘Dominicum ergo diem Apostoli . . . religiosa sollemnitate habendum sanxerunt, quia in eodem Redemptor noster a mortuis resurrexit,’ Pseudo-August. Sermo cclxxx; ‘dies clarus in quo resurrexit Dominus a morte . . . in quo Spiritus sanctus descendit in Apostolos et in quo speramus Dominum nostrum . . . ad judicium venturum,’ id. Sermo clxvii. Comp. Wulfstan 219/27-29, 230/26-28; 294/5-12; Alcuin, ii. 488; OEH i. 143/7.

91. #hafð mid hire#, there is inherent in it.

92. #mihte#, virtues, the power to accomplish certain purposes.

93. #eorðe þrelles#: a combination after the pattern of #eorðwaru#, as in ‘Sunne dei blisseð togederes houeneware ⁊ horðeware,’ OEH i. 139/22: not ‘slaves,’ Morris, but said of men generally as enslaved by earthly pursuits; comp. 14/54-56.

94. #heom#: the corrupt reading of the MS. perhaps points to he heom as the original; see 77/39 note. Comp. ‘þe sonenday is best of alle | þanne aungles habbuz heore pley,’ Archiv lii. 35, the Latin has only ‘in quo [die] gaudent angeli et archangeli maior diebus ceteris.’

96. #ireste . . . of#: comp. 76/6.

97. Whosoever then observes Sunday . . . let them be participators &c., is a sentence of much the same type as, ‘Se þe Drihten ondræde herie hine, eall Iacobes cynn,’ Psalter, ed. Thorpe, xxi. 21; 77/39. Morris suggests the change of heo to he, but singular and plural in these texts often alternate: for #beo#, _pl. subj._, see 82/119. #þa oðer halie daȝes#: the feast-days of obligation.

100. #abuten ende#: see 34/85 note.

_Greek_

Ἀναβατικὸν Παύλου [Anabatikon Paulou]

_Cross-References_

1/19 (note) = I. A (Worcester Fragments) 21/94 (note) = VI. (The Proverbs of Alfred) 34/80, 34/85, 40/181 (notes) = VIII. (Poema Morale) 72/179 (note) = IX. B (Ancrene Wisse: Outer Rule) 77/39 (note) = _present selection_ 90/73 (note) = XIII. (Vices and Virtues) p. 269 = V. (A Parable) p. 312 = VIII. (Poema Morale) p. 327 = VIII. (Poema Morale) under Dialect

_Errata_

#Literature:# ... Bedae Opera Historica [_text unchanged, but work cited spells it “Baedae”_] _w_ is added ... #ġ# is _ȝ_ [_“ȝ” misprinted as bold instead of italic_] #Accidence:# ... monedeis 72; [72:] The weak declension ... strong and weak, is e; [e,] The personal pronouns ... (dei like L. dies is _fm._) [L dies] (1) S. Paul in ... One of these, the Ἀναβατικὸν Παύλου, is lost [Παύλου is] represented in a Latin version [Version] The Latin version ... (4) Anonymous, B.M. Add. 15606 [B M]

XI. HIC DICENDUM EST DE PROPHETA

#Manuscript:# As for piece x.

#Editions:# Morris, R., OEH i. 47-53, and Specimens, 21-25.

#Literature:# Cohn, O., Die Sprache in der me. Predigtsammlung der Hs. Lambeth 487, Berlin, 1880.

#Phonology# &c.: See piece x, pp. 407, 410, 413.

#Introduction:# No source has been found for this singular piece, which, in its treatment of Jeremiah in the pit as the type of the unshriven sinner, differs from the usual mystical interpretations of this episode in the life of the prophet. So Adam of Prémontré, ‘Pax tibi, o sanctificate in utero, virgo et sacerdos Dei, o Jeremia sanctissime! quem de lacu lutoso et funes et panni levant veteres, quia sanctos Dei ab aeterno ad vitam ab ipso praedestinatos de sordido vitae praesentis profundo et sacrae Scripturae praecepta et sancta elevant exempla,’ De triplici genere Contemplationis, Migne, P. L., cxcviii., col. 824. So for S. Gregory, the ropes are ‘praecepta Dominica,’ the old rags, ‘antiquorum patrum exempla,’ Moralia, xxv. 7, and the interpretation of Hugh of S. Victor, ii. 256, is similar.

The homily consists of two parts, very dissimilar in style and discordant in tone; the joint is plainly discernible at 81/76. The first part is an earnest insistence on the necessity of sacramental confession, a question much debated at the time of this sermon and after, till it was finally disposed of by the fourth Lateran Council in 1215 A.D. The passages in Latin, like 81/64, do not necessarily imply a Latin original, they are rather headings of the divisions of the discourse, which is probably an effort of the writer’s own ingenuity in support of his favourite contention. It contains no hint of the crabs and other ‘wurmes’ of the pit. The second part reads like a translation; it has all the vivacity and simple directness of the contemporary French Sermo ad Populum. Its leading idea was probably suggested by the famous apologue in the legend of Barlaam of the man who, pursued by a furious unicorn, fell into a well tenanted by a dragon, a four-headed snake, and two mice. This story was used by Eudes de Cheriton, p. 217, and Jacques de Vitry, no. cxxxiv.

The thirty-third Homily in OEH ii. should be compared with this second part: it is in the same style, if not by the same author.

1. The Latin is based on Jeremiah xxxviii. 6-13, but there is no authority in that place for the second sentence and the first half of the fourth. Comestor adds to the Scripture narrative, ‘et erat propheta in luto usque ad guttur.’

7. #ꝥ# = þet: see 76/8, 25.

8. #⁊ ꝥ#, and what is more, and indeed: comp. 80/33; OEH i. 121/9.

12. #claðes#: ‘veteres pannos et antiqua quae computruerant,’ Jer. xxxviii. 11.

15. #bitacnunge#, spiritual meaning, allegorical significance.

17. #fuliwis#: see 32/40. #almihtin#, comp. 51/337: according to NED., it owes its _n_ to imitation of drihtin: Morsbach, ME. Gram. 95/4 sets it down to late OE. _acc._ #ælmihtigne#.

18. #Beati# &c.: S. Luke xi. 28.

23. Alanus de Insulis, Opera, ed. Visch, 78, has the same words as a quotation without naming the author. S. Gregory, Regula Pastoralis, pars iii. ch. 34 and in four other places, quotes 2 Pet. ii. 21 thus, ‘Melius enim eis non cognoscere viam justitiae, quam post agnitionem retrorsum converti ab eo quod illis traditum est.’

25. #þe#: miswritten for þen; see 80/39: þet, from the preceding clause, is to be understood with it.

26. ‘Qui declinat aures suas ne audiat legem, oratio eius erit execrabilis,’ Prov. xxviii. 9, is quoted by S. Gregory, Moral., xvi. ch. 21, with variant ‘aurem suam,’ as in Codex Amiatinus, and again Moral., x. ch. 15, with ‘avertit aurem suam.’ #Obturat# is probably due to ‘Qui obturat aures suas,’ Isa. xxxiii. 15, also quoted by S. Gregory, Op. i. 755.

28. #þe--beoð#, that proceed from him.

29. #unwurðe#: _pl._ OE. #unwierþ#, despicable: see 26/258. #Puteus# &c. What follows is drawn from S. Augustine’s Enarratio in Psalmum lxviii. 15, 16, ‘Eripe me de luto ut non infigar: libera me ab iis, qui oderunt me, et de profundis aquarum. Non me demergat tempestas aquae, neque absorbeat me profundum: neque urgeat super me puteus os suum,’ on which part of the comment is, ‘Magnus est puteus profunditas iniquitatis humanae: illuc quisque si ceciderit, in altum cadet. Sed tamen ibi positus, si confitetur peccata Deo suo, non super eum claudet puteus os suum,’ Op. iv^1, col. 523, an interpretation adopted by Bede, viii. 655. The writer of the homily probably had for his immediate source the abbreviated quotation in the Liber Poenitentialis of Alanus, 195. Comp. OEH ii. 43 for another comment on this passage.

32. #heueð sunnen#: see 54/8.

34. #glutenerie#, gluttony: OF. glutunerie; apparently here only.

35. #ꝥ#: comp. 1/10.

37. #hames#, estates, possessions, as in ‘hig cípton ealle hira hámas,’ Gen. xlvii. 20 = ‘vendentibus singulis possessiones suas.’

38. #tunes#, enclosures, such as parks: comp. OE. #dēor-tūn#.

39. #þe liggeð--arisen#: comp. ‘in quo lacu sunt multi qui se ibi esse non sentiunt, quia peccata sua non attendunt, nec clamant ad Dominum,’ Beda, viii. 508.

41. #propheta#, S. Augustine: the quotation in Alanus is ‘non claudet super te os suum, si tu non claudas os tuum.’

43. Comp. ‘ne ꝥ þe pit tune ouer me his muð,’ OEH ii. 43/16.

45. #feower daȝes oðer fiue#, for a considerable length of time: comp. ‘Iesus þo his wille wes · aros from deþe to lyue. | Þeyh hyne bi-wusten knyhtes voure oþer vyue,’ OEM 52/538.

46. #ualleð# &c.: probably suggested by ‘Lacum aperuit, et effodit eum: et incidit in foveam, quam fecit,’ Ps. vii. 16.

47. #him#: comp. 2/17, 120/96, 121/132. This dative instead of the possessive adj. is common with parts of the body affected: in ‘þat his ribbes him to brake,’ KH 1077 we find both. #ꝥ is ꝥ#, that means: comp. ‘ꝥ is þet þe deofel þe geð abutan . . . ꝥ he neure ne maȝe cuman wið-innan us,’ OEH i. 127/27. #þer# &c., where he never again cometh out of penance, i.e. where he must make perpetual expiation instead of a brief one on earth. For omission of the subject comp. 6/18 and for of = out of, ‘forfaren of ða rihte weiȝe,’ VV 125/30: for bote comp. 80/58. Morris, in OEH i. 48, translates, ‘from whence he will never again return to repent,’ joining þer of and taking bote as = to bote. In Specimens it is taken to mean, ‘therefrom neuer again cometh help,’ but of should be after bote for that sense, comp. 64/61, 66/116, and the examples in the note at 1/3, though the prep. is occasionally awkwardly placed before a noun which it does not govern, as at 84/45,106/210.

51. #þreo herde weies#: comp. ‘Tria debent occurrere ad hoc ut vera sit confessio; scilicet cordis contritio, oris professio, operis satisfactio. . . . Haec est via trium dierum per quam debemus ire in solitudinem,’ Alanus, 99. But it is a commonplace: see the Liber Sacerdotalis on Confession. In a French sermon we find, ‘Vocabatur [diabolus] primo, gallice “Clocuer,” claudens cor contra contritionem; secundo “Cloboche,” claudens os contra confessionem; tertio “Cloborse,” claudens bursam contra satisfactionem,’ Hauréau, Notices, iv. 159.

54. #dede wel endinge# is wrongly explained in Specimens as = wel dede endinge, completion or performance of good works. It is a very literal translation of the Latin phrase, #dede#, _gen._ = operis, #wel# = satis, #endinge# = factio. For enden, to perform, especially of religious observances, comp. 77/32; ‘þat oure louerd hem ȝeue grace: þis holi dede wel ende,’ E. E. Poems, 47/137. #Cordis# &c.: the source of this is unknown to me.

56. #þe[nne]#: the correction was perhaps unnecessary, for þe = when, occurs in OEH i. 79/21: possibly in both places þe is for þē = þen.

58. #sunbote#, confession, here corresponds to ‘oris confessione’: its more usual meaning is penance, ‘operis satisfactione,’ as in ‘Alle weldede beoð freomfulle to sun-bote · ah nan mare freomful denne elmes idal,’ OEH i. 135/29: so ‘bote’ in l. 48 above. In 48/314, ‘cume to bote’ has a more general sense of, find pardon.

60. #þruh#, coffin, not ‘tomb,’ Morris; the burial belongs to the third stage, 81/63.

61. #scrift underuongest#, dost undertake, submit to the penance enjoined by the priest: comp. ‘ær he hæbbe godcunde bote underfangen,’ = ‘antequam divinam emendationem susceperit,’ Schmid, Gesetze, 178/5.

62. #þenne# &c., when thou hast done penance for thy sins in accordance with the directions of thy confessor: see 62/30.

63. #þine onwalde#, authority, power over thee: #þine# corresponds to the genitive which goes with OE. #anweald#, #onweald# in the same sense, as ‘onwald . . . ðæs folces,’ Cura Past., 3/5, power over the nation.

66. #heuie# is probably a mistake for heued; comp. 80/32; but ‘heuie sennen,’ OEH ii. 11/29.

67. #sunbendes#: ‘colligationes impietatis,’ Isa. lviii. 6; comp. 85/100; ‘þeo þat ye aleseþ here · of heore sunnes bende,’ OEM 55/629. Similarly ‘bendes’ 40/188: the verb is common, 135/123; ‘Ðe ilke mann ðe is ibunden mid heaued-senne,’ VV 101/8; OEM 192/5.

76. #in alesnesse#, for the deliverance: #in# expresses purpose and the noun is historically accusative; comp. ‘in gemynd þæs wundres,’ Beda, 204/27.

77. #þe . . . embe#, about which: comp. 1/3; 89/48; 90/73; 118/44; ‘mast ðar embe spekð,’ VV 101/9. So, þe . . . mide, 79.

80. #fower cunnes wurmes#, crawling things of four kinds; in such expressions the _sing. gen._ cunnes often displaces the normal plural; comp. 27/295, 88/13, 92/117, 119/90, 124/264, 134/93, 187/358, and contrast ‘kunne,’ 132/9 note. So too the predicative ‘manie kinnes,’ of many kinds, 85/104, 105.

82. #⁊ beoreð#, which carry: parataxis as in 150/27; ‘Euelin iseh enne gume . . . ⁊ bar an his riht hond[;] ænne stelene brond,’ L 8435.

85. #euer#, as an invariable result; comp. 7/69. Connect #se mare#, the more. #strengðdeð him#, exerts himself; comp. ‘⁊ streinþede him by al ys miht | to serue god,’ Bödd., AE. Dicht. 257/7. #to swimminde#, in order to swim, for swimming: corresponding in form to LWS. #to swimmende#, alternating with the regular _dat._ infinitive #to swimmene#: comp. ‘to quemende,’ 84/68, 70; ‘to lesende,’ 87/148; ‘to clensende,’ 87/177. Another exchange of terminations is seen in ‘Hit is to vnderstondinge þ{a}t sir Renaud . . . purchacede’ &c., An Eng. Miscellany, 350/6. The writer has ‘to brekene,’ 76/31, ‘for to lokien,’ 76/9.

86-90. Comp. ‘Ecce quot laqueos diabolus tendit litteratis et maxime theologis et predicatoribus, nam subplantatis et dejectis doctoribus facile deiciuntur discipuli; verum dicitur quod cuidam querenti a cancro cur non incederet recte sed retrograde, respondit cancer: “Ita didici a parentibus meis,”’ Jacques de Vitry, xliv. (the Exempla ex Sermonibus Vulgaribus may have been written as early as 1210 A.D.). The crab is accordingly the type of the teacher who cannot himself perform what he expects his pupils to do.

90. #swam hire#, swam: see 13/34.

92. #alse feire . . . alse#, as kindly as if.

93. #in--bosme puten#, clasp to their heart, like ‘suo sinu complexuque recipiet,’ Cic. Phil. xiii. 4, 9.

94. #to twiccheð#, pluck to pieces, speak censoriously of; like L. vellicare, discerpere. #to draȝeð#, rend, practise detraction, L. detrahere.

95. #doctores#: perhaps detractores; comp. ‘Detractores, Deo odibiles,’ Rom. i. 30. But the mother crab was a ‘doctor,’ and #eciam# here may be significant.

96. For the absolute use of #bihinden# comp. ‘þe ꝥ spekeð faire bi-foren ⁊ false bi-hinden,’ OEH i. 143/25.

97. #monslaȝen#, homicides. S. Gregory calls them cannibals, ‘Sciendum quoque est quia hi etiam qui alienae vitae detractione pascuntur, alienis procul dubio carnibus satiantur,’ Moralia, xiv. 52.

100. #þes--ehte#: read þes weorldes muchele ehte.

101. #itimien# represents OE. #getīmian#, to befall, happen, a meaning which does not suit here or at 104. The ME. word may here have been influenced by OWScand. tíma, always used with a negative as in tíma ekki, to grudge (Egge in Mod. Lang. Notes, i. 131), but his suggestion of a connexion with ‘beteem,’ Shak. Hamlet I. ii. 141, must be rejected, and the isolated use of the word in a Scandinavian sense, afford, find in his heart, in this Southern text makes a difficulty. Mätzner suggests the meaning, ‘verfallen auf etwas,’ and Strat.-Bradley, ‘to use opportunities.’ Possibly the writer was trying to translate some such Latin as, non potest temporanee manducare, or temporare (= in tempore vivere, Catholicon), or adtemporare, which would suggest getimien in a strained sense of, to do at the proper season.

102. #ah liggeð þer uppon#: comp. ‘Condit opes alius, defossoque incubat auro,’ Virgil, Georg. ii. 507; ‘Chryseros quidam nummularius, copiosae pecuniae dominus . . . sordidus aureos folles incubabat,’ Apuleius, Metamorp. iv. 9.

103. Eudes de Cheriton, Fabula lxvii. has, ‘#Contra auaros et laycos tenaces.# Bufo, qui habitat in terra, rogauit Ranam, que habitat in flumine, quod daret ei de aqua ad potandum. Ait Rana: Placet; et dedit ei quantum uolebat. Rana esuriens rogauit quod daret ei de terra. Respondit Bufo: Certe nichil dabo, quia ego ipse, timens ne deficiat, [non] comedo ad sufficienciam. Sic sunt plerique in tantum tenaces, quod expectant quod panes sint muscidi, bacones rancidi, pastilli sint putridi; nec possunt manducare nec pro Deo dare; timent quod terra eis deficiat. Hii sunt bufones Diaboli.’ Eudes flourished about 1219 A.D. The parallelism between ‘nec--dare’ and ‘maȝen--godalmihtin’, 101, 2; and between ‘timent--deficiat’ and ‘swa--trukie,’ 104, 5, is striking.

105. #trukie#: comp. 72/183.

107. The passage in brackets is conjectural: the copyist passed over a line ending with the same word as that which he had just completed. For the yellow cloth see 62/46 note.

109. #helfter#, halter, noose: OE. #hælfter#. The original had, no doubt, laqueus diaboli. For similar expressions comp. ‘Revera ornatus muliebris sagena diaboli est,’ Caesarius Heist., 287; ‘diaboli hamus,’ Vitas Patrum, 302. #þeos wimmen# &c.: comp. ‘Mundus est _la garanne au diable_ in qua venatur ut capiat animas, et tendit ibi laqueos infinitos. Unus laqueus ejus est pulchritudo corporalis et ornatus. Unde istae dominae, quae tam pulchrae videntur esse et tam bene ornatae, _acemées_, sunt muscipula diaboli, quam tendit ad capiendum fatuos; ipsae sunt _la ratière au diable_,’ Hauréau, Notices, iv. 154. #lumeð#, shine, are splendidly attired. The MS. reading luueð and Morris’s conjecture liuieð give a poor sense. For _lumen_ comp. ‘Hire lure lumes liht, | ase a launterne a nyht,’ Böddeker, AE. Dicht. 169/23; ‘þat lemeþ al wiþ luefly lyt,’ id. 152/6, 155/8, 145/3. The transitive ‘alemeþ,’ illuminates, occurs in OEH ii. 109/1; ‘alumþ,’ id. 141/29. #musestoch#: comp. ‘Similiter assatur caseus et ponitur in muscipula. Quem cum sentit Ratus, intrat in muscipulam, capit caseum et capitur a muscipula. Sic est de omni illicito. Caseus as[s]atur, quando mulier paratur, ornatur, ut stultos ratos alliciat et capiat,’ Eudes de Cheriton, 221/1; ‘Mulier pulchra . . . est caseus in muscipula. Mulier adornatur . . . Hoc est caseus assatus,’ id. 328/1. See also 62/51 note.

114. #blanchet#, ‘fine wheaten flour,’ Halliwell, who quotes from MS. Bowes of Robert of Brunne, ‘With blaunchette and other flour | To make thaim qwytter of colour.’

116. #scawere#, mirror: comp. OEH ii. 29/9-13. #hindene#, Morris thinks is miswritten for hid-ern, hiding-place; a word which does not occur elsewhere; if it were connected with OE. #hȳdan# the first syllable would be hud- in this text. In Specimens it is translated snare, with comparison of OE. #hinderhōc#, stratagem, as if for hindere. I take it to be the _adv._ hinden in substantive use, the hinder parts, the ‘behind’; in CM 22395, ‘hindwin.’ There is an ‘exemplum’ preserved in Le Livre du Chevalier de la Tour Landry, ch. xxxi, which tells what the lady who devoted a fourth of the day to her toilet once saw in her mirror; it was probably in our writer’s mind here. The Book of the Knight was written for the instruction of his daughters.

118. #wið#: comp. 48/299 and ‘þer wið,’ 82/121; ‘þe clenesse iscilt heo wið unþeawes,’ OEH i. 111/17; but ‘from,’ 148/141; ‘Wiðtieð giu fro flesliche lustes,’ OEH ii. 63/28.

_Cross-Reference_

62/46 (note) = IX. B (Ancrene Wisse: Outer Rule)

_Errata_

61. ... Schmid, Gesetze, 178/5. [Schmidt] 103. ... The parallelism between ‘nec--dare’ and ‘maȝen--godalmihtin’ [_second set of quotation marks missing_]

XII. SERMONS FOR PALM SUNDAY AND EASTER DAY

#Manuscript:# Trinity College, Cambridge, B. 14. 52. See p. 312.

#Facsimile:# Frontispiece to OEH ii.; gives f 44 r.

#Edition:# Morris, R., OEH ii., and Specimens, pp. 26-33.

#Literature:# Krüger, A., Sprache und Dialekt der me. Homilien in der Handschrift B. 14. 52. Trinity College, Cambridge, Erlangen, 1885.

#Phonology:# Oral #a# is _a_, ateliche 128, axen 183; #a# before nasals, _a_, manne 168, þanken 48, but _o_ in þonc 72, þonked 84, 139; #a# before lengthening groups, _o_, honde 23, understondeð 146, but _a_ in lange 101, 184, understandeð 180: þanne 45, 136 alternates with þenne 52, 117. #æ# is _a_ (12 times), bad 88, 120, wat 175, and _e_ (9 times), bed 11, set 71, wecche 97. #e# is _e_, eft 37, bendes 100, but understont 176, understant 181 (#-stent#). #i# is _i_, bidden 188, bringen 11, often written #ȳ# in synne OEH ii. 57/5, synfulle id. 57/17, synegeden id. 65/16, and similar words: but #i# is _e_ in beð 122 (from pl.), sleðrende 169. #o# is _o_, biforen 28, one 11, 14, borde 87, wolde 22, but an 185, a 4 (5 times). #u# is _u_, burh 21, bunden 127, but _o_ in comen 66, 69, folcninge 111, beside fulcninge 114. #y# is _i_ (29 times), iuele 116, kinne 103 (3), but _e_ in specð 85, euel OEH ii. 183/10, kenne id. 201/11, _u_ in cunde 162, fulste 76; cuinde 160 shows hesitation between _u_ and _i_. #ā# is normally _o_, aros 137, bitocneð 102, but a 11, an 19, hatte 9, naðeles 13, 74. #ǣ{1}# is mostly _e_, bileueð 158, clensinge 186, leren 65, but _a_ in ani 136, ar OEH ii. 11/24, lareð id. 15/2, _o_ in goð 4, 56 (from plural); a diphthong has developed before #sc# in fleis 144 (6). #ǣ{2}# is also mostly _e_, beren 23, selðe 123, but _a_ in aristes 140, adrade OEH ii. 193/18, dade id. 187/22. #ē# is _e_, bete 73, este 166, but _o_ in doð 15, 159, 164 (from plural), _ie_ in gie OEH ii. 21/9. #ī# is _i_, lichame 126, lif 67. #ō# is _o_, blod 47, blostme 24, but te 11. #ū# is _u_, abuten 101, husel 47. #ȳ# is _i_, kidde 135, _e_, bet 147, _u_, cudden 18.

#ea# before #r# + cons. is _a_, armheorted 119, harde 98, warð 175, but _e_ in bern 30, smerte _adj._ 98, _ea_ in smeart _pt. s._ OEH ii. 21/27, _ia_ in giarked 84. #ea# before #l# + cons. is _a_, al 71, half 68, but sometimes _o_, olde OEH ii. 47/3, _ea_, ealde id. 19/15, ealse id. 35/23, and _ia_, ȝiald id. 169/4: the _i_-umlaut is _e_, eldre id. 43/35. #eo# before #r# + cons. is _eo_, eorðliche 72 (3), heorte 62, but _e_ in beregeð 114, herte 17, lerneð 17, sterre OEH ii. 161/4, _o_ in storre id. 161/19, storres id. 161/6; the #wur# group has _u_, wurðe 84, 140, wurðlice 92, the _i_-umlaut is wanting, wurð 162, wurðe 91. #eo# before #l# + cons. is _e_, self 155, seluen 90 (4), but sulfen OEH ii. 45/6. #eo#, _u_-umlaut of #e#, gives heuene 74, 79, wereld 168: #eo#, _å_-umlaut of #e#, is wanting in fele 105. #eo#, _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #i#, is _e_ in bileue 149, clepen 10, cleped 44, 108, here 20, 107, 123, seueðe 102, but biliue 172. #ea# after palatals is _a_, shal 27 (3), gaf 14, shap 158, but gef 172, giaf OEH ii. 113/27; _a_ in shameliche 127 before nasal. #ie# after #g# is _i_ in giueð 160, forgiuenesse 46, but gief OEH ii. 9/10. #ȝef# is gif 57, 182. #eo# after #sc# is _u_, shulen 74: #eom# is am 17, #heom#, hem 171. #ēa# is regularly _e_, bred 87, 156, deð 6, ec 105, ester 101 (4), leue 143, þeh 12, but _a_ in admod 17, admodnesse 15, shad 148, _ea_ in deaðe 137; its _i_-umlaut is _e_, lesen 147, lesende 148, remden 28, semeð 73. #ēo# is also _e_, beð 51, ben 63 (10), crepe 100, preste 9 (5), but _ie_ in bie 30, 115, bien 61 (4), and _i_ in bi 57; its _i_-umlaut is _e_, þester OEH ii. 39/29, but þiesternesse id. 9/27, and þeoster id. 171/25. #īe# after #g# is _e_ in geme 57, 182; #hīe# is hie 74, 105.

#a# + #g# is _ag_, lage OEH ii. 3/6, dages id. 3/14. #æ# + #g# is _ai_, dai 4 (5), fair 12 (3), mai 38 (4), but sunedeies 99, seið 24, 31, seide 155. #e# + #g# is _ei_, leiden 20, wei 32 (5); agen 37, 182 descends from #ongēn#, so togenes 19, but toȝanes OEH ii. 177/32 is #tōgēanes#. #e# + #h# gives _eh_, sehte 51 (3), sehtnesse 53, but Scand. sahtnesse 50. #i# + #g#, reine 171 (O.North. #regnian#). #u# + #g# is _ug_, muge 152, 188, but mo 77 (Kentish). #y# + #h#, drihten 33, driste 189. #ā# + #g# is seen in agen 165, ogen 121; #ǣ{1}# + #g# in eiðer 126; #ē# + #g# in tweie 39, tweien 10, 17, tweire 103; underfoð 106 (#-fēhþ#) has _o_ from the plural. #ō# + #g# gives boges 33, 65; #ō# + #h#, boh 24, brohten 34; #ū# + #g#, bugen 88 (3). The _i_-umlaut of #ēa# + #ht# is _i_ in mihte 135, 159, _ie_ in niehtes OEH ii. 11/5. #eo# + #h# is represented in riht 68, rihte 143, six 96, sixte 101, its _i_-umlaut in sest OEH ii. 137/5, seð id. 121/26. #ēa# + #g#, #h# in hege 21, heg 35, nehgebures 122; hegeste 176 has no umlaut. #ēo# + #ht# is seen in leochtes OEH ii. 11/5, liht id. 13/16. #ā# + #w# is _ou_, _ow_, soule 116 (4), snow 169, wowe 138, 181; noðer 12 is #nōþer#, noht 65, #nōht#. #ēa# + #w# is _ew_, sheweð 94. #ēo# + #w# is _eow_, _eou_ in reoweð 119, reouð 122, _ew_ in trewes 34, 60, hew 159 but hiu 158 (#hīew#), giu 147, 148, 153, comp. ȝiu 16/117: feorðe 99 is #fēorþa#, reoðe 121 (*#hrēowð#) is probably miswritten for reowðe.

#Swā# is swo 9, in combination alse 15, wat . . . se 175. _e_ is inserted in beregeð 114, forsinegede 71, 124, husel 47, ouelete 154, shameliche 127, added finally in one 11, 14, þermide 139 by analogy of inne 45, uppe 71. For #a#, _e_ appears in felefolde 164, for #e#, _i_ in giarked 84; the prefix #ge-# is _i_ in iwis 150. #o# is _e_ in makede 5, #u#, _e_ in þureh 54 (3); the suffix #-ung# is _ing_, clensinge 186, tocninge 55, wissinge 95, but wissenge 187 and the compromise þroweinge 52. #ǣ# is _e_ in naðeles 74; #ea#, _o_ in felefolde 164; #ēa#, _e_ in endelese 74, loðlesnesse 109.

In nemed 118, _n_ is omitted, by influence of the past #nemde#: #n# is lost finally in selde 98, a 4 &c.: #nn# is simplified in mankin 136, sinbote 109, sunedai 183: #ng# is _gg_ in biginnigge 5. #bb# is _u_ in hauen 71, liuen 153. #f# becomes _u_ between vowels or vowel and liquid, driuen 127, freureð 124, ouelete 154; in other positions it is generally unchanged, fele 105, stefne 28, but uantstone OEH ii. 61/17, uele id. 63/11. #t# is doubled in settle 35, #ts# is _c_ in milce 188, _sc_ in blesced 30: #d# is doubled in bidded 86; for #d#, _ð_ appears in sleðrende 169; #ð# in dauiðes 30 is OE. #þ# is assimilated in atte 156, likeste 122; te for þe 6, 166 is probably from the scribe’s exemplar as tis 174 for þis; betfage is French, bethphage from the Vulgate: _d_ is written for #þ# in bidded 86, maked 62, quedinde 145. #ss# is simplified in cos 53; initial #sc# is _sh_, shal 27, shrud 113, shrifte 183, but exceptionally srifte OEH ii. 73/5, scrifte id. 11/11: medially it is seen in axen 183, acxen 96, bisshopes 61, englisse 44, it is _s_ final in fles 47, fleis 150 (6). The stop #c# is written _k_ before _e_, _i_, drinke 150, kinne 103, but spece 118: it is omitted in ofþinð 123. #č# is _ch_, eche 125, swinch 98; chosene 78 (#coren#) is conformed to #cēosan#; for cruche 185 see NED. _s.v._ Crouch: #čč# is _cch_ in wecche 97, wrecche 123: #cw# is _qu_, quemende 68. Palatal #g# is written _g_, giueð 160, gaf 14, hege 21, but occasionally _ȝ_, ȝaf OEH ii. 141/28, heȝest id. 197/14: final #-ig# is _i_, but bode 189: swimesse 156 represents #swīg(e)messe#: #čǧ# is _g_ in wig 14, _gg_ in briggeden 32, 59. _h_ is added initially in heste, hestene 164, heorðliche 35, his 47; #h# is lost in ider 130, louerd 13, lude 28, remden 28, reoweð 119, reouð 122, reoðe 121; for #h#, _g_ occurs in hegsettle 35: #hw# is _w_, wat 38 (3), wile 114, wit 113, conversely #hū# is hwu 130, wu 167: #ht# is written _st_ in driste 189, _cht_ in leochtes OEH ii. 11/5.

#Accidence:# Strong declension of _masc._ and _neut._ nouns. _Gen._ -es, sunedeies 99, kinnes 104, 105: _d._ -e, deaðe 137, borde 87, but the inflection is often wanting, as in the compounds of dai, 101, 183, 184 and in most of the neuters, blod 144 (4), fleis 144 (4), &c.; muð 156 may be _acc._ (Anglian) after mid. In the _acc._ weie 59, 60, 62 has _e_ like jo-stems, and tacne 53 from _pl._ #tācnu#: mule 12 is French. The _pl. n. a._ of masculines ends in -es, cloþes 20, prestes 61, bendes 100; preste 9 is a scribe’s mistake for prestes: neuters are burhfolc 21, þing 148. _Pl. g._ kinne 103, but englene 172, estrene 140 (#ēastrena#), kingene 13, muðene 44 are weak forms, louerdes 12; _d._ boges 33, 65, trewes 34, 60. The _fem._ nouns, except wereld 168, have _e_ in the _s. nom._, chirchsocne 4, sinbote 109, abstracts in #-nes#, 109, 118, 119 as also in the _s. acc._ cuinde 160, forbisne 14, mihte 135, 159; hond 69, wereld 168 are exceptions: _g._ -e, sinne 100, but aristes 140 (occasionally _m._ in OE.): _d._ -e, cunde 162, dede 15. Plurals are _n._ hese 73, wede 103, wedes 104; _g._ estene 166, hestene 164, wedes 127; _d._ weden 131, honde 23, wedes 22, 125; _a._ mede 74, sinne 119, sinnes 46 (4), honden 128, pinen 96. Nouns of the weak declension have -e in all cases of the singular; lichames _s. g._ 162 excepted. Plurals are _n._ names 39, sanderbodes 18: _d._ axen 183, blostmen 26: _a._ acxen 96, blostme 24. The minor declensions are represented by fot _s. a._ 9, fet _pl. a._ 128; man _s. n._ 36, cristeman 176, mannes _s. g._ 62 (4), man _s. d._ 117, manne 176 (a weak form), men _pl. n._ 10, _pl. d._ 116, _pl. a._ 143; burh _s. d._ 21, bureh 11, 18 (#byrig#); boc _s. n._ 24; helende _s. n._ 5 (5) with participial termination; comp. 273/3, helendes _s. g._ 57; child _s. a._ 112; children _pl. n._ 31.

Strong inflections of the adjective are _s. n. f._ bicumeliche 116, holie 45, 51; _s. d. m._ bicumeliche 93, eche 125, _f._ bicumeliche 93, 94, 183, eorðliche 72, faire 64, lude 28, wise 66; _s. a. m._ endelese 181, rihte 143, sehte 55, _f._ eche 181; but holi _s. d. m._ 184, soð 183, fair _s. a. m._ 12 are not inflected. The weak form has mostly -e in the singular, holie 24 (9), but holi 47 (9), lift 69, riht 68 are not inflected. Adjectives in the plural have -e; as also comparatives and superlatives, loðere 116, hegeste 176, but biterest 178. Adjectives used as nouns are bitere _pl. g._ 178, half _s. a._ 68. #āgen# is ogen _s. d. f._ 121; #ān# is an 19, a 11; #nān#, no 106 (3). Noteworthy among the numerals are tweire _pl. g._ 103 (#twēgra#), fifte 100, sixte 101, seueðe 102.

The personal pronouns are ich, me, we, ure _pl. g._ 182, us, te = þu in likeste 122, ge, giu 147, 148, 153. The pronoun of the third person is _s. n._ he _m._ 12, _d._ him _m._ 19, _a._ 27, hit _neut._ 19 (with asse _m._), it 21 (with strete _f._); _pl. n._ hie 33, 74, _g._ here 107, _d._ hem 72, _a._ 11. Reflexive is himseluen _d._ 107, _a._ 90: definitive, himself _s. n._ 155: possessives are mi, ure, þin, his, hise _pl. d._ 10, 78, here. The general form of the article is þe, te 6, 156, 166; inflected forms are ðet _s. n. neut._ 26, 117, þo _pl. n._ 17 (3); þet 14, 84 is demonstrative: the article is used pronominally in þo þe, those who 27 (10). The compound demonstrative is _s._ þis, tis 174, _pl._ þese, once þis[e] 125. The relatives are þe, ꝥ = þet, þat 115: wat 38 (3) is interrogative: swiche 106, 129 is _pl._ Indefinites are me 27; sum 24, sume _pl._ 33 (3); eiðer 126; oðer 117, oðre _s. d. m._ 15, _s. a. m._ 136, _pl. d._ 22, _pl. a._ 135; ech 38, elhc 36, eches _s. g. m._ 175, 178; ani 136; manie 104; fele 105; al _s. a. m._ 71, _s. a. f._ 167, alle 114, _pl. n._ 105 (3), alre _pl. g._ 12 (6), alle _pl. a._ 135 (3).

The infinitive ends in -en, bidden 188, þolen 6 and fifteen others; exceptions are crepe 100, reine 171, and the contract verb fon 74. Dative infinitives with inflection are to clensende 177, to lesende 148, to quemende 68, for to quemende 70; without inflection, for . . . to hauen 70, to blissen, to gladien 83, to bete 73 and ten others. Presents are _s._ 1. speke 104, spece 118; 2. likeste (= likest þu) 122; 3. beregeð 114, liðe 100 (miswritten for liðeð), bidded 86, for biddeð; contract verb, underfoð, 106, 117; syncopated forms, about one-third of the total number, bet 120, bet 147, bit 120, 143, sent 53, understont 176, &c.; _pl._ 1. hauen 186, undernimen 142; 2. understonden 154; 3. bidden 46, herien 46, noten 45, þanken 48, wunien 9 and ten others in -en, lereð 67, semeð 73, wisseð 63, maked 62, for makeð: _subjunctive s._ 3. drinke 91, wurðe 84, 140; _pl._ 1. bugen 88; nime we 56, 182, understonde 88; 3. liuen 153: _imperative s._ 2. haue 121, underfo 113; _pl._ 2. brukeð 147, cumeð 87, lerneð 17, understondeð 87, 146. Past of Strong Verbs: I a. _s._ 3. gaf 14, gef 172, bad 88, 120, bed 11, set 71, spec 160; _pl._ 3. eten 172: I b. _s._ 2. come 130; 3. com 8, 26; _pl._ 3. beren 23, breken 33, 60, comen 28: I c. _s._ 3. warð 175; _pl._ 3. funden 19: II. _s._ 3. aros 137, rod 20: IV. _pl._ 3. understoden 27: V. _s._ 3. let 171; _pl._ 3. bihengen 21; _s._ 3. hatte 9. Participles present: I a. queðinde 16 (3), quedinde 145; past: I b. brokene _adj._ 65, cumen 182, cumene _pl._ 185: I c. bigunnen 179, 187, bigunne 177, bunden 127, worpen 128: II. driuen 127: III. chosene _pl._ 78: V. forleten 179, 187, shad 148. Past of Weak Verbs: _s._ 3. fette 138, kidde 135, lufede 175, rerde 137, seide 155, sende 10 (3); _pl._ 3. wenden 23, ferden 18, 28, leiden 20, makeden 61, but exceptionally ferde, makede 58. Participles present: seiende 89, 120, seggende 86, sleðrende 169; past: blesced 30, nemed 118, bet 179, 187, clepede _pl._ 108, forsinegede _pl._ 71. Minor Groups: wot _pr. s._ 38; agen _pr. pl._ 165; shal _pr. s._ 27, shulen _pr. pl._ 74; mai _pr. s._ 38 (4), muge we 1 _pr. pl._ 188, mo 77 (Kentish), muge [ge] 2 _pr. pl._ 152; ben _inf._ 77, 127, am 1 _pr. s._ 17, is _pr. s._ 44, his 47, beð 122, 154, ben 1 _pr. pl._ 142, 185, _pr. pl._ 63 (10), bien 61 (3), beð 51, bie _pr. s. subj._ 30, 115, bi 57, si (lof) 30, bien 1 _pr. pl. subj._ 182, was _pt. s._ 18, weren _pt. pl._ 31, 67; wile _pr. s._ 78, wolde _pt. s._ 6, 22; do 1 _pr. s._ 105, doð _pr. s._ 15, 159, 164, don 1 _pr. pl._ 141, fuldon _pr. pl._ 74, do _pr. s. subj._ 114, do we 1 _pr. pl. subj._ 88, dide _pt. s._ 136, diden _pt. pl._ 31; gon _inf._ 101, goð _pr. s._ 4, 56.

#Dialect:# A scribe of the South-East Midland has copied a manuscript written in the South-Eastern area bordering on Kent. The changes he has made affect both sounds and inflections in varying degree; in this extract the Midland element is more pronounced than usual; towards the end of his task the Southern gains the upper hand. But his exemplar was in its turn descended from an original of the Middle or Western South, written not long after the Conquest, or at any rate by a man to whom OE. constructions, such as the uses of the dative in him 106, iuele 116, folke 174, manne 176, were not strange.

#Vocabulary:# Scandinavian are rideð 62, sahtnesse 50, shereðursdai 184, wanrede 124, and probably gestninge 84. French are absolucion 100, custume 3, diciples 10, mule 12, oliue 24, palefrei 12, procession 4, prophete 169, proue 90, richeise 72, sepulcre 102. Latin are apostles 20, bisshopes 61, calice 52, cruche 100, crisme 112, fant(ston) 101, munt 10, temple 23.

#Introduction:# These pieces appear to be original compositions of the Middle English period, but the work of a writer who drew his ideas from the older literature, Beda and Ælfric, and used many archaic words such as burhfolc, chirchsocne, hegsettle, ouelete, sanderbodes, swimesse, wig. There is similarity in parts to the sixth Blickling Homily.

1. #Turbe# &c.: S. Matt. xxi. 9.

4. #⁊# = and. #haueð--of#, has its origin in: for #of# comp. 131/98.

6. #Et# &c.: not a quotation from the Vulgate or Comestor.

8. #þe# is a mistake for he, necessary as sende l. 10 has no subject.

9. #preste#: ‘Bethphage erat viculus sacerdotum in monte Oliueti,’ Beda, Opera, vii. 183. #þe . . . one#: see 1/3 note.

11. #into . . . ierusalem#: ‘in castellum quod contra eos erat ·i· in hierusalem,’ Comestor, Hist. Euang. ch. cxvij. #wig#: OE. #wicg#, steed; a poetical word, but here apparently in a depreciatory sense.

12. #noðer stede# &c.: comp. ‘Ne he nedde stede · ne no palefray. | Ac rod vppe on asse · as ich eu segge may,’ OEM 39/67; OEH i. 5/19; ‘Broght þai noþer on hir bak | Na sadel ne panel,’ CM 14981.

15. #on his dede . . . on his speche#, by means of act and word: _on_ is more energetic than _in_: comp. ‘herte biðencheð ꝥ hie seggen shal on songe,’ OEH ii. 211/17. But #on oðre stede# is a purely local use.

16. #Discite# &c.: S. Matt. xi. 29.

18. #sanderbodes#, messengers; apparently the word occurs only here, but sandermen is in AS. Chron. 1123 A.D. A combination of #sand#, _gen._ #sande#, message, and #boda#, messenger: r may be due to Scandinavian influence (NED viii. 91), or it is possibly analogous to that in provender, OF. provende, lavender, Anglo-French lavendre, from LL. lavendula. #þiderward#, on the way there; see 91/93 note.

21. #hihten#, adorned; comp. ‘alle þos wennen huihten his wurðshipe,’ OEH ii. 195/32, 71/24.

22. #oðre#: _adj. pl. d._, practically adverbial, besides.

25. #Occurrunt# &c.: Antiphon sung in procession on Palm Sunday, according to Old English and Roman uses: see York Breviary i. 367.

27. #understoden#, received: for the earlier #underfōn# in this sense, comp. 6/37, 11/187, 197, 207.

28. #remden lude stefne#, cried with a loud voice; stefne is dative; comp. ‘and on cleopie agan[;] loudere stemne,’ L, MS. O 20789.

29. #Osanna# &c.: S. Matt. xxi. 9.

31. #Pueri Hebraeorum vestimenta prosternebant# in via, one of the Antiphons sung at the blessing of the palms in the Old English and Roman uses: see York Missal, i. 85, Breviary i. 367. _v. p._ are incorrectly expanded in the text, through a too trustful following of Morris.

35. #heg settle#. OE. #setl#, #stōl# continue in regular use for the official seat of king and dignitary till the middle of the thirteenth century, when they are displaced by F. trone.

37. #fro chirche to chirche#. The Palm Sunday procession at Mattins issued from the west door of the church, visited the stations in the churchyard and re-entered the church by the same door. In so doing it was mystically said to leave Bethphage and return to Jerusalem. The scribe has misplaced #⁊ eft agen#; it should come before #to chirche#. #⁊ bitocneð# parataxis; see 81/82.

40. #domus bucce#: ‘Bethphage autem domus buccae . . . dicitur . . . quia multos ante passionem suam docendo [Saluator] donis piae confessionis & obedientiae spiritalis impleuit,’ Beda, Op. vii. 183; ‘Venit Bethphage quod dicitur domus maxillae, dum adveniente morte salvandus quisque peccata sua aperit in confessione,’ Godefridi Homiliae in Migne, P. L. clxxiv. 22: Hildebert, id. clxxi. 500; ‘Betfage, se tun, getacnaþ þa halgan cyricean on þære biþ sungen ꝥ halige geryne, ⁊ men þær heora synna andettaþ, ⁊ him þaer forgifnesse biddaþ,’ BH 77/14.

45. #þet . . . inne#, in which: see 1/3. #noten#, employ (with advantage) the functions of their mouths: comp. ‘here wiken hem binimeð · þe hie ar noteden,’ OEH ii. 183/1: it takes an _acc._ here and at 87/165, but ‘noten of,’ 191/488: OE. #notian# often governs _gen._ of the thing enjoyed.

48. #uisio pacis#: so Beda, vii. 262; Ælfric, Hom. Cath. ii. 66. #soð#, l. 50, is a mistake for sihð, repeated OEH ii. 53/20; it really translates pax uera; see 116/140. Comp. ‘sibbe gesihð Sancta Hierusalem,’ Crist, 50; BH 81/1.

52. #of þe calice#. At this period, the celebrant after the consecration of the elements kissed the chalice and then the Deacon, with the words ‘Habete vinculum pacis et caritatis’; the Deacon next passed on the kiss to the assistants and so to the congregation. See York Missal, i. 198, Zaccaria, Bibliotheca Ritualis, ii^2. cxlviii-cli. Ælfric calls the messe cos, ‘sibbe coss,’ Lives, ii. 46/699.

53. #þe folc sent#, dismisses the people, with the words ‘Ite, missa est’: a sufficient sense, but interposing awkwardly between ‘cos’ and ‘þer mide.’ Probably folc should be taken as dative, or folke should be read; and sends it to the people and thereby betokens &c.

56. #⁊ eft# should come before #of ierusalem#: the church is Bethphage when the procession goes out of it, but Jerusalem when it returns to it: see 83/37.

60-72. The interpretation is peculiar; in some points it resembles that of Hildebert of Tours, Migne, P. L. clxxi. 501.

62. #rideð#, clear the road; OWScand. ryðja; elsewhere in this text ruden; comp. ‘ich sende min engel biforen þine nebbe þe shal ruden þine weie to-fore þe,’ OEH ii. 133/27. #makeð--heorte#: comp. ‘ut Christo iter ad mentem parent,’ Hildebert.

64. #forbisne#: ‘virtutum suarum exemplis,’ Beda, vii. 263.

65. #þo þe leren#: ‘Hi sunt qui a sanctis patribus bona sumentes exempla, aliis etiam normam [bene] vivendi proponunt,’ Hildebert.

68. #quemende#: see 81/85 note.

69. #hereworde#: see 56/37.

72. #unwilliche# is an adverb; OE. #unwilsumlīce#; comp. 40/181 note.

73. #semeð#, burdeneth, as at 4/18.

74. #fuldon#, fulfil: comp. ‘dædbetan and þæt fuldon on þæs abbodes hæse,’ Benedictine Rule, ed. Schröer, 70/21. As it appears to be always transitive, the following hie, them, must be taken as its object, and shulen is without subject expressed.

79. Read #secla#.

82. #Hec# &c.: Ps. cxvii. 24: the Graduale in Old English and Roman uses for Easter Day.

84. #þonked wurðe him#, lit. be it thanked to him: comp. ‘we ahte . . . þonkien hit ure drihten,’ OEH i. 5/29. #þe . . . offe#, concerning which.

85. #Ecce# &c.: St. Matt. xxii. 4 adapted.

87. Morris alters #þe# to we, but the article is necessary, and the subject is often omitted by this writer; see 83/10, 85/105, 87/152, and 6/18 note.

88. #bord bugen#: so at 85/102, but ‘to godes bord bugen,’ 88/188: bugen, to bend one’s steps, to go, is elsewhere used with a preposition; either to has dropped out in these two isolated instances, or there has been some confusion in the writer’s mind with _begin_.

89. #Probet# &c.: 1 Cor. xi. 28.

91. #wurðe þer to#, fit for that: þer to replaces an older genitive, #ðæs wierþe#; comp. 86/142.

94. #Erest#, firstly: #oðer siðe#, 95, secondly; #þridde siðe#, 99, thirdly.

95. #wissinge#, instruction, guidance; i.e. penance.

96. #acxen#: referring to the ceremony of giving the ashes to the congregation on Ash Wednesday. #bilien#, pertain, are associated with: comp. ‘þe six werkes of þesternesse · þe bilige to nihte,’ OEH ii. 15/3.

97. #saccum#, a penitential garment of sackcloth, worn over other clothes, thus differing from cilicium, hair-shirt; S. Jerome, Ep. 44. The writer has omitted after it, plagas, the ‘smerte dintes’ of the next line, ‘disceplines,’ 62/35.

99. #siðes#: read siðe; the superfluous _s_ is due to the initial of the next word: in #liðe#, 100, final _þ_ has been lost before initial _þ_: #swiðere#, 119, owes its final _re_ to the beginning of the next word. #shereðuresdaies#, of Maundy Thursday: corresponds to OWScand. skíriþórsdagr, purification Thursday, but was wrongly connected with ME. scheren, to shear. The form in _sh_ is native or naturalized; see Björkman, 125, and comp. 99/73.

100. #sinne bendes#: see 81/67 note. #crepe to cruche#, creeping to the cross; the adoration of the cross on Good Friday; Rock, Church of our Fathers, iii^2. 88.

101. #lange fridai#: #langa frīgedæg#, an ancient name for Good Friday, so called from its fast and observances. #gon--fantston#, appears to refer to some procession of the laity at the blessing of the font on Easter Eve, perhaps local, as it is not noticed in the service books. Brand, Popular Antiquities (Bohn), i. 158, quotes from Googe’s translation of the Regnum Papisticum of Kirchmayer, ‘Nine times about the font they marche, and on the Saintes do call; | Then still at length they stande, and straight the priest begins withall.’ Of course there was a procession of the clergy to and from the font, Frere, Use of Sarum, i. 149. In ‘ðor-of in esterne be we wunen | Seuene siðes to funt cumen,’ GE 3289, the reference is to the procession made to the font every afternoon in Easter week. The font is the symbol of the sepulchre because, as Durandus, vi. De Sabbato sancto, says, ‘fit hac die baptismus, quia in eo consepulti sumus christo.’ It is noteworthy that nothing is said of the Easter Sepulchre, which was probably not instituted before the fourteenth century.

103. #tweire kinne#, of two kinds; OE. #twēgra cynna#, but kinnes, 104, 105 is a _sing. gen._ in form, with plural meaning: see 81/80 note.

105. #do#: comp. 122/185 note.

106. #faire him#, becoming to him; ‘bicumeliche,’ 86/116.

107. #underfo#, used absolutely, like mod. receive, to communicate: comp. the full expression 86/117. #himseluen to hele#, to his spiritual well-being. #here oðer#, one of these two; but #eiðer þese wedes#, 86/126 can only mean, at this date, each, i.e. both of these garments. If eiðer be a mistake for oðer, then þis wede must be read in l. 125.

109. #sinbote# is explained by ll. 119, 120.

112. #crisme cloð#: in the service books ‘chrismalis pannus, vestis’: ‘crismale seu vestis candida que super caput baptizati imponitur significat secundum rabanum interioris et exterioris hominis castitatem et innocentiam,’ Durandus vi. The chrism cloth was put on with the words, ‘Accipe vestem candidam, sanctam et immaculatam,’ after the sign of the cross had been made with chrism on the head of the person baptized.

115. #for þat#, by reason of which, through which.

116. #iuele# is predicative dative, equivalent to the usual construction with to, as in l. 125. It is OE.; comp. ‘heora nan him ne mehte bion nane gode,’ Orosius 282/18.

118. #embe#: usually þe . . . embe, about which.

120. #he#: for the personal pronoun used instead of a repeated relative, comp. ‘hem,’ 87/156; ‘He ðurh hwam kinges rixit, ⁊ alle mihtes . . . of him cumeð, he lai bewunden on fiteres,’ VV 49/27. #bet ⁊ milce bit#, amends and prays for mercy; comp. 36/126, 44/238. Read seiende.

121. #Miserere# &c.: Ecclus. xxx. 24.

123. #likeð . . . selðe#, is pleased at the prosperity of all of them.

126. #soule#, #lichame#, datives; comp. ‘himseluen to hele,’ 85/107; 176/24 note.

129. #Amice# &c.: S. Matt. xxii. 12.

132. ‘Haec est dies quam fecit Dominus: exultemus et laetemur in ea,’ Ps. cxvii. 24.

135. #oðerluker#, in quite another fashion: a comparative adverb: see 125/270.

140. #for þi . . . for ꝥ þe#, for this reason . . . because.

142. #þer togenes#, for its coming, to meet it, as in ‘biþ hit eft him togeanes gehealden on þæm heofonlican goldhorde,’ BH 53/13. Comp. ‘þer to,’ 85/91, and for a similar pregnant use of ‘efterward,’ 77/63; ‘hamward,’ 91/93.

143. Holthausen in ES xv. 307 emends this sentence by omitting ⁊ before bringe and before þus and changing bringe, leue into bringeð, leueð. It might be better to omit þe and retain ⁊ before bringeð, with leued and omission of ⁊ before þus.

145. #Accipite# &c.: from the Missal, with substitution of commedite (S. Matt. xxvi. 26) for manducate (1 Cor. xi. 24), as in all the English service books. After #novi#, add ‘et aeterni testamenti, misterium fidei.’

148. #to lesende#: see 81/85 note.

149. #Caro# &c.: S. John vi. 56: the quotation in l. 151 is from verse 54 of the same.

152. Morris says #muge# = muge ge: probably the latter word has dropped out.

154. #ouelete#, oblation, the thing offered, here the wafer to be consecrated. OE. #oflǣte#, #oflēte# from L. oblata.

156. #⁊ . . . hem#, and which: comp. 86/120. #swimesse#, lit. silent mass, explained in Specimens as a mass without music; in Bradley-Strat. as a low mass. But the words of consecration were used in masses low and high; the meaning is the Canon of the Mass, containing the words of consecration, which was said _secreto_, and was often called _secretum_, as by Durandus, ‘secretum silentium in quo & misse canon devote dicitur.’ Comp. ‘Si comenca puis le secrei | De la messe, par bone fei; | Et quant li secrez ert finez, | Est danz Theophle auant alez; | Receut le dulz cors de Jhesu,’ Adgar, Mary Legends, 113/1041; and see the Lay Folks Mass Book, pp. 267, 274. A similar compound is ‘swidages,’ OEH ii. 101/15, the still days, the last three days of Holy Week, which is called ‘swiwike’ in MS. Cleopatra of AR 70/7.

157. Comp. ‘colorem et saporem panis voluit [Christus] remanere, et sub illa specie veram corporis Christi substantiam latere,’ Hildebert, 535.

159-61. The words in brackets were supplied in Specimens, with translation, ‘Greater might doth our Saviour than the holy words which he spake by his (the priest’s) mouth, when he giveth mankind his flesh and his blood,’ an explanation unsatisfactory in substance, for the ‘might’ is not ‘greater,’ but the same. Besides ‘his’ must refer to helende, and the earliest certain example of man’s kind = mankind ‘þar he for mans kind wil dei,’ CM 14909, is more than a century later; the word in this text is ‘mankin,’ 86/136 (#mann cynn#), ‘manken,’ OEH ii. 19/14. #mannes cuinde# cannot mean anything but man’s nature, humanitas, like Orm’s ‘mennisske kinde,’ Dedic. 218, ‘mennisscnessess kinde,’ id. 15687. Omitting the supplement the meaning appears to be, Our Saviour works a greater miracle than if the words of consecration were literally fulfilled, since he gives us in the sacrament his perfect human nature.

161. #⁊ Naþeles# &c., and moreover when a man eats and drinks in the ordinary way, the bread he eats and the drink he drinks do change into flesh and blood by the natural working of the body, wherefore &c.

163. #swo doð#: comp. 6/18 note.

166. #estene dai#, day of dainties, with a word-play on #estre# as in #hu sel# = #wu god#: #sǣl#, happiness.

169. #sleðrende#, falling gently, like dew or rain. #Pluit# &c.: Ps. lxxvii. 24, 25.

172. #biliue#, food: comp. ‘bileue,’ 87/149.

173. #Manna# &c.: ‘filii Israel dixerunt ad invicem: Manhu? quod significat: Quid est hoc?’ Exod. xvi. 15.

177. #clensende#: see 81/85 note.

178. #michele sinnes#, mortal sins.

179. ‘Qui enim manducat et bibit indigne, iudicium sibi manducat et bibit: non diiudicans corpus Domini,’ 1 Cor. xi. 29.

182. #agen#, with reference to; an early example of this use: comp. OF. devers.

189. #driste#, for drihte, Lord, as at 35/79. For st = ht, see KH 249 note. But Morris reads Ariste, resurrection.

_Cross-References_

1/3 (note) = I. A (Worcester Fragments) 81/67, 81/80, 81/85 (notes) = XI. (Hic Dicendum est de Propheta) 91/93 (note) = XIII. (Vices and Virtues) p. 312 = VIII. (Poema Morale)

_Errata_

#Phonology:# ... and _e_ (9 times), bed 11 [_comma missing_] _ea_ in smeart _pt. s._ OEH ii. 21/27, _ia_ in giarked 84 [_“_ia_ in giarked 84” added by author_] #eo#, _å_-umlaut of #e# [_a_-umlaut] #eo#, _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #i# [_a_-umlaut] #a# + #g# ... toȝanes OEH ii. 177/32 is #tōgēanes#. [_corrected by author from #togeanes#_] underfoð 106 (#-fēhþ#) has _o_ from the plural [#--fēhþ#] #ēa# + #g# [#eā#] In nemed 118 ... #ss# is simplified [#s# is] The infinitive ... _pr. pl. subj._ 88, [88;] _pt. pl._ 31; gon _inf._ 101, goð _pr. s._ 4, 56. [31,] 112. ... secundum rabanum [_lower-case as shown_]

XIII. VICES AND VIRTUES

#Manuscript:# Stowe 34, British Museum: of the early part of the thirteenth century; written on vellum, 223 × 160 mm., by three scribes, with numerous corrections by at least three other hands. It belonged once to William Fleetwood, Recorder of London, and to Thomas Astley. See Catalogue of the Stowe MSS., and Catalogue of an Exhibition of the Stowe MSS., no. 240.

#Facsimile:# Palæographical Society; Second Series, plate 92.

#Edition:# Holthausen, F., Part i. Text and Translation. E. E. T. S., O. S. 89.

#Literature:# Schmidt, G. Ueber die Sprache und Heimat der ‘Vices and Virtues.’ Leipzig, 1899; Philippsen, M. Die Deklination in den ‘Vices and Virtues.’ Kieler Diss. Erlangen, 1911; Heuser, W., Anglia, xvii. 88.

#Phonology:# Oral #a# and #a# before nasals is _a_, wascen 82, swanc 4; #a# before lengthening groups wavers between _a_ (9 times) and _o_ (5), lande 16, londe 8, understanden 34, understonden 138. #æ# is regularly _a_, after 42, cwað 94, was 3; wrecche 60, 116 comes from #wrecca#. #e# is generally _e_, but umlaut #e# before nasal is _a_ (representing #æ#, Bülbring, § 171) in namden 117, inamde 120, sant 127, sante 84, wante 88; before lengthening groups _e_, lengðe 45, but _a_ as above in andin 122, andeden 123, wand 93, and _æ_ in wænden 46, strænges 28; _a_, _æ_ for umlaut #e# before nasals is characteristic of the South-Eastern area (Morsbach, § 108); _i_ for #e# in ðingþ 41 is due to confusion of #þencan# and #þyncan#; hwilliche 112 descends from #hwilc#. _i_ is _i_, bidde 52, finde 83; cherche 9 is #cyrice#, ferst 91, ðessere 22 (3) come from forms with #y#. #o# is _o_, dropes 12, borde 15; ðane 3 is LWS. #ðane#. #u# is _u_, cumeð 26, swunken 146, grundwall 53, but beswonken 136, forðer 45 (late North. #forþor#). #y# is _e_, euele 26, kennes 13, þelliche 36; #mycel# is muchele 4 (3), beside michele 21 (8); þincþ 47, 63, þingþ 70 represent #þyncþ#.

The representation of #ā# wavers between _a_ and _o_, the former predominating, lare 20 (3), lore 57 (3), swa 5, swo 12, wat 136, wot 137; before two consonants, annesse 115, onnesse 148, tacneð 79, tocneð 130. #ǣ{1}# is regularly _a_, ani 35 (5), sade 75 (8); before two consonants, alche 139, aure 125 (3), but _æ_ in ær 4, 47, bræde 44, mæst 29, næure 31, tæche 54, _ea_ in sea 22; ilke 130 descends from #ylc#. #ǣ{2}# is also _a_, dade 92, 98, rad 19, 42, ware 129; before two consonants, blastes 27, latst 48, but _æ_ in ræd 44, wære 60, and _e_ in leten 56, nahwer 83. #ē# is _e_, bene 95, feden 116, before two consonants, dest 36, misferde 125, but _ie_ in hie 36, hier 144, and more frequently in other places, bienes VV 65/3, diest id. 41/2; _o_ in doð 33, 42 is from the plural. #ī# is _i_, liue 8, wisdome 32, but bleðeliche 66 beside bliðeliche 63. #ō# is _o_, don 123, godnesse 91. #ū# is _u_, trukede 120, dust 70. #ȳ# is _e_ in screden 116, _ie_ in inȝied 80, 91 (#ingehȳd#), _i_ in litle 12, litel 42, 91, little 136.

#ea# before #r# + cons. is _a_, harm VV 29/10; before lengthening groups _a_, harde 31, warnin 27 (4), warð 87, but middeneard 6; the _i_-umlaut is _e_, wernde 83. #ea# before #l# + cons. is also _a_, all 6 (14), grundwall 53, halt 40 (#heald#), scalt 38, but _ea_ survives in ealde 128, healden 57 (4), before a lengthening group; the _i_-umlaut is _e_, eldest 118. #eo# before #r# + cons. is _e_, berȝen 140, berȝin 138, ferr 45, herte 34, 82, but _ie_ in hierte 31, 98, liernin 64, 138, _a_ in harkeð 66 (*#heorcian#); _eo_ survives in weorc VV 95/3 &c.; the _i_-umlaut is _ie_, hierdes 1, but worð 133. #eo# before #l# + cons. is seen in seluen 20. #eo#, _u_-umlaut of #e#, is _e_ in heuene 24, heuneriches 140; after #w#, _o_ in woreld 2 (5). #eo#, _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #i#, is _e_, icleped 58, leðebeiȝe 15, seððen 5, the datives ðese 60, 143, 144, ðesen 119, 120, ðese 53, 140; #heora# is here 15, 30, and hire 14: niðer 30 is without umlaut. #ea# after palatals is _a_, scal 79: #ie# after #g# is _i_, ȝif 90, 101, ȝiuen 40, ȝiue 74, _e_ in beȝete 125, forȝete 60, _ei_ (for ie) in forȝeit 149. #ȝef# is ȝif 32, gif 102. #eo# after #sc# is _u_, scule 8, sculen 1, 74, but scolde 129. #eom# is am 59, #heom#, hem 112.

#ēa# is _ea_, breade 100, dead 87, forleas 7, teares 73 (8), but bred 77, ec 2: aȝean 93 is #ongēan#: the _i_-umlaut has _e_, ȝemeleastes 13, hersum 15, hersumnesse 115 (2), iherde 95 (5), netene 130, but unbiliefde 33. #ēo# is mostly _ie_, bien 12 &c., dier 129, dieuliche 11, lief 3, ouerȝiede 6, ðies 79, 91, but _e_ in be 39, betwen 112, deules 26, lef 88, twene 139; _eo_ is rare, beon VV 121/10. The _i_-umlaut is _e_, fiftene 95, inede 74, steren 9, and _ie_, niede 92 (4), niedfulle 74, stieren 1, stierde 5. Palatal #ēa# after #g# is seen in ȝear 95, biȝeates 14 (#begēat#, Napier, OE. Glosses 2698); after #sc# in scadwisnesse 121. #ȝīet# is ȝiet 90, 95.

#a# + #g# is _aȝ_, laȝe 128, 131, forðdraȝen 97. #æ# + #g# is _ai_, faire 11, mai 34, sai 94 (#sæge#), tail 129, but daiȝ 77. #e# + #g# is _ei_, aweiward 48, seið 17 (#segeð#), but iseȝen 119 (#gesegen#). #o# + #g# is seen in ibroiden 28; #o# + #ht# in þohtes 25, 30. #u# + #g# is _uȝ_, muȝe 97, muge 125. #ā# + #g#, #h# are seen in wauȝe 89, auh 17; #ǣ{1}# + #ht# in betaht 7; #ǣ{2}# + #g# in ȝeseiȝe 124; #ē# + #g# in wreiȝede 83; #ī# + #g# in stieð 24; #ō# + #g# in bowes 44, #ō# + #ht# in besouhte 84, ȝeþouht 46, þouhten 77; #ea# + #h# in iseih 94; #ie# + #ht# in miht 98, mihte 5 &c., mihtes 46, niht 77; #eo# + #ht# in riht 146; #ēa# + #h# in þeih 105; #īe# + #ht# in ieiht 96; #ā# + #w# in saule 10 (6), sawle 80: naht 12, 87, 126 is #nāht#. nielnesse 30 represents #neowolnes#. #ēa# + #w# gives _eaw_, feawe 40, sceawin 25 (3), unðeawes 55; #ēo# + #w#, _ew_, ȝew 20, ȝewer 19, ȝewere 20, newe 131, #īe# + #w#, _ew_, trewe 39.

#a# without stress is levelled to _e_ in andswereð 51, middeneard 6; #o# to _e_ in forðer 45, niðer 30, sikere 12, sikerliker 98, sikerest 113, te 28, 42; #u# to _e_ in leðebeiȝe 15. #e# is lost in eule 81, heuneriches 140, o in nielnesse 30, _e_ is added in ofte 60. #on# is a 149.

For #w# the rune is used. #ll# is simplified in dieuliche 11. #n# is doubled in þennken 49: for almihtin 143, see 79/17 note. Initial #f# is _f_, ferr 45, #f# between vowels or vowel and liquid is _u_, euele 26, aure 125, otherwise _f_, unbeliefde 33. #d# is doubled in godd 7, goddspell 118, lost in finst 40; #dd# is simplified in amidewarde 70; for #d#, _t_ appears in halt 40. Initial #þ# becomes _t_ after #t# in tin 40, tu 37, 47, 87; for #þ#, _d_ is written in seid 21, 67, speked 73, tobrekd 35, wid 71. #s# is represented by _sc_ in bledscin 147: #sc# is regularly _sc_ [š], iscop 52, scal 79, sceawin 25, scipes 14, scolde 129, scule 8, wascen 82. The stop #c# is written _k_ before _e_, _i_, lokin 1, munekes 38 and before another consonant, forsakþ 20, tobrekð 32, but tobrecþ 36, _c_ in other positions, cumen 113, exceptionally _ch_ in ilche 52 (#ilca#), arche 5, 9 (if not French), _g_ in ðingþ 41 (4): #ic# is ic and ich. #č# is _ch_, alche 139, beseche 58, ilich 69, iswinch 48, michel 122 &c., tæche 54, þelliche 36, þench 89, þenchinde 59, but exceptionally _k_ in beseke 106, beseken 97, ilke 130 (#ylc# confused with #ilca#): #čč# is _cch_, wacchen 114, wrecche 60, 116. #cg# is _gg_, segge 99, 109; #cs#, _x_, rixin, rixið 110; #cw#, _cw_, becweð 86, cwað 94, cwide 86. Palatal #g# is _ȝ_, initially, biȝeates 14, ȝemeleastes 13, but Gif 102 (with capital letter); medially, maniȝe 4 (4), heriȝen 147 (3), wuniȝeð 15, 18, muȝe 97, VV 3/18, 73/17 &c., but muge 125. The prefix #ge-# is often retained, ȝewriten 23, ȝeþanc 57, ȝeswinkes 145, beside iþanke 66, iswinch 48, and _ȝ_ is added in ȝew 20, ȝewer 19, ȝewere 20, ouerȝiede 6. For the stop, _g_ is used initially, grundwall 53, agunnen 123, ȝegunnen 53, but iȝunnen 47, medially, bringen 8, but the palatal symbol is used for the spirant after _l_, _r_, berȝin 138 &c., folȝin 44 (3), foriswelȝen 39: #myr(i)gþ# is represented by merhðe 25, merchþe 140. #g# is lost in heuiliche 48. For #h#, _ȝ_ is written in þurȝwunie 131, ðurȝwuneð 133; _h_ is added in Hvte 143, lost in þurwuneð 128, inȝied 80, 91 (inȝehied VV 141/1): initial #hl# is preserved in hlesteð 17 (3), but lhesten 50, lesten 44.

#Accidence:# Strong declension of _masc._ and _neut._ nouns. _Sing. g._ -es, priestes 43, kennes 13, scipes 14: _d._ -e, hlauerde 143, netene 130, but daiȝ 151 (comp. OE. #on dæg#), hlauerd 52, ræd 44, sal 111 (OE. #æt sumum sǣle#, #on sumne sǣl#) are without inflection. _Pl. n. a._ of masculines, -es, hierdes 1, bowes 44, but wintre 4 (#wintru#); neuters are _n._ dier 129, _a._ ȝear 95, þing 137, bede 114 (#gebēdu#): _pl. g._ ðinge 71; _d._ -es, blastes 27, biȝeates 14, ȝeswinkes 145, wordes 66. Of the _fem._ nouns of the strong declension, forbisne 66, mihte 126, niede 151, sawle 51 (3), scadwisnesse 121 have added e in the _s. n._ and bene 95, mihte 106, niede 92, 150 in the _s. a._ _Gen._ -e, herte 34: _d._ -e, bræde 44, cherche 9, but sea 22, woreld 2 (4). _Pl. g._ saule 13; _d._ ȝemeleastes 13, mihtes 46 (5); _a._ dade 92, 98, mihtes 69. Nouns of the weak declension are _s. d._ hope 28, ileaue 28; _a._ lichame 10; _pl. n._ dropes 12; _d._ wisen 117; _a._ wacchen 114. The minor declensions are represented by mann _s. n._ 33, mannes _s. g._ 145, manne _s. d._ 33, stieresmanne 15, man _s. a._ 127, stieresmann 3, manne 124, stieresmenn _pl. n._ 8, mannen _pl. d._ 38, stieresmannen 18, 21, stieresman[nen] 23; moder _s. n._ 109; faderes _pl. n._ 109, 111.

Remnants of the strong declension of adjectives in the sing. are haliȝes _g. m._ 145, faste _d. m._, rihte 28, dieuliche _d. f._ 11, mannliche 10, michele 21, 96, faire _d. neut._ 11. The weak declension in the sing. has -e throughout, unware _n. m._ 41, unwise 33, eule _n. f._ 81, gode 80, lieue 136, muchele _d. m._ 5, wilde 6, bitere _d. f._ 22, ealde 128, soðe 29, &c., gode _a. m._ 3, 35, michele _a. f._ 25, little _a. neut._ 136; exceptions are hali 64, 117, 124, muchel 48. The _pl._ strong and weak has -e in all cases, sikere _n._ 12, halie _d._ 140, euele _a._ 26, but hali _n._ 108, 111, hersum 15, hali _d._ 46, 53 are uninflected; comparatives and superlatives are gladdere _s. n. f._ 98, eldes[t] _pl. d._, wisest 118, #ān# is a _n. m._ 91, on 118, an _f._ 66, 126, one _a. f._ 106, #nān#, non _n. f._ 71, _neut._ 103, none _d. m._ 10, 11, _f._ 72, _neut._ 32, 134. Adjectives used as nouns are gode _s. d. neut._ 72, 134, arst _s. a. neut._ 71, betste 89, god 38, 40, lasse 43, litel 42, gode _pl. d._ 150.

The personal pronouns are ic 45 (8), ich 46 (8), me, we, us, þu, (ðat) tu 37, 58, (scalt) tu 87, ðe, ȝew 20. The pronoun of the third person is _s. n._ he _m._ 4, 7, ?hie 45, hie _f._ 108, 109, he 110, hit _neut._ 29; _d._ him _m._ 7, hire _f._ 110; _a._ hie _m._ 36, _f._ 5, his 127; _pl. n._ hie 2; _d._ hem 56; _a._ hes 50, 54, 56. Reflexives are me seluen 19, hem _pl. d._ 112: possessives, min 57, 79, mine _pl._ 76, 79, þin 98, ðine _s. d. f._ 57, 90, 91, _s. a. m._ 95, _s. a. f._ 95, tin _s. a. neut._ 40, þi 96, ure 23, ȝewer 19, ȝewere 20, his 82, is 93, hire 81, here _pl._ 30, hire 14. The definite article is _s. n._ ðe _m._ 17, _f._ 79, 80, se 81, þat _neut._ 80, 117; _d._ ðan _m._ 33, 52, ðe 5 (6), ðo 69, ðare _f._ 29 (8), ðe 9, 31, ða 147, ðe _neut._ 64, ðo 100; _a._ ðane _m._ 3, 53, ðanne 127, ðe _f._ 25, 39, ða 4, 9, þat _neut._ 89, ðe _instr._ 98: _pl. n._ ða 8, ðe 1; _d._ ðan 74, ða 21 (3), ðe 46 (4); _a._ ðe 26, ðo 31. The article is used as pronoun antecedent to relatives, se ðe, he who 19, 65, ðo ðe, those who 1, 2: ðat is demonstrative 17, 33, 64, 80, 102, 121. The compound demonstrative is _s. n._ þies _f._ 91, 79 (with _neut._ bedd); _d._ ðese _m._ 60, 144, ðessere _f._ 22, 71, 131, ðese _neut._ 143; _a._ ðese _f._ 58, 124, þis _neut._ 20, 136: _pl. n._ þese 73; _d._ ðesen 119, 120, þese 38, 53, 140; _a._ ðese 103. The relatives are ðe 1, ðat 37, 60, what, se ðe 148, who; ðe 4 means with which. Interrogatives are hwam _s. d. f._ 71, hwat 17, 36, hwilliche 112: #ilca# is ilche _s. d. m._ 52, #þyllic#, þelliche _pl. d._ 36. Indefinites are se ðe 125, whoso; se . . . he 132; hwat hwat 134, whatever, me 113, man 104, 110; feawe _pl._ 40; sum _s. n._ 113, sume _s. d. m._ 111, _pl. a._ 97; oþres _s. g. neut._ 77, oðer _s. d. f._ 61, oðre _pl. d._ 108; ilke _s. n. m._ 130, alche _s. d. m._ 139; auriche _s. d. neut._ 130; ani 35 &c.; maniȝes _s. g. m._ 145, _neut._ 12, manies 117, maniȝe _pl. n._ 12, manie 119, maniȝe _pl. d._ 55, _pl. a._ 4, 119; all _s. a. m._ 6, _f._ 39, al _s. a. neut._ 37, alle _pl. n._ 14, 129, alre _pl. g._ 71, alle _pl. d._ 14 (7), _pl. a._ 137.

Infinitives of the second weak conjugation, except watrien 79, end in -in, andin 122, folȝin 44 (3), rixin 110, all others in -en, -ien, berȝen 140, beseken 97, herien 143, except berȝin 138, herborȝin 115. The _dat. inf._ is not inflected; to laten, to libben 88, to speken, to þennken 49 are virtually nominatives. Presents are _s._ 1. beseche 58, habbe 56; 2. hauest 53, lokest 47, syncopated are dalst 37, finst 40, hafst 37, latst 48; 3. answereð 51, haueð 45, rixeð 148, tocneð 130, rixið 110, and twelve others, but syncopated forms predominate, hafð 35, sant 127, and nineteen others; _pl._ 1. fareð 21, habbeð 119 (3), speked 73, finde we 83; 3. cumeð 26, stieð 24, wuniȝeð 15, 18, exceptionally folgið 3, seggeð 109, stikð 30; _subjunctive s._ 2. beseke 106, forðbringe 54, heriȝe 149, sette 59, tæche 54, þanke 150; 3. beȝete 125, þurȝwunie 131; _pl._ 1. bledscin, heriȝen 147, hvte we 143, segge we 99, speken 71, þankin 147; 3. forliesen 9, lokien 14, tobreken 27: _imperative s._ 2. becweð 86, sai 94, wand 93; halt 40 for hald; _pl._ 2. hlesteð 17. Past of Strong Verbs: Ia. _s._ 3. cwað 94, iseih 94; _pl._ 1. ȝeseiȝe we 124: Ic. _s._ 3. swanc 4, warð 87, worð 133; _pl._ 3. agunnen 123, swunken 146: III. _s._ 3. forleas 7: IV. _s._ 3. iscop 52: V. _s._ 3. hatte 106, 126. Participles present: Ia. spekinde 112; past: Ia. iseȝen 119: Ic. agunnen 133, ȝegunnen 53, iȝunnen 47, beswonken 136, ȝeborȝen 119, iborȝen 133, ibroiden 28: II. ȝeswiken 57, ȝewriten 23: V. ihoten 29, 128. Past of Weak Verbs: _s._ 1. hadde 46, 47; 3. besouhte 84, ȝeherde 93, hadde 7, sade 75 &c.; _pl._ 3. andeden 123, namden 117. Participles present: liuiende 16, þenchinde 59, wuniende 60; past: betaht 7, ȝeluued 90, icleped 58, ihafd 56, ieiht 96 (#geīecan#), unbiliefde _adj. s. d._ 33. Minor Groups: wat _pr. s._ 136, wot 137, witen _pr. pl._ 41, wite 2. _pr. imp._ 73; auh _pr. s._ 17; scal 1. _pr. s._ 79, scalt 2. _pr. s._ 38 (3), sculen _pr. pl._ 1, 74, scule 8, scolde _pt. s._ 129; miht 2. _pr. s._ 98, 139, mai _pr. s._ 34 (3), muȝe 2. _pr. s. subj._ 97, muge _pr. s. subj._ 125, mihte _pt. s._ 5 (3), mihten _pt. pl._ 13 (3), mihtin 122; bien _inf._ 72, 87, am 1. _pr. s._ 59, is _pr. s._ 23, nis 103, bieð _pr. pl._ 2 (4), bien _pr. pl. subj._ 12, 15, 105, be 2. _imp. s._ 39, was _pt. s._ 3, waren _pt. pl._ 77, wære _pt. s. subj._ 60, ware 129; wile 1. _pr. s._ 46 (3), wilt 2. _pr. s._ 63 (3), wile 37 (_subj._ form), wile _pr. s._ 31 (4), willeð _pr. pl._ 16, wile 40 (for willen, _subj._ form), woldest 2. _pt. s._ 49, wolde _pt. s._ 82, wolden _pt. pl._ 39; don _inf._ 123, dest 2. _pr. s._ 36, doð _pr. s._ 33, dede _pt. s._ 42, deden _pt. pl._ 121, idon _pp._ 45, 90, don 134.

#Dialect:# Here, as in the Trinity College manuscript of the Poema Morale, a scribe of the northern border of the South-Eastern area has turned a composition in the dialect of the Middle or Western South into his own, with occasional retention of Southern forms. After a considerable interval his version was copied with little alteration by the three scribes of the Stowe manuscript, for the differences between the sections are mainly graphic and only in a minor degree dialectal. As a consequence, the language of VV is older than that current at the time when the copy was made; in some respects older than that of MS. T of the PM., as in its representation of #ā#, #ā# + #g#, #ā# + #w#. Occasional lapses into OE. forms at the beginning of the manuscript, such as acwellan _inf._ VV 9/19, daȝas 27/22 (which would have been in OE. #dagum#), have been thought to point to an OE. original, but they are more probably due to a scribe acquainted with the older native literature.

#Vocabulary:# Scandinavian are hahte 21, skele 121, sckelewisnesse 107; an OE. borrowing is stieresmann 3: French are carite 29, cariteð 58, hert 35, prophete 75, richeise 88, (stan) roches 31, seruise 130, and probably arche 5: offrin 129 is a pre-Conquest Latin borrowing.

#Introduction:# The book is imperfect at the beginning, but probably little has been lost. It opens in the middle of a confession by a sinful soul of a formidable array of sins, to which Reason (‘Scadwisnesse,’ 90/62, ‘Ratio,’ 92/135) replies by a series of discourses on the virtues which will help the soul against its vices. The first extract, written by the first scribe, is part of this. The second piece, written by the third hand, concludes the book.

The writer speaks of his work as a compilation from many authors (93/144). The framework of it may have been suggested by S. Isidore’s Synonyma de Lamentatione Animae Peccatricis, wherein Homo and Ratio hold similar alternate discourse (Opera vi. 472), but nothing else. The author appears to have been acquainted with the writings of Hugh of St. Victor (_d._ 1140); he may have borrowed from him (Opera i. 69) the idea of the contest between Mercy and Truth (VV 113), but the influence of the older English literature dominates his style, vocabulary, and mode of thought.

1. #hierdes#, pastors: comp. ‘þe selue herdes beð þe lorþewes of holi chiriche,’ OEH ii. 39/12; ‘se cyning ⁊ se biscop sceoldan beon Cristenra folca hyrdas,’ BH 45/25. #lokin#, to take care of, preserve: comp. 4/20; ‘ðe sceaweres ðe lokeden ðe hali burh,’ VV 103/13, 121/11; generally with _acc._, but ‘to lokin of mine wrecche lichame,’ VV 17/3. #⁊# = and, 89/28.

2. #ute#, in the cloister.

3. #noe#: a type of Christ; the Ark is the Church, a common idea, Ælf. Hom. Cath., ii. 60; OEH ii. 43/4; AR 142/12, but especially beloved of Hugh of St. Victor, ‘Noe significat Christum sive quemlibet praelatum qui in quantum potest facit arcam, id est, aedificat Ecclesiam,’ i. 226.

4. #þe#, with which: see 46/292 note.

5. #mihte . . . ȝemaked#, was able to complete: the last word is more adjective than participle and its syntax is primitive, comp. ‘hie alle on þone Cyning wærun feohtende oþ þæt hie hine ofslægenne hæfdon,’ AS. Chron. 755 A.D.

8. #to liue ⁊ to londe#: a zeugma, #bringen# has its ordinary meaning with #to londe#, but #bringen to liue# means, preserve alive, without any sense of motion; comp. ‘To lyue God him wolde bringe,’ Gregorius, 269; similarly ‘to liue go,’ escape death, KH 97, where see note for other uses of the same kind. Note the variant in 88/16.

10. #For none winde#, because of any wind.

11. #on#, in: comp. 90/66, 93/147; ‘forsakene on godes awene muðe,’ VV 3/2; ‘wakien on godes seruise,’ id. 3/27, and often in this text. See 83/15 note.

13. #kennes#: see 81/80 note.

15. #leðebeiȝe#, pliant, ready to obey: OE. #leoþu-bīege#, supple-jointed; the figurative use is noteworthy: comp. ‘leðebeih ⁊ hersum gode,’ VV 109/3: ‘Soð was leðebei,’ id. 113/26.

16. #liuiende lande#, land of the living: glossed ‘terra uiuentium,’ VV 41/11.

18. ‘Qui vos audit, me audit: et qui vos spernit, me spernit,’ S. Luke x. 16.

20. #fullȝewiss#: see 32/40.

21. #hahte#, danger: OWScand. hǣtta; see Björkman, 99.

22. #hoc mare magnum#: Ps. ciii. 25. #bitere#: probably from ‘Porro iuxta allegoriam, mare sive stagnum quod cum suis transire desiderat [Dominus], tenebrosus amarusque seculi praesentis accipitur aestus,’ Bede, ed. Giles, xi. 70 (comment on S. Luke viii. 22).

23. #Ascendunt# &c.: Ps. cvi. 26.

26. #deules blastes#: comp. ‘Al so al holi chirche, þet is schip icleoped, schal ancren . . . so holde þet tes deofles puffes, þet beoð temptaciuns, hit ne ouerworþe,’ AR 142/12: ‘flante vento diabolicarum suggestionum,’ Hugh of S. Victor, ii. 483.

28. #strænges#, strands. The expressions ‘rihte ileaue,’ ‘soðe luue’ are of common occurrence; comp. 113/49, 189/435; OEH ii. 47/25, 103/28; Orm 46/1407, and for the latter, Ælf. Lives, i. 354/247. But ‘faste hope’ is unusual; comp. VV 15/27, 39/1. For #hope te#, see 178/89.

31. #nexin#, soften: OE. #hnexian#: beside the ordinary neschen, OE. #hnescian#. This text has ‘nexxin,’ 145/33, ‘nexce herte,’ 63/26: these forms do not apparently occur anywhere else.

32. #watere of wisdome#: suggested by ‘Sitierunt, et invocaverunt te (sapientiam), et data est illis aqua de petra altissima, et requies sitis de lapide duro,’ Wisdom xi. 4. Comp. ‘flowinde wettres of wittie wordes,’ SK 687. #ðar . . . to#: see 1/3.

33. #unbiliefde#, unbelieving, as though not possessed of belief: OE. #gelīefed#, believing, a believer. With 33-44, comp. OEH ii. 29/33-36.

35. The unwise man, if he have any generous purpose, makes shipwreck (on the stone-rock of the unbeliever), because the latter collides with his good will and wrecks it by using such words as these. The figure of the ship and the rock is continued in this sentence; the change of subject in ‘he hert’ is not uncommon.

37. #spelleres#, talkers, preachers. For #hadede#, see 4/20.

38. Holthausen puts a comma after mannen, making #Wile ðu# subjunctive, if thou wilt, which was no doubt the intention of the author.

39. #be trewe mann#: equivalent to our, Be a man!

42. #te gode#: comp. 30/21.

45. #Hie# &c. Charity has led me into talking about it at greater length than I had intended. Comp. ‘Ich hadde iþoht ðat ic naht ne scolde writen bute of ðese haliȝe mihtes . . . ðanne am ic iladd ut oðerhwile, ær ic hit ouht wite, to oðer þinge,’ VV 53/15.

47. #lokest aweiward#, avertest thy face: comp. ‘a-weiward his heued heold[;] [&] nolde hit ihere,’ L, MS. O 8878.

48. #heuiliche latst#, appearest to be wearied; in common phrase, look bored.

51. #me to helpe#, for my help: comp. 85/107; 176/24 note.

53. #grundwall#, foundation: comp. ‘Ne mai no mann leiȝen oðer grundwall’ (= fundamentum), VV 93/30.

54. #forðbringe#, bring forward, utter; perhaps here, build up on the foundation already laid.

58. #halwende#, sanctifying, purifying: OE. #hālgian#, comp. 130/78.

59. #for ðan# &c., because I am very pensive as long as I dwell in this wretched body: comp. ‘Ðarhwile ðe ðu art,’ VV 75/9, translating ‘Dum es.’ This archaic use of the particle þe is characteristic of the writer: so ‘ðar ðe,’ 91/109, VV 69/25; ‘ðarof ðe,’ id. 69/26; ‘ðar to ðe,’ id. 73/15; ‘ðo ðe,’ id. 49/15; #ðat#, what, in l. 60 is elsewhere ‘þat ðe,’ VV 65/16: #Ðas þe# in l. 63 is for Ðas.

61. Comp. ‘for ðan ȝif hit ne helpð one, hit helpð an oðer,’ VV 53/18.

63. #Ðas þe#, according to that, according to what you say, so then: adverbial use descended from OE. #þæs#, _gen. sing. neut._ of the article #se#, with þe annexed, as sometimes in OE.; so too in ‘Harke nu ðe formeste forbysne ðe he mankenn sceawede ðas þe we cunnen understonden,’ VV 49/12, where the meaning is, so far as we can understand. Otherwise þas þe, þes þe is regularly associated in ME. with a comparative adverb, as ‘ðu scalt hauen ðas te more iswink,’ VV 75/4.

65. #Qui# &c.: S. John viii. 47.

66. #on iþanke#: comp. 12/4.

67. ‘Qui enim sine humilitate virtutes congregat, in ventum pulverem portat,’ S. Greg. Op. i. 1461. Alcuin quotes with substitution of ‘bona opera agit’ for ‘virtutes congregat,’ Op. ii. 132.

72. #wið healden#, restrained; which gives an inadequate sense: omit wið, which is due to the preceding wið, the meaning then is, without which (humility) no other virtue can be possessed to any advantage or use. Comp. ‘for ðan hie (humility) is þe swa swiðe nedfull ðat tu ne miht none oðre mihte habben ne healden . . . bute þu ðese habbe,’ VV 53/21. wiðhealden has the meaning, keep company with, associate with, in ‘he is to luuiȝen ⁊ to wiðhealden,’ VV 101/5, 101/10.

73. #Wite ðu to soðe#, know thou for a truth; a favourite expression of the writer, but with te, not to, as at VV 41/32, 55/23, 59/11, 69/28, ‘wite ðu te fulle soðe,’ 65/22: comp. the variants at 70/158, 76/7, 142/73, 143/75, 91, and, ‘wite ȝe hit to wisse,’ SJ 27/16. #ðe . . . spekeð#: comp. 81/77.

74. #inede#, needy persons: comp. the ME. verbs ineden, neden; OE. #genīedan#.

75. #Fuerunt# &c.: Ps. xli. 4.

77. #Of--teares#, of tears of another kind; so 91/101.

78. #Lacrimis# &c.: Ps. vi. 7.

79. Comp. ‘Sit animae beatae culcitra conscientiae suae puritas: sit cervical aut capitale tranquillitas: coopertorium securitas: et in hoc strato delectabiliter dormiat et feliciter requiescat,’ Hugh of St. Victor, iii. 236.

82. #þar of ðe#, whereof, of what: comp. ‘Ðar is ðin herte ðarof ðe ðu mæst þenkst,’ VV 69/26.

85. #Dispone# &c.: Isa. xxxviii. 1. Omit ⁊ before #tu#.

86. #cwide#, legacy.

88. #lað#: comp. 189/412: #richeise# is accusative.

89. #dede þat betste#, took the best course.

90. #for--idon#, exerted myself cheerfully for love of thee.

91. #god inȝied#: referring to Hezekiah’s words, ‘Memento quaeso quomodo ambulaverim coram te in veritate et in corde perfecto.’

93. #hamward#, on his way home; ‘antequam egrederetur Isaias mediam partem atrii, factus est sermo Domini ad eum, dicens: Revertere,’ 4 Kings xx. 4. Comp. ‘þa ða he hamwerd wæs,’ Ælf. Lives, i. 318/181, ii. 150/110; ‘eoten wæs ut-weard,’ Beowulf, 761; ‘þiderward,’ 83/18; ‘þa wes it cud ouer al þe burh þet þe helind wes þiderward,’ OEH i. 3/15; ‘is towerd on worulde,’ Ælf. Lives, ii. 170/28. These expressions are elliptical; farende or the like is to be understood.

94. #Vidi# &c.: Isa. xxxviii. 5. #lacrimam tuam#: so Codex Amiatinus. The Vulgate has ‘lacrymas tuas’.

97. #muȝe forðdraȝen#, art able to produce from thy store; L. depromere.

99. #forð mid#: see 1/19. #Ciba# &c.: Ps. lxxix. 6 (adapted).

104. #alswa alswa . . . alswa#, even as . . . even so.

107. #sckelewisnesse#, skillwiseness, discretion: OWScand. skilvíss.

108. #beheue#: comp. 74/225, 127/346: a favourite word of this writer, see VV 99/25, 107/28, 109/8: comp. ‘Geþyld is micel mægen · and mannum nyd-behefe,’ Ælf. Lives, ii. 166/142; ‘hemseluen to unbihefe,’ OEH ii. 121/24.

109. #moder#: ‘Haec dico ut discretionem, quae omnium virtutum et mater et nutrix est, detegam,’ Ælredi Regula; ‘imetnesse is alre mihta moder,’ OEH i. 101/24; ‘Witerlice meteȝung is alræ mæȝene moder,’ Twelfth Cent. Hom. 90/29.

110. #rixin# is a mistake due to the preceding rixið: the text, as it stands, must mean, who wills to rule and follow her. hlesten is the word associated with folȝin in VV, comp. ‘for ðan ðe hie nolden godes lare hlesten ne folȝin,’ 61/16, ‘Hlest ⁊ folȝih se ðe wile,’ 77/9.

111. #vitas patrum#: see pp. 551, 2, ed. Roswey, Antwerp, 1628. #sume sal#, at a time when a number of the hermits of the Thebaid came to visit S. Antony, ‘perfectionis inquisitione et collationis gratia.’

112. #on--cumen#: ‘quaenam virtus . . . certe ad Deum recto tramite firmoque gressu perduceret.’

115. #annesse#: ‘remotiorem vitam et eremi secreta.’ Comp. ‘Munec mai ut-faren mid ileaue in to hermitorie, oðer in to onnesse te wunien,’ VV 73/24. The same word means unity at 93/148.

116. #to lokin# is syntactically on a level with #herborȝin#, but has to, because it is separated from ðurh: comp. ‘Hit bieð sume þat non imeðe ne cunnen of hem seluen to feden,’ VV 139/23.

117. #on manieskennes wisen#: see 81/80 and 132/9.

118. #on#: S. Antony. #Ðurh# &c. Holthausen translates, ‘Through all these we have seen and heard a great many saved, and many by all these named virtues perished, because _discretio_ failed them,’ which gives an unsatisfactory sense for the second clause and involves a forced meaning for ‘of’ as equivalent to ðurh (for which the only near parallels in VV are 97/19, 103/3), and a meaning in which it would hardly be used immediately after ‘manie’; ‘inamde’ (elsewhere ‘forenammde,’ VV 15/29) is superfluous. The original is, ‘Omnia quidem haec quae dixistis, necessaria sunt et utilia sitientibus Deum: sed his principalem tribuere gratiam nequaquam nos innumerabiles multorum fratrum casus et experimenta permittunt. Nam saepe vidimus fratres has observationes tenentes repentino casu deceptos, eo quod in bono quod coeperant discretionem minime tenuerunt.’ The English appears to be corrupt: mihten belongs to the former ðesen; the second alle is repeated from the first; under the superfluous inamde lurks the equivalent for repentino casu, which would hardly be overlooked by the translator; perhaps in a mu{n}de, in a handwhile, in a moment. The sense would then be, We have seen and heard of very many persons protected (comp. VV 73/7) by all these virtues, and (we have seen) many of these lapse in a moment, because discretion failed them. This meaning of mund is not in the dictionaries, and the evidence for it is slight, but comp. Varnhagen’s note on ‘boten a mounde’ in Anglia, iii. 283. More usual, but less appropriate, would be, in a niede.

125. #muge# is subjunctive after se ðe, indefinite, whosoever, as is wile in ‘Weriȝe se ðe wile,’ VV 89/33, but se ðe, he who, is followed by the indicative, ‘se ðe luueð,’ VV 41/7 (= qui diligit), ‘se ðe swereð,’ id. 79/3 (= qui iurat). There seems to be no distinction in meaning between ‘Bie war, ȝif ðu wilt,’ VV 59/2, and ‘Bie war, ȝif ðu wile,’ id. 61/8, but the forms of this verb are confused, see 89/37. Note also the indicative after ‘hwat hwat,’ 92/134.

126. #to laten#, to be passed over without mention, to be omitted.

127. #ðe--to sant#, to whom God sends it.

128. This is from S. Gregory, ‘Quia nimirum virtus boni operis perseverantia est; et voce Veritatis dicitur: Qui autem perseveraverit usque in finem, hic salvus erit. Et praecepto legis cauda hostiae in sacrificio iubetur offerri. In cauda quippe finis est corporis; et ille bene immolat qui sacrificium boni operis usque ad finem debitae perducit actionis,’ In Evang. Homiliae, ii. 25, § 1. Similarly S. Isidore, v. 427; Alanus, 78. See Lev. iii. 9.

129. #alle dier#, a subject without a verb; the construction is altered.

132. S. Matt. x. 22, xxiv. 13.

136. #beswonken#, worked at; like L. elaborare, with acc. as in OE. #he it wat# &c.: a favourite expression of the author, as VV 21/3, 95/26; ‘He it wot ðe all wot,’ id. 75/2.

137. #wissin . . . warnin#: so ‘wissedest ⁊ warnedest,’ VV 21/27.

139. #twene#, doubt: OE. #twȳn#.

143. #Hvte we#, let us: comp. 175/422; ‘Wuten we fare,’ VV 23/22.

147. #on#, in: see 83/15.

149. #ne heriȝe#: see 25/241 note.

151. #ofte ⁊ ȝelome#: see 32/47.

153. #implet#: a variant, without authority, for imple.

_Cross-References_

25/241 (note) = VI. (The Proverbs of Alfred) 46/292 (note) = VIII. (Poema Morale) 79/17, 81/80 (notes) = XI. (Hic Dicendum est de Propheta)

_Errata_

#Facsimile:# Palæographical Society [_anomalous æ unchanged_] #ea# before #r# ... halt 40 (#heald#) [40,] #ēa# is _ea_ ... #ȝīet# is ȝiet 90, 95. [_text unchanged: apparent error for #gīet#_] #a# + #g# is _aȝ_, laȝe 128, 131, forðdraȝen 97 [forðdragen] 59. ... ‘ðarof ðe,’ id. 69/26 [_open quote missing_] ‘ðar to ðe,’ id. 73/15 [_close quote missing_] 93. ... Comp. ‘þa ða he hamwerd wæs,’ [Comp,]

XIV. LAȜAMON

#Manuscripts:# i. Cotton Caligula A 9, British Museum (C); on vellum, 216 × 153 mm.; 192 folios in double columns of 32 to 34 lines, written by two scribes in the first quarter of the thirteenth century. It is bound up with another manuscript containing the Owl and the Nightingale and other pieces.