PART II: NOTES

OXFORD at the Clarendon Press M CM XX

Oxford University Press London Edinburgh Glasgow New York Toronto Melbourne Cape Town Bombay

Humphrey Milford Publisher to the University

PREFACE

The order of the vowels in the phonological sections follows Bülbring’s Altenglisches Elementarbuch, that of the consonants, Sievers’ Old English Grammar, translated by Cook. The basis of comparison is Early West Saxon. The object of these sections has been to provide collections for the interpretation of the teacher. In accidence Sievers has been followed generally, but Zupitza’s classification of the strong verbs has been adopted for convenience of use with Bülbring’s Geschichte der Ablaute. In the literature sections books marked with an asterisk are those which the student will find more immediately useful.

This book has been a long time in preparation; it will perhaps help to excuse some lack of uniformity if it be known that a great part of the notes was in type by the end of 1915.

J. H. WOODSTOCK, _January, 1920_.

CORRIGENDA.

225/39. Omit stop after Orm here and elsewhere.

231/1. unseihte represents #unsæht#

249/8. After &c., add wart 122

250/31. Add wart

253/27. Omit comma after sc͞i

254/20. Dr. Bradley’s restoration in M. L. Review, xii. 73, þa þestreden sona þas landes, appears to me certain.

263/31. wile

266/26. #ālīesednesse# (but once #ālȳsendnesse#)

266/27. #ā# + #w#

271/13. #sǣdon#

312/36. After Bodleian add (D)

318/37. #gēar#

356/1. C 6

396/6. Add with before which

428/14. Add _ia_ in giarked 84

428/38. #tōgēanes#

457/8. Add #hn# to _n_ before nap

567/13. nyht, 160/185

_Errata_

Omit stop after Orm [_superfluous . (“Orm.”) occurs 21 times in the text. Corrections are not individually noted_] 254/20. Dr. Bradley’s restoration ... [_the reference is to the note for l. 20, i.e. line 16 of the printed page_]

NOTES

#Abbreviations:# AR Ancren Riwle, ed. Morton; Archiv [für das Studium der neueren Sprachen]; BH Blickling Homilies, ed. Morris; CM Cursor Mundi, ed. Morris; ES Englische Studien; GE Genesis and Exodus, ed. Morris; HM Hali Meidenhad, ed. Cockayne; KH King Horn, ed. Hall; L Layamon, ed. Madden; NED New English Dictionary; OEH i Old English Homilies, ed. Morris First Series; OEH ii Second Series; OEM Old English Miscellany, ed. Morris; ON Owl and Nightingale, ed. Wells; PRL Political, Religious, and Love Poems, ed. Furnivall, second edition; SJ St. Juliana, ed. Cockayne; SK St. Katherine, ed. Einenkel; SM St. Marherete, ed. Cockayne; VV Vices and Virtues, ed. Holthausen.

_Erratum_

SM St. Marherete, ed. Cockayne [_spelling as in Cockayne_]

I. WORCESTER FRAGMENTS

A

#Manuscript:# Worcester Cathedral Library, 174. It consists of sixty-six leaves of vellum, ‘which had been cut and pasted together to form covers for a book in the Cathedral archives’ (Catalogue of the Chapter Library, ed. Floyer and Hamilton, Oxford, 1906). Its contents are (1) an incomplete copy of Ælfric’s Grammar and Glossary, used by Zupitza for his edition of the text (Berlin, 1880); (2) the scrap here marked A; (3) the pieces B and C with five more fragments of the same poem. A completes the page on which the glossary ends, and B is on the verso of the leaf. The leaves have been slightly shorn at one side and reduced at top and bottom, but probably to no great extent: the conjectural complement, which is here printed within square brackets, is for the most part fairly obvious, the more so as portions of the lost letters often remain. The whole MS. is in the same large square hand, but the pieces in verse, which are written continuously, like prose, are less carefully executed. The handwriting is of the second half of the twelfth century, perhaps about 1180 A.D. The Latin headings are not in the MS.

#Editions:# Phillipps, Sir T., Fragment of Ælfric’s Grammar, &c., London, 1838; Wright, T., Biographia Britannica Literaria, AS. Period, p. 59, 60, London, 1842 (omits the last four lines); Varnhagen, H., Anglia, iii. pp. 423-25.

#Phonology:# The scribe is mainly faithful to the orthography of his original, which was in Anglo-Saxon script (as is shown by _Sipum_ for _Ripum_) and older language. He still uses the rune for _w_. His spelling wavers between old and new, #ǣ# survives in ilærde, lærden, læreþ, beside _e_ in ilerde, weren; #ea# persists in wireceastre, but wincæstre, rofecæstre; the inflection is not levelled in leodan, but leoden, hoteþ, losiæþ (æ = e). Drihten represents an OE. form in i; #ie# is _e_ in derne; #ā# is _o_ in hoteþ, _eo_ (= _o_) in leore. OE. #æ# + #g# is _æi_ in fæire, fæier, sæiþ; #e# + #g# is _ei_ in lorþeines; #ēo# + #h# is _i_ in liht; #ēa# + #h#, _eih_ in unwreih. Bocare goes back to late OE. #bōcre#; #c# is written _ch_ in wisliche; #sć# [š] is still _sc_ in sceolen.

#Accidence:# The def. article is _s. n. neut._ þet 17, 19; _s. a. f._ þa 5; _pl. n._ þeo 3, 17; _pl. d._ þen 19; _pl. a._ þeo 4. Noteworthy nouns are the mutation _pl._ bec 7; diȝelnesse, _s. a._ 5; leoden, _pl. n._ 3, 18, leodan, _pl. a._ 15 (weak forms); leore, _pl. n._ 17. The relatives are þe, þeo 18 (as in L 257, 2999), þet 3: the demonstrative þis, _pl. n. neut._ 22, þeos, _pl. n. m._ 15, _pl. a. m._ 9 (properly a _sing._ form): possessives, ure 9, 15, 18; heore 16. Glod 16 is a weak preterite beside strong #glēow#, but the cognate forms in other languages are weak, and this may be a borrowing from the Norse (NED _s.v._).

French are questiuns, probably its first appearance, and feþ 23, with its peculiar monophthong (OF. feid in which _d_ was the spirant [ð]); comp. 8/91 note.

#Dialect:# Middle or Western South.

#Metre:# Alliterative long line, of somewhat rude construction, without transitional rhymes or assonances. The alliteration extends mostly to two consonants, sometimes to three, as 5, 17; l. 16 is pure syllabic verse. The scribe sometimes misplaced the pause stop, as at 9, and sometimes omitted it.

#Introduction:# In this scrap, some English patriot laments the wholesale substitution of foreign prelates for English under William the Conqueror. At the end of 1070 A.D. there were only two native bishops, Wulfstan at Worcester and Siward at Rochester. This may point roughly to the time, as the preponderance of names connected with Winchester to the place, of the composition. The absence of the names of Wulfstan, Bishop of Worcester (1002-1016 A.D.) and Archbishop of York (1002-1023), the author of the Homilies; of Wærferth, Bishop of Worcester (872-915), translator of Pope Gregory’s Dialogues; of the later Wulfstan (1062-1095), under whose rule there was great activity in the collection and transcription of Homilies and other literature in English (Keller, W., Die litterarischen Bestrebungen von Worcester in AS. Zeit, p. 64); together with the writer’s ignorance of the North, shows that it was not composed at Worcester. And the mistakes in Sipum 1/11 and heoueshame 1/12 would hardly be made by a Worcester transcriber.

The heading is from Numbers xxvii. 17.

2. #⁊# = and: _ond_ apparently does not occur in the twelfth century. [#writen#]: Varnhagen supplies _bec_. Comp. ‘þa writen me beoð to icume,’ L 9131. #awende#. Bede translated into English the Gospel of S. John and some extracts from Isidore (Baedae Opera Historica, ed. Plummer, i. pp. lxxv, clxii).

3. #ꝥ . . . þurh#, by which. The preposition separated from its relative and placed with the verb is common in ME. See Anklam, Das Englische Relativ im 11. und 12. Jahrhundert, pp. 15-19, 44-6. Comp. in these texts, _þet . . . bi_, 72/182; _inne_, 84/45, 131/104; _of_, 38/155, 66/96, 116, 117/8, 139/11, 211/476; _on_, 96/53, 179/112; _to_, 142/75, 79, 143/98; _þe . . . embe_, 81/77; _inne_, 11/3, 4; _mide_, 81/79; _offe_, 85/84; _one_, 83/9, 119/73; _to_, 96/54; _uppe_, 84/71; _þer . . . in_, 7/59, 54/1, 147/148; _of_, 64/61; _on_, 106/210; _to_, 89/32; _wið_, 48/300. Similarly _hem . . . to_, 193/564; _þa . . . to_, 96/58.

4. #C[not]ten#: completed by Holthausen, Archiv, cvi. 347. Comp. ‘siȝewulf . . hine befran . . be ȝehwylcum cnottum þe he sylf ne cuþe,’ Interrogationes Sigewulfi, ed. MacLean, 58/12; ‘Ich habbe uncnut summe | of þeos cnotti cnotten,’ SK 1150, 1; and 202/168. With #unwreih#, comp. ‘Ac Augustinus se wisa us onwreah þas deopnysse,’ AS. Homilien, ed. Assmann, 5/103; ‘him þa toweardæn þing unwreah ⁊ swytelode,’ Twelfth Cent. Hom. 98/17; Cursor, 22445. #questiuns#: probably Bede’s In Libros Regum Quaestiones Triginta, answering questions put by Nothelm (Plummer, p. cli). But there appears to have been a work known as Bedae Quaestiones in utrumque Testamentum (Plummer, clv note), and there may be a reference to such of his commentaries as were replies to the queries of Acca, Bishop of Hexham. #hoteþ#: Wright supplies _we_ after _þe_ as in 6, but _hoteþ_ may mean here ‘are called,’ though the passive sense is commoner in Central than in Early ME.

5. #derne diȝelnesse#. Comp. ‘Þatt dærne diȝhellnesse | Þatt writenn wass þurrh Moysæn,’ Orm 12945; and 125/296.

6. For Aelfric the Abbot see Skeat in E. E. T. S., O. S. 114, pp. xxii-xliv. The writer appears not to know his translations of Joshua, Judges, Esther, and possibly Job. His identification of Aelfric with Alcuin, who liked to call himself Albinus, is possibly due, as MacLean suggests, to the former having translated Alcuin’s Sigewulfi Interrogationes (p. 47, and Anglia, vi. pp. 463, 4).

7. #bocare#. Comp. ‘Beda, se mæra bocere,’ AS. Hom., ed. Assmann, 22/210. [#fif#]: supplied by Varnhagen.

8. #Vtronomius#: probably a blunder, but possibly an original attempt at abbreviation. Or the writer may have had in mind the explanation given in De Mirabilibus Sacrae Scripturae, ‘Deuteronomium, hoc est, iterationem Legis,’ S. Augustini Op., iii. App. p. 13a. Observe that he places the title next to Exodus; he would know from Jerome’s preface that it means ‘secunda lex.’ #Numerus#: so Ælfric, ‘on Lyden Numerus and on Englisc Getel,’ Grein’s Prosa, i. p. 179.

10. #þet weren.# Comp. for the singular of the demonstrative, 80/35: ‘Soðlice ða eagan þæt bioð ða lareowas, & se hrycg þæt sint ða hiremenn,’ Gregory’s Pastoral Care, ed. Sweet, 28/12; ‘hwet beoð þas vii ȝeate? Det beoð ure egan,’ OEH i. 127/29. Sometimes the verb also is singular, as at 76/8. Similarly _hit_, _it_, 117/13, 190/450. #bodeden#: this verb usually takes an acc. as here, so 15/86; ‘bodian þa soðen ileafen,’ OEH i. 97/31; but ‘bodiende umbe godes riche,’ id. 95/19.

11. #Wilfrid#, Bishop of York, _d._ 709. #Ripum#: Ripon; Beda’s Inhrypum (Plummer, i. 183, ii. 104). #Johan of beoferlai#, Bishop of York, _d._ 721. He is commonly associated with the foundation of a monastery at Beverley in Yorkshire, but see Memorials of Beverley Minster, Surtees Society, 1898, pp. xv-xix. Beverley is Beoforlic in AS. Chron. MS. D 721 (but written about 1070 A.D.); Beoferlic in MS. E; Bevrelie in Domesday (see Stolze, Zur Lautlehre der AE. Ortsnamen im Domesday Book, p. 28, and Zachrisson, Anglo-Norman Influence on English Place-Names, p. 152). #Cuþb[ert]#, Cudberct, Bishop of Lindisfarne, _d._ 687. Dunholm occurs in AS. Chron. MS. D 1056 as the oldest name; Durham descends from AN. Dureme. The episcopal mint from Beke 1283 A.D. to Langley 1437 A.D. has Dunholm, Dunelm, and Dureme indifferently. The seal of Richard de Marisco (1217-1226) has Dunholmensis. Comp. Zachrisson, 133-5. #Oswald#, Bishop of Worcester, 962-91, Archbishop of York, 972-91, _d._ 992 (see Keller, pp. 11-21). For Latin books attributed to him, see Wright, Biographia, i. pp. 466, 7. Worcester in AS. Charters is Wigeran or Wiogeran Ceaster, also Wigernaceaster, Wigraceaster; in Domesday, Wirecestre. #Egwin#, Bishop of the Hwiccas, i.e. see of Worcester; founder of the Abbey of Evesham, _d._ 717 A.D. For works attributed to him, see Wright, Biographia, i. p. 227. #heoueshame#: in Domesday Evesham; in the foundation charter Egwin writes, ‘In quo loco (i.e. Ethomme) quum beata Virgo Maria cuidam pastori gregum, Eoves nomine, comparuisset (ob cujus viri sanctitatem eundem locum Eoveshamiam nuncupavi),’ Chronicon Abbatiae de Evesham, ed. Macray, p. 18. #æl[dhelm]#, Abbot of Malmesbury and Bishop of Sherborne, _d._ 709 A.D. (Plummer’s Bede, ii. pp. 308, 9). William of Malmesbury says in his Gesta Pontificum, p. 336, ‘nativae quoque linguae non negligebat carmina; adeo ut, teste libro Elfredi . . . nulla umquam aetate par ei fuerit quisquam.’ He is said to have translated the Psalms. #Swiþþun#, Bishop of Winchester, _d._ 862. #æþelwold#, pupil of S. Dunstan, Abbot of Abingdon, Bishop of Winchester, 963, _d._ 984 A.D. In the Latin Life by Ælfric as revised by Wulfstan, it is recorded, ‘Dulce namque erat ei adolescentes et iuvenes semper docere, et latinos libros anglice eis solvere,’ Acta Sanctorum, August, i. p. 94. His translation of the Rule of S. Benedict was edited by Schröer in the Bibliothek der AS. Prosa, ii. Kassel, 1885-8. #Aidan#, Bishop of Lindisfarne, _d._ 651. #Biern#: Birinus, Bishop of Winchester, _d._ 650. The spelling with _ie_ appears to be analogic with the _i_-umlaut in such words as #ierre#, and so to belong to the scribe’s original. #wincæstre#: in the Chronicle, anno 744, Wintanceaster; Venta Civitas in Bede. #[Pau]lin#, Paulinus, the Missionary Bishop of York, and, after 634 A.D., Bishop of Rochester, seems more likely than the less-known Cuichelm, Bishop of Rochester, suggested by Wright. The MS. has _lin_ not _lm_. #rofecæstre#: in AS. Chronicle, anno 604, Hrofesceaster; ‘in ciuitate Dorubreui, quam gens Anglorum a primario quondam illius, qui dicebatur Hrof, Hrofæscæstræ cognominat,’ Beda, i. 85. #Dunston#. S. Dunstan was Bishop of Worcester, 957-9, Bishop of London, 958, 959, Archbishop of Canterbury, 959, _d._ 988. #ælfeih#: S. Ælfheah, succeeded Æþelwold as Bishop of Winchester in 984 A.D., became Archbishop of Canterbury in 1006, and was martyred by the Danes in 1012 A.D. #cantoreburi#: a French spelling, as Canteberi, 10/174; contrast Cantuarabirȝ, 11/4. L has still Cantuarie buri, 94/15; Cantwareburi, 2821; where O has Cantelburi.

15. #on englisc#, repeating 9. The writer does not mean that all these produced works in English, but only to contrast them with French-speaking clerics.

16. Comp. ‘Si ergo lumen, quod in te est, tenebrae sunt, ipsae tenebrae quantae erunt?’ S. Matt. vi. 23.

17. #nu is#: so Wright and Varnhagen, but read _nu beoþ_; for _beo lore_, those teachings, is plural.

19. #lorþeines#, teachers, apparently an ἅπ. λεγ., of which the second element represents OE. #þegn#, servant, disciple. Comp. the usual ‘larþawes,’ 15/82, ‘lorþeu,’ 20/68, ‘lorþeawes,’ 84/61, ‘larðewes,’ OEH ii. 41/28 (OE. *#lārðēowas#), ‘lareaw,’ OEH i. 241/21 (OE. #lārēow#). #losiæþ#, in the rarer intransitive use, perish. Comp. ‘ꝥ þa men ne losien, þe on him ilyfæð,’ Twelfth Cent. Hom. 2/31, 34/1, 38/23; ‘þenne losiað fele saulen,’ OEH i. 117/18. #forþ mid#, together with, also with, here in the rare adverbial use. Comp. ‘þenne losiað fele saulen ⁊ he seolf forð mid for his ȝemeleste,’ OEH i. 117/18; ‘& him seolf þer forð mide,’ L 608. It is common as a preposition, as at 40/176, 77/55, 195/611; ‘his þenegas forð mid him þe he þyder brohte,’ Ælf. Lives, i. 528/645; ‘forswoleȝeð þene hoc forð mid þan ese,’ OEH i. 123/11.

20. ‘Sicut aquila provocans ad volandum pullos suos, et super eos volitans, expandit alas suas, et assumpsit eum, atque portavit in humeris suis,’ Deut. xxxii. 11, spoken of God’s care and training of his people. See Bozon, Contes Moralisés, p. 60, for an elaborate application of the text.

22. #to worlde asende.# Comp. ‘fram Gode hider on world sended,’ BH 209/23.

23. [#festen# &c.]. Comp. 190/438, 10/154. The sense required is, That we should put our full trust in him.

_Greek_

ἅπ. λεγ. [hap. leg.] [_short for ἁπαξ λεγόμενον [hapax legomenon], “something that has been said only once”, i.e. an otherwise unattested form_]

_Errata_

#Editions:# ... London, 1842 (omits the last four lines); [_text has : for ;_] 6. For Aelfric the Abbot see Skeat in E. E. T. S., O. S. 114 [E.E.T.S., O.S.] 11. ... Ælfric as revised by Wulfstan [Wulstan: _spelling “Wulfstan” used everywhere else_] 20. ... Contes Moralisés, p. 60 [Moralises]

B, C

#Manuscript:# As for A, p. 223.

#Editions:# Phillipps, as above; Singer, S. W., The Departing Soul’s Address to the Body, London, 1845; Haufe, E., Die Fragmente der Rede der Seele an den Leichnam, Gryphiswaldiae, 1880; Buchholz, R., Die Fragmente der Reden der Seele an den Leichnam, Erlangen, 1889; afterwards enlarged in *Erlanger Beiträge, ii. 6. 1890.

#Literature:# (1) =of the Worcester Fragment=. Haufe, E., Anglia, iv. 237 (emendations); Holthausen, F., Anglia, xiv. 321 (emendations); Kaluza, M., Litteraturblatt, ii. 92; *Zupitza, J., Archiv, lxxxv. 78 (review of Buchholz). (2) =of the Desputisoun=. Heesch, G., Language and Metre, Kiel, 1884; Holthausen, F., Anglia, Beiblatt, iii. 302; Kaluza, M., Litteraturblatt, xii. 12; *Kunze, O., Critical Text, Berlin, 1892; Linow, W., Erlangen, 1889, edition enlarged in Erlanger Beiträge, i. 1. 1889; Mätzner, E., AE. Sprachproben, i. 90-103; Varnhagen, H., Anglia, ii. 225-52; Zupitza, J., Archiv, lxxxv. 84. (3) =of the Legend in general=. *Batiouchkof, Th., Romania, xx. 236; Bruce, J. D., Modern Language Notes, v. col. 385-401; Dudley, Louise, The Egyptian Elements in the Legend of the Body and Soul, Bryn Mawr, 1911; id. An Early Homily on the ‘Body and Soul’ Theme, Journal of English and Germanic Philology, April, 1909; Gaidoz, H., Revue Celtique, x. 463-70; Kleinert, G., Halle, 1880; Paris, Gaston, Romania, ix. 311-14; Varnhagen, H., Anglia, ii. 225, iii. 569; *Zupitza, J., Archiv, xci. 369.

#Phonology:# For an account dealing with all the seven fragments see Buchholz: what follows is based on the two here printed, with references, where necessary, to his text of the other five.

Oral #a# is _a_, so ac, farene, habban: #a# before nasals usually _o_, as from, mon, but _a_ in licame (wavering characteristic of the Middle South): #a# before lengthening groups is _o_, as honden, imong, longe, psalm-songe. #æ# is _a_ after _w_, as was, watere D 12, but nes D 19; otherwise _e_, as crefte, þene (OE. #þænne#), þet, but the traditional spelling survives in æt, æfter D 42, goldfæten, igædered, gæderedest (OE. #gæderian#), þæs, wræcche (OE. #wræcca#), wrænches G 48 (OE. *#wrænc#). Messe is a French loan-word. #e# is regularly _e_, as bedde, heui, met, þenchen, wel, &c., but _i_ in siggen F 7, siggeþ G 34 (characteristic of South-East and Kent). #i# is regularly _i_, as him, nimen, willæn; it is _u_ after _w_ in nulleþ, wulleþ C 35; but _i_ in wihte D 3, nowiht D 19. #o# is regularly _o_, as bodeþ, iboren, sorhliche; before nasal, onȝean C 6; after _w_, woldest D 50, noldest, iwurþen F 46; but _a_ in aȝan C 18. _eo_ is written for _o_ in feorþsiþ. #œ# (o + i) is _eo_ in seoruhfule, seorhful, seoruhliche, &c., neose. #u# is regularly _u_, as biwunden, cumeþ, ful, tunge, &c., but _o_ in iworþen F 45 after _w_. #y# is _u_, as ifulled, ikunde, lutiȝ, sunne, ufel, wunne, wurmes, but _y_ is preserved in synne F 33: iflut 2/30 is Scandinavian, OWScand. flytja; drihtenes 4/33, kinges E 39 descend from OE. forms in _i_.

#ā# is normally _o_, as bon, loc, more, sor, woniende; but _a_ is often preserved as þa 2/18, lac 4/25, mare E 39, wa F 4. _eo_ is written for _o_ in þeo 2/2, greoning, greoneþ; and _oa_ in woaning 2/15, woaneþ 2/25, is an attempt to express graphically the [a^o] sound. Þe [ȝet] E 3, 36 occurs twice beside þa, þo. OE. #wāwa# gives weowe 2/7. #ǣ{1}# (WG. ai + i) is mostly _æ_, idæled, tæcheþ, ilærede, and before two consonants, ilæsteþ, æffre; but _e_ in bideled C 32, ilered G 29, ilesteþ, efre D 41, þen (= OE. #þǣm#) 3/36. It is exceptionally _a_ in þam C 25, facen (OE. #fǣcne#) G 10, atterne G 17. In bileafen D 6, _ea_ is written for _æ_. #ǣ{2}# (WG. ā) is still _æ_ in þær, þærof, wæde, grædie, wære E 28, but commonly _e_, þerinne, seten, beden, were, misdeden, gredi. _a_ is exceptional in hwar 3/4, 5, 7, 9, 10 (= OE. #hwār#). #ē# is usually _e_, swetnesse, þe, 2/2, me, ne, also before nasals, fenge, icwemdest. #ī# is normally _i_, bi, lif, iwiteþ, liþ, hwile, &c., but after _w_ it is _u_ in hwule, swuþe: hwui 4/17 beside hwi D 22 is an attempt to express more fully the sound of _w_. #ō# is normally _o_, to, moder, flore, &c. #œ̄# is _eo_ in weopinde 2/10. (OE. #wœ̄pan#). #ū# is regularly _u_, hus, wiþuten, ut, &c. #ȳ# is _u_, ifuled, luþerliche, &c.

#ea#, breaking of #a# before #r# + consonant is _ea_, earfeþsiþ, eart, scearp, _æ_ in ært 4/16, _e_ in ert D 15, scerpe F 29, imerked G 39; no examples of _a_. It is _ea_ before lengthening cons. groups, earde, bearn. The _i_-umlaut of #ea# (WS. #ie#) is _e_ in all cases, scerpeþ, erming D 18, yerde bidernan F 6. #ea#, breaking of #a# before #l# + cons. is _a_, alle, also, scalt, wale G 2 (#wealh#): before lengthening groups normally _o_, colde, coldeþ, itolde, holden G 32, 45, iwold C 8, isold D 38, monifolde, but _e_, heldan C 35. The _i_-umlaut is seen in wældeþ, 4/41. #eo#, breaking of #e# before #r# + consonant, is _eo_, heorte D 49 and _o_ herborwen C 23: after #w# also _eo_, andweorke F 42, OE. #handgeweorc#, and _e_, werke D 30: the group #weor#, in LWS #wur#, has _u_, iwurþe F 45, wurþe G 25, unwerþ 4/37, _o_, beworpen D 12; before lengthening groups _eo_, yeorne, eorþe C 5. The _i_-umlaut of #eo#, which after #w# had already become #y# in OE. is here _u_, wurþest, deorwurþe, wurst D 30, wurþliche G 36. #eo# before #l# + consonant gives _u_ in sulfen C 27, suluen F 28 (already #sylf# in LWS). #eo#, _u_-umlaut of #e#, is _eo_ in heouene; _å_-umlaut of #e# is _eo_ in freome, feole, weolen (Bülbring, § 234); _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #i# is _eo_, seouene, seoþþen. libbe 2/13 is OE. #libban#. #ea#, palatal diphthong, is _ea_, _eæ_ in isceaft F 35, isceæftan; _a_ in schal, scal. #ie# after #g# is _e_, ȝerde, biȝete C 13 (Bülbring, § 151 _n._), _i_ in ȝiuen 4/21. #eo# < WG. #o# after _sc_ is _o_ in scorteþ, scoldest C 28, but _eo_ in sceoldest G 42. #eo# < #u# is _u_, onscunedest, sculen C 38. OE. #heom# is heom and ham C 18; #eom#, eam, am F 14.

#ēa# is normally _ea_, deaþ, heafod, bereaued, seaþe E 8, &c., but _æ_ in dædan 3/42, beræfed C 7, sæþe, and _e_, birefedest G 12. The _i_-umlaut of #ēa# is _e_, alesed, iheren E 26, semdest 4/18, &c. (Bülbring, § 183 _n._); and _u_, huned D 47 (WS. #ȳ#). #ēo# is normally _eo_, beoþ, teoreþ, leoflic, freonden, &c. Its _i_-umlaut does not occur; deore C 47, neowe C 29, neode F 5, retain _eo_ (Bülbring, § 189, anm. 1). #īe# is _e_ in isene, E 40; yet C 2.

#a# + #g# is usually _aw_, as in dawes 2/14, gnawen C 42, mawe C 49, but the older deaȝes survives 3/40. #æ# + #g# is normally _ei_, iseid, but isæid G 19, and once dai E 13. #e# + #g# is _ei_, ileide: weile 4/19 may represent OE. #weg lā# (see Björkman, Scandinavian Loan-Words, 51). OE. #ongegn# is onȝean C 6, aȝan C 18. #o# + #g# is _ow_, bowe C 4, forhoweþ: #o# + #h#, douhter G 31, wrouhte E 16, but wrohten D 25: #u# + #ȝ#, fuweles 4/42: #y# + #h#, tuhte E 22. #ā# + #g# is _ow_ in owen C 45, sidwowes C 30: #ā# + #h# is seen in ohtest C 8, ahte E 2, 29 (a survival). #ǣ# + #g# is _eiȝ_, iseiȝe D 8, leiȝe D 11, keiȝe F 16; _ei_ in clei: #ǣ# + #h#, aeihte 3/13, bitæiht G 52. #ē# + #g#, sweiȝe E 24. #ō# + #g#, #h#, inouh, unifouh D 39, souhte, ibrouht. #ū# + #h# is seen in þuþte 3/12 (= þuhte). #ea# + #ht#, becomes _ei_, istreiht, unseihte D 45. #eo# + #h# (LWS #i#) has _i_ in riht; the _i_-umlaut is represented by besihþ 3/45. #ēa# + #g#, eiȝen, heiȝe E 39, but eȝen 3/42 and heie G 40: #ēa# + #h# is _eih_ in neih, heih G 42, but þauh G 27. #ēo# + #g#, dreiȝen G 6, but driæn 4/36, written for drien, is due to the scribe and may be Mercian; ifreoed 4/28 is noteworthy. #ā# + #w# is usually _ow_, sowle C 2, blowen E 32, nowiht D 19, but soule, nouht. #ō# + #w#, touward F 29, but reoweþ C 45. #ēa# + #w#, strau D 14. #ēo# + #w#, usually eow, cneow C 27, icneowe C 27, þeow, þeowdome, but reouliche F 19, heou G 22.

In the vowels of final syllables, levelling has generally taken place, but a few older forms, isceæftan, heafod, dædan, cumaþ, biddan, offrian, weolan, remain from the original MS. In lufedæst, willæn, driæn, &c., _æ_ is written for _e_. The prefix #ge# is represented by _i_.

The consonants present little of note. OE. #nā māra# becomes one word with doubled _m_ and shortened _a_ in nammore 3/34 (comp. wumme 2/13 note). farene 4/28, with _n_ for _nn_, is exceptional. OE. #ǣfre# is æffre 2/14, so næffre C 6, but æfre 3/3. For #f# between two vowels _u_ is generally written, bereaued 2/22, but beræfedest E 20. In mænet 2/7 _t_ is French writing for þ: schal 2/9 is isolated, _sc_ [š] is the rule, as in onscunedest 3/3: _k_ is written mostly before _e_ and _ie_, while _ȝ_ is used initially for the palatal (y in yield) and between vowels, once finally in lutiȝ 3/2 where the original probably had lutiȝe; _g_ in other cases and mostly in combination with consonants. For #cw#, French _qu_ is used once in quale 4/42.

#Accidence.# The #ā# and #jā# stems add e in the _nom._, blisse 3/8, bote 3/11, seoruwe 3/8, sowle 2/28, soule 3/45, modinesse 3/4, _accusatives_ are hwule 3/1, lore 4/29, soule 2/9, sunne 4/22, Godnesse 3/3. The _g._ of strong nouns ends in -es, the _d._ in -e, the _pl. n. a._ of Masculines in -es; of Feminines in -e; Neuters as ban 2/21 are uninflected, _pl. g._ has -e, _d._, -en, as honden 3/38. Markes 3/6, pundes 3/5 have adopted masc. endings; honden 3/39, isceæftan 2/2, goldfæten 3/7 have joined the weak declension. Of the latter dædan 3/42, weolan 4/32 are _g._, heouene 4/28 (_nom. s._ heouene F 38 (OE. #heofone#), molde 3/34, _d._, and exceptionally willæn 4/33, an archaic form preserved by its phrasal character; _a._ is deade 3/40; æren, eiȝen 2/17, lippen 2/18, are _pl. n._, weolen 4/16, _d._, eȝen 3/42 _a._

The predicative adjective often shows strong declension, as grædie 3/13, fuse 4/15, ikunde 3/32; but heui 2/15, leas, lutiȝ 3/2, loþ 4/37, &c., and the adjs. in #ig# are not inflected. Inflected attributives are deope 4/40, _s. d. m._, muchele 2/23, _s. d. f._; durelease 4/40, _s. d. neut._; seoruhfulne 4/19, _s. a. m._; alle 4/37, _pl. d. m._, &c. The termination of the weak declension is -e in all cases, as seoruhfule 2/8, _s. a. m._; reade 4/27, _s. d. neut._; dimme 3/42, _pl. a. neut._

The pronoun of the third person has _pl. d._ ham, heom. The def. art. is _s. n._ þe- þeo- þat, _d. m._ þen, _a._ þene- þeo- þat, _pl. n._ þeo- þa -þa, þeo, þe. The relative is _s._ þet, _s._ and _pl._ þe, þeo, _pl._ only þa.

The terminations of the verb are _inf._ -en (but driæn, offrian); _ind. pr._, e -est (contr. list 4/38), -eþ (but cumaþ 3/44, mænet 2/6); contr. sæiþ 2/13, biþ 2/22, met 3/33, liþ 3/36; _pl._ -eþ. Come 3/11 is 2 _pr. s. subj._ _Ind. pt._ of weak verbs, _s._ -de, -dest (but lufedæst 3/4), -de; _part. pt._ -ed, d, t in ibrouht 4/39, _part. pr._ -inde, ende. Strong pasts are ȝeat 4/27, beden 3/11, 4/21, seten 3/10; _part. pt._; iboren 2/6, &c.

#Dialect:# The Dialect is Southern, outside the Kentish area, and probably Middle South, with forms deriving from a Saxon patois. The poem may have been written, as the preceding piece probably was, in or near Winchester. The orthography belongs to two distinct stages of development, the later showing the copyist’s practice towards the end of the twelfth century, the more primitive being that of the original, which may have been fifty or sixty years earlier. The phonetic position of the scribe is in some respects more advanced than that of the Layamon MS. A.

#Metre:# Alliterative long line of loose construction mixed with rhymed syllabic verse. Occasionally four consonants alliterate, 2/6, 4/41, but usually three 2/5, 8, or two 2/4, 23. Crossed alliteration of consonants occurs at 2/16, 22, 27; 4/32, of consonant and vowels at 2/17; vowel alliteration at 4/37. At 2/4, read ⁊ lif ⁊ soule · him on ileide; at 3/11, bote come. The rhymes are sometimes perfect, as at 2/15, 25; 3/6, 8; 4/15, 27, 44, but assonances like lif : siþ 2/29; wif : siþ 3/43; dome : lore 4/29, and partial correspondences of sound like crefte : idihte 2/3; bedde : libbe 2/13; honden : wenden 3/38; modinesse : lufedæst 3/4; wæde : lufedest 3/9 are valid for this transitional verse. Sometimes alliteration and rhyme are combined, as at 2/3, 10 (read weopinde cumeþ), 3/4. Lines without either alliteration or rhyme must be regarded as corrupt. We may perhaps read semeþ for þuncheþ 3/39; riht ⁊ godnesse 3/3; beden þe fore 4/21: icwemen woldest for icwemdest ær 4/42. Compare the section on metre in the introduction to No. vi.

#Introduction:# This poem, in which, after an introduction on the miseries of birth and death, a lost soul reproaches the body it has just left, represents the original type of one of the most popular subjects of the Middle Ages. The idea is ancient, for Kunze, p. 3, quotes a passage from a treatise ascribed to Plutarch, and Linow, p. 2, another from the Talmud, which contain it in the germ. But as it is used in Christian literature, it originated in Alexandria under the influence of Egyptian conceptions of death and the unseen world. In England before the Conquest it had inspired (1) the poem printed in Grein-Wülker, ii. 92-105 from the Exeter and Vercelli MSS., in which a lost soul speaks; (2) the fragment from the latter MS., in which a blessed soul consoles the waiting body, id. 105-7; (3) the homily printed in Ancient Laws and Institutes of England, ed. Thorpe, ii. 396-400 (8vo ed.); (4) the homily in Wulfstan, ed. Napier, 140, 1. Versions 3 and 4 are based on a Latin original represented by an eleventh-century text, which is printed by Batiouchkof in Romania, xx. 576-8, comp. Zupitza in Archiv, xci. 369. This Latin prose text professes to be the relation of a vision by a monk to Macarius of Alexandria (_d._ 393 A.D.), and it, according to Batiouchkof, is based on earlier Greek legends wherein Macarius is himself the dreamer. The homily (5) printed in Angelsächsische Homilien, ed. Assmann, Kassel, 1889, p. 167, and (6) that published by Zupitza, Archiv, xci. 379, are independent of the Latin original just mentioned, and they have been influenced by the Judgment Day literature. The former contains addresses of a lost and a saved soul to their respective bodies on the Judgment Day, the homily (6) has only the latter.

After the Conquest, contemporary with (7) the Worcester Fragment, there is (8) the Oxford Fragment printed by Buchholz, p. 11. The theme is again treated in (9) the twelfth-century homily, De Sancto Andrea, OEH