Part 30

Cuando yo andaba por aquella mar en fatiga en algunos se puso heregía que estabamos enfechizados, que hoy dia estan en ello. Otra gente fallé que comian hombres: la desformidad de su gesto lo dice. Allí dicen qué hay grandes mineros de cobre: hachas de ello, otras cosas labradas, fundidas, soladas hube, y fraguas con todo su aparejo de platero y los crisoles. Allí van vestidos; y en aquella provincia vide sábanas grandes de algodon, labradas de muy sotiles labores; otras píntadas muy sútilmente á colores con pinceles. Dicen que en la tierra adentro hácia el Catayo las hay tejidas de oro. De todas estas tierras y de lo que hay en ellas, falta de lengua, no se saben tan presto. Los pueblos, bien que sean espesos, cada uno tiene diferenciada lengua, y es en tanto que no se entienden los unos con los otros, mas que nos con los de Arabia. Yo creo que esto sea en esta gente salvage de la costa de la mar, mas no en la tierra dentro. Cuando yo descubrí las Indias dije que eran el mayor señorío rico que hay en el mundo. Yo dije del oro, perlas, piedras preciosas, especerías, con los tratos y ferias, y porque no pareció todo tan presto fuí escandalizado. Este castigo me hace agora que no diga salvo lo que yo oigo de los naturales de la tierra. De una oso decir, porque hay tantos testigos, y es que yo vide en esta tierra de Veragua mayor señal de oro en dos dias primeros que en la Española en cuatro años, y que las tierras de la comarca no pueden ser mas fermosas, ni mas labradas, ni la gente mas cobarde, y buen puerto, y fermoso rio, y defensible al mundo. Todo esto es seguridad de los cristianos y certeza de señorío, con grande esperanza de la honra y acrescentamiento de la religion cristiana; y el camino, allí será tan breve como á la Española, porque ha de ser con viento. Tan señores son vuestras Altezas de esto como de Jerez ó Toledo: sus navíos que fueren allí van á su casa. De allí sacarán oro: en otras tierras, para haber de lo que hay en ellas, conviene que se lo lleven, ó se volverán vacíos; y en la tierra es necesario que fien sus personas de un salvage. Del otro que yo dejo de decir, ya dije por qué me encerré: no digo así, ni que yo me afirme en el tres doble en todo lo que yo haya jamas dicho ni escrito, y que yo estó a la fuente. Genoveses, Venecianos y toda gente que tenga perlas, piedras preciosas y otras cosas de valor, todos las llevan hasta el cabo del mundo para las trocar, convertir en oro: el oro es excelentísimo: del oro se hace tesoro, y con él, quien lo tiene, hace cuanto quiere en el mundo, y llega á que echa las animas al paraiso. Los señores de aquellas tierras de la comarca Veragua cuando mueren entierran el oro que tienen con el cuerpo, así lo dicen: á Salomon llevaron de un camino seiscientos y sesenta y seis quintales de oro, allende lo que llevaron los mercaderes y marineros, y allende lo que se pagó en Arabia. De este oro fizo doscientas lanzas y trescientos escudos, y fizo el tablado que habia de estar arriba dellas de oro y adornado de piedras preciosas, y fizo otras muchas cosas de oro, y vasos muchos y muy grandes y ricos de piedras preciosas. Josefo en su corónica de Antiquitatibus lo escribe. En el Paralipomenon y en el libro de los Reyes se cuenta de esto. Josefo quiere que este oro se hobiese en la Aurea: si así fuese digo que aquellas minas de la Aurea son unas y se convienen con estas de Veragua, que como yo dije arriba se alarga al Poniente veinte jornadas, y son en una distancia lejos del polo y de la línea. Salomon compró todo aquello, oro, piedras y plata, é allí le pueden mandar á coger si les aplace. David en su testamento dejó tres mil quintales de oro de las Indías á Salomon para ayuda de edificar el templo, y segun Josefo era el destas mismas tierras. Hierusalem y el monte Sion ha de ser reedificado por mano de cristianos: quien ha de ser, Dios por boca del Profeta en el décimo cuarto salmo lo dice. El Abad Joaquin dijo que este habia de salir de España. San Gerónimo á la santa muger le mostró el camino para ello. El Emperador del Catayo ha dias que mandó sabios que le enseñen en la fé de Cristo. ¿Quién será que se ofrezca á esto? Si nuestro Señor me lleva á España, yo me obligo de llevarle, con el nombre de Dios, en salvo. Esta gente que vino conmigo han pasado increibles peligros y trabajos. Suplico á V. A., porque son pobres, que les mande pagar luego, y les haga mercedes á cada uno segun la calidad de la persona, que les certifico que á mi creer les traen las mejores nuevas que nunca fueron á España. El oro que tiene el Quibian de Veragua y los otros de la comarca, bien que segun informacion él sea mucho, no me paresció bien ni servicio de vuestras Altezas de se le tomar por via de robo: lo buena orden evitará escándalo y mala fama, y hará que todo ello venga al tesoro, que no quede un grano. Con un mes de buen tiempo yo acabára todo mi viage: por falta de los navíos no porfié á esperarle para tornar á ello, y para toda cosa de su servicio espero en aquel que me hizo, y estaré bueno. Yo creo que V. A. se acordará que yo queria mandar hacer los navíos de nueva manera: la brevedad del tiempo no dió lugar á ello, y cierto yo habio caido en lo que cumplia. Yo tengo en mas esta negociacion y minas con esta escala y señorio, que todo lo otro que está hecho en las Indias. No es este hijo para dar á criar á madrastra. De la Española, de Paria y de las otras tierras no me acuerdo de ellas, que yo no llore: creia yo que el ejemplo dellas hobiese de ser por estotras al contrario: ellas estan boca á yuso, bien que no mueren: la enfermedad es incurable, ó muy larga: quien las llegó á esto venga agora con el remedio si puede ó sabe: al descomponer cada uno es maestro. Las gracias y acrescentamiento siempre fue uso de las dar á quien puso su cuerpo á peligro. No es razon que quien ha sido tan contrario á esta negociacion le goce ni sus fijos. Los que se fueron de las Indias fuyendo los trabajos y diciendo mal dellas y de mí, volvieron con cargos: así se ordenaba agora en Veragua: malo ejemplo, y sin provecho del negocio y para la justicia del mundo: este temor con otros casos hartos que yo veia claro, me hizo suplicar á V. A. antes que yo viniese á descubrir esas islas y tierra firme, que me las dejasen gobernar en su Real nombre: plúgoles: fue por privilegio y asiento, y con sello y juramento, y me intitularon de Viso-Rey y Almirante y Gobernador general de todo; y aseñalaron el término sobre las islas de los Azores cien leguas, y aquellas del Cabo Verde por línea que pasa de polo á polo, y desto y de todo que mas se descubriese, y me dieron poder largo: la escritura á mas largamente lo dice. El otro negocio famosísimo está con los brazos abiertos llamando: extrangero ha sido fasta ahora. Siete años estuve yo en su Real corte, que á cuantos se fabló de esta empresa todos á una dijeron que era burla: agora fasta los sastres suplican por descubrir. Es de creer que van á saltear, y se les otorga, que cobran con mucho perjuicio de mi honra y tanto daño del negocio. Bueno es de dar á Dios lo suyo y acetar lo que le pertenece. Esta es justa sentencia, y de justo. Las tierras que acá obedecen á V. A. son mas que todas las otras de cristianos y ricas. Despues que yo, por voluntad divina, las hube puestas debajo de su Real y alto señorío, y en filo para haber grandísima rénta, de improviso, esperando navíos para venir á su alto conspecto con victoria y grandes nuevas del oro, muy seguro y alegre, fuí preso y echado con dos hermanos en un navío, cargados de fierros, desnudo en cuerpo, con muy mal tratamiento, sin ser llamado ni vencido por justicia: ¿quién creerá que un pobre extrangero se hobiese de alzar en tal lugar contra V. A. sin causa, ni sin brazo de otro Príncipe, y estando solo entre sus vasallos y naturales, y teniendo todos mis fijos en su Real corte? Yo vine á servir de veinte y ocho años, y agora no tengo cabello en mi persona que no sea cano y el cuerpo enfermo, y gastado cuanto me quedó de aquellos, y me fue tomado y vendido, y á mis hermanos fasta el sayo, sin ser oido ni visto, con gran deshonor mio. Es de creer que esto no se hizo por su Real mandado. La restitucion de mi honra y daños, y el castigo en quien lo fizo, fará sonar su Real nobleza; y otro tanto en quien me robó las perlas, y de quien ha fecho daño en ese almirantado. Grandísima virtud, fama con ejemplo será si hacen esto, y quedará á la España gloriosa memoria con la de vuestras Altezas de agradecidos y justos Príncipes. La intencion tan sana que yo siempre tuve al servicio de vuestras Altezas, y la afrenta tan desigual, no da lugar al anima que calle, bíen que yo quiera: suplico á vuestras Altezas me perdonen. Yo estoy tan perdido como dije: yo he llorado fasta aquí á otros: haya misericordia agora el Cielo, y llore por mi la tierra. En el temporal no tengo solamente una blanca para el oferta: en el espiritual he parado aquí en las Indias de la forma que está dicho: aislado en esta pena, enfermo, aguardando cada dia por la muerte, y cercado de un cuento de salvages y llenos de crueldad y enemigos nuestros, y tan apartado de los Santos Sacramentos de la Santa Iglesia, que se olvidará desta anima si se aparta acá del cuerpo. Llore por mí quien tiene caridad, verdad y justicia. Yo no vine este viage á navegar por ganar honra ni hacienda: esto es cierto, porque estaba ya la esperanza de todo en ella muerta. Yo vine á V. A. con sana intencion y buen zelo, y no miento. Suplico humildemente á V. A. que si á Dios place de me sacar de aquí, que haya por bien mi ida á Roma y otras romerías. Cuya vida y alto estado la Santa Trinidad guarde y acresciente. Fecha en las Indias en la Isla de Jamaica á siete de Julio de mil quinientos y tres años.

FOOTNOTES:

[202] The word “cosas” has been replaced on conjecture by “casas,” such being the idea entertained in the Italian translation, republished by Morelli.

[203] The “line” of Columbus implies fifteen degrees, or one hour of longitude; and the twelve lines which describe the distance of Catigara from the meridian of Ptolemy, equal one hundred and eighty degrees. Marinus of Tyre, reckoned two hundred and twenty-five degrees to the same space, which is equivalent to the fifteen lines stated by Columbus.

[204] Every one will immediately see the incorrectness of this notion, arising from the belief of Columbus that the country he had discovered was the east coast of Asia. Instead of the land bearing a proportion of six-sevenths to the water, the water bears a proportion of about two-thirds to the land.

[205] Morelli has given this passage thus: “la opposizion de Saturno con Marte.” The adjective “desbarados,” however, sufficiently proves this reading to be incorrect. It would seem that Columbus meant the opposition of Saturn with the Sun.

[206] The word _proeses_ or _proizes_, answers to our English word bollards—or the posts to which cables are fastened.

[207] Columbus, who now fancies himself in China, by this word “Mago,” means Mangi, the name given by Marco Polo, whose travels he had read, to Southern China, while Northern China was Cathay.

[208] Of course he here speaks of himself.

[209] Bow-lines are ropes employed to keep the windward edges of the principal sails steady, and are only used when the wind is so unfavourable that the sails must be all braced sideways, or close hauled to the wind.

[210] In this remarkable notion, Columbus refers to a work of the learned Æneas Sylvius Piccolomini, entitled _Cosmographia Pape Pii_, printed in Venice in 1503. It is not paginated, but if the reader will count to the nineteenth and twentieth pages he will find the following passages: “Post Sacas ad septentrionem Messagetæ reperiuntur: ... Fæda gens et brutis simillima apud quam genus mortis optimum judicabatur ut senio confecti in frusta cœderentur et cum carnibus ovilis promiscue ederentur: eos qui morbo decederent ut impios abjicientes tamque dignos qui a feris devorarentur. Equites ac pedites inter eos optimi fuere arcu; gladio; thorace; ac securi æneâ utentes; aureas zonas; aurea equorum frena ac pectoralia habentes. Ferri parum apud eos fuit: argento carebant; ære et auro abundabant: insularum cultores herbarum radices edebant, et agrestes fructus: ex quibus pocula exprimebant. Vestis erat arborum cortex: qui paludes inhabitabant piscibus vescebantur: focarum coria e mari prodeuntium induebant,” etc. From Herodotus we gather an accurate idea of the situation of the Massagetæ, viz., in the immense plain to the east of the Caspian and on the east bank of the Jaxaretes. Strabo corroborates the account of Herodotus as to the repulsive habits of these old Mongolians.

[211] This is a malady undefined in any dictionary.

[212] This is most certainly a mistake; probably thirty-eight was originally written, which, supposing Columbus to have been born in 1446-7, would bring the date referred to to 1484, when Columbus really did escape from Portugal into Spain.

A NARRATIVE

_Given by Diego Mendez [in his will] of some events that occurred in the last voyage of the Admiral Don Christopher Columbus._

Diego Mendez, citizen of St. Domingo, in the island of Española, being in the city of Valladolid, where the Court of their Majesties was at the time staying, made his will on the sixth day of June, of the year one thousand five hundred and thirty-six, before Fernando Perez, their Majesties’ scrivener, and notary public in that their Court, and in all their Kingdoms and Lordships, the witnesses to the same being Diego de Arana, Juan Diez Miranda de la Cuadra, Martin de Orduña, Lucas Fernandez, Alonzo de Angulo, Francisco de Hinojosa and Diego de Aguilar, all servants of my Lady the Vicequeen of the Indies.[213] And among other chapters of the said will there is one which runs literally as follows:—

Clause of the will, Item: The very illustrious gentlemen, the admiral Don Christopher Columbus, of glorious memory, and his son the admiral Don Diego Columbus, and his grandson the admiral Don Louis, (whom may God long preserve), and through them my Lady the Vicequeen, as tutress and guardian of the latter, are in debt to me, for many and great services that I have rendered them, in as much as I have spent and worn out the best part of my life even to its close in their service; especially did I serve the admiral Don Christopher, going with his Lordship to the discovery of the islands and terra firma, and often putting myself in danger of death in order to save his life and the lives of those who were with him, more particularly when we were shut in at the mouth of the river Belen or Yebra, through the violence of the sea and the winds which drove up the sand, and raised such a mountain of it as to close up the entrance of the port. His Lordship being there greatly afflicted, a multitude of Indians collected together on shore to burn the ships, and kill us all, pretending that they were going to make war against other Indians of the province of Cabrava Aurira, with whom they were at enmity. Though many of them passed by that part where our ships were lying, none of the fleet took notice of the matter except myself, who went to the admiral and said to him, “Sir, these people who have passed by in order of battle, say that they go to unite themselves with the people of Veragua, to attack the people of Cobrava Aurira: I do not believe it, but, on the contrary, I think that they are collected together to burn our ships and kill all of us,”—as in fact was the case. The admiral then asked me what were the best means of preventing this, and I proposed to his Lordship that I should go with a boat along the coast towards Veragua, to see where the royal court sat. I had not proceeded on my errand half a league when I found nearly a thousand men of war with great stores of provisions of all kinds, and I went on shore alone amongst them, leaving my boat afloat; I then spoke with them, making them understand me as well as I could, and offered to go with them to the battle with that armed boat; but this they strongly refused, saying there was no need of such a thing. After that I returned to the boat, and remained there in sight of them all that night, so that they could not go to the ships to burn or destroy them, according to their previous arrangements, without my seeing them, upon which they changed their plan, and on that same night they all returned to Veragua. I then went back to the ships, and related all this to his Lordship, who thought no little of what I had done, and upon his consulting me as to the best manner of proceeding so as clearly to ascertain what was the intention of the people, I offered to go to them with one single companion; and this task I undertook, though more certain of death than of life in the result.

After journeying along the beach up to the river of Veragua, I found two canoes of strange Indians, who related to me more in detail, that these people were indeed collected together to burn our ships and kill us all, and that they had forsaken their purpose in consequence of the boat coming up to the spot, but that they intended to return after two days to make the attempt once more. I then asked them to carry me in their canoes to the upper part of the river, offering to remunerate them if they would do so; but they excused themselves, and advised me by no means to go, for that both myself and my companion would certainly be killed. At length, in spite of their advice, I prevailed upon them to take me in their canoes to the upper part of the river, until I reached the villages of the Indians, whom I found in order of battle. They, however, would not, at first, allow me to go to the principal residence of the cacique, till I pretended that I was come as a surgeon to cure him of a wound that he had in his leg; then, after I had made them some presents, they suffered me to proceed to the seat of royalty, which was situated on the top of a hillock, surmounted by a plain, with a large square surrounded by three hundred heads of the enemies he had slain in battle. When I had passed through the square, and reached the royal house, there was a great clamour of women and children at the gate, who ran into the palace screaming. Upon this, one of the chief’s sons came out in a high passion, uttering angry words in his own language; and, laying hands upon me, with one push he thrust me far away from him. In order to appease him, I told him that I was come to cure the wound in his father’s leg, and showed him an ointment that I had brought for that purpose; but he replied, that on no account whatever should I go in to the place where his father was. When I saw that I had no chance of appeasing him in that way, I took out a comb, a pair of scissors, and a mirror, and caused Escobar, my companion, to comb my hair and then cut it off. When the Indian, and those who were with him, saw this, they stood in astonishment; upon which I prevailed on him to suffer his own hair to be combed and cut by Escobar; I then made him a present of the scissors, with the comb and the mirror, and thus he became appeased. After this, I begged him to allow some food to be brought, which was soon done, and we ate and drank in love and good fellowship, like very good friends. I then left him and returned to the ships, and related all this to my lord the Admiral, who was not a little pleased when he heard all these circumstances, and the things that had happened to me. He ordered a large stock of provisions to be put into the ships, and into certain straw houses that we had built there, with a view that I should remain, with some of the men, to examine and ascertain the secrets of the country. The next morning his lordship called me to take counsel with me as to what was to be done. My opinion was that we ought to seize that chief and all his captains; because, when they were taken, the common people would submit. His lordship was of the same opinion. I then submitted the stratagem and plan by which this might be accomplished; and his lordship ordered that the Adelantado, his brother, and I, accompanied by eighty men, should go to put it into execution. We went, and our Lord gave us such good fortune, that we took the cacique and most of his captains, his wives, sons, and grandsons, with all the princes of his race; but in sending them to the ships, thus captured, the cacique extricated himself from the too slight grasp of the man who held him, a circumstance which afterwards caused us much injury. At this moment it pleased God to cause it to rain very heavily, occasioning a great flood, by which the mouth of the harbour was opened and the Admiral enabled to draw out the ships to sea, in order to proceed to Spain; I, meanwhile, remaining on land as Accountant of his Highness, with seventy men, and the greater part of the provisions of biscuit, wine, oil, and vinegar being left with me.