Part 8
Those who knew the intricate and perplexed state of affairs within the court were only able to judge how long Mr. Addington's ministry would continue, and also, WHY it was brought into action. Alas! not merely or intentionally to satisfy the liberal politicians, or to change any part of the long misrule of the former minister. Widely opposite were the motives which proved the main-spring to the meditated result. The queen again intended to press the king for an increase of income, to a serious amount, for her favourite spendthrift, and she asked the minister how it might be best attained. The plan was therefore concerted, and as Pitt dared not so soon again ask for further advances, a new minister _might_ be induced to do it, if shielded by the royal message.
If such conduct were not juggling and acting with the most abominable treachery and hypocrisy, we must for ever give up our claim to the possession of one iota of common understanding. As we proceed, we will explain to the gentle or indignant reader, whichever he may be, in what way our enormous "national debt," as it is called, was contracted, when we have no doubt that he will be as incensed as ourselves, and will be ready to exclaim, "Was this the policy pursued by that paragon of her sex, Queen Charlotte?--she who was at all times revered for her _piety_, and admired for her inexpressible and _unspotted virtue_!" Yes, reader, the very same; the only difference is, you have formerly beheld her in _borrowed_ plumes,--_we_ present her in _her own_!
Let us here recur to the consideration of the treatment, exercised against the Princess of Wales by her abominable husband and his vindictive mother. We formerly alluded to some confidential communications made by her to his majesty. The suspicious and mean characters then placed about her person reported to the queen every interview which the king had with his daughter-in-law, and maliciously, represented the imprudence of such an intimacy. From this time, the Prince of Wales _professed_ to believe his father was _improperly_ interested in the cause of the princess, and spies were placed in various situations, to give notice of all visits the princess received and paid. Notwithstanding, the plotters' most ardent wishes were disappointed, and they could not fix upon any action, which they were able to prove, to affect her honour or virtue. In the mean time, Caroline's only child was removed from her, without the enjoyment of whose endearing society life was a mere blank.
In proportion as the prince was applauded, and the queen supported him, so was the princess abused and insulted. With respect to pecuniary affairs, every honest and upright person saw the strange disproportion in the incomes of the several members of the family; for the princess, who had to keep an entirely distinct and separate establishment at her sole expense, was allowed no more than twenty-two thousand pounds per annum, while the other members, who were chiefly expensive to the king, had their salaries granted without reference to this subject. Yet it was expected that the etiquette of rank should be maintained, and with an equal ostentatious display as if means were proportionately provided to defray such expenses. Although living upon the establishment of the king, the queen's real independent income was fifty-eight thousand pounds a year! Ought we not to ask why the princess was thus neglected and shamefully insulted?--left in debt, and in extreme perplexity of circumstances, for which the family must ever be considered mean and unjust? How was her royal highness to act in such a trying case? If she had retired to _private_ life, her enemies would have pronounced her an improper person to retain the high station which she had formerly occupied. If appearances were to be maintained, and royal splendour continued, she must mix with _certain_ society, and debt be the inevitable consequence. The princess felt there were points, beyond which a virtuous, insulted female could not shew forbearance; and she, therefore, resolved no longer to endure the galling yoke of oppression, without farther explanation.
We now proceed to the year
1804,
which commenced amidst much political dissension at home, and preparations for increasing desolation abroad.
His majesty's health now became very indifferent, and, in February, an official bulletin announced his malady. It was reported to be a very slight attack; though we are sorry to say it was, to the king, productive of great pain and agitation of mind by the misrule of the queen, and the improprieties of his family! Little did the nation at large imagine that the family of the sovereign (to whose individual income they had so promptly and munificently contributed) were the causes of his acute anxieties! His sons were deeply embarrassed by PLAY, their female connexions chiefly of the most abandoned character, and their engagements in the world, generally speaking, far beyond their powers to discharge. His daughters were also composed of the FRAILTIES of human nature. Born and educated in a court, under the severe tuition of their mother, they believed themselves of superior worth. The pleasures and enjoyments of life were ever waiting for their acquiescence, and their exercise on horseback, attended by _certain_ persons, occupying _certain_ stations in life, afforded them a variety of opportunities for conversation, in which the _softest subjects_ met the ear!
At this period also, the king's already-distracted mind was farther embittered by what he considered the loss of virtue in one of his daughters; and the agony he endured, lest the circumstance should transpire to the public, would defy any language to depict.
After calmness, in some measure, was restored to his majesty's wounded feelings, his health gradually improved, and, on the 29th of March, he was declared to be convalescent.
On the resignation of Mr. Addington, Mr. Pitt again assumed the reins of government, and appointed his _protégé_, Mr. Canning, treasurer of the navy. Why do not the many biographers of this political character explain the reason, if every thing were fair and straightforward, of his quitting office in 1801, because the Catholic question was forbidden to be mentioned, and returning to it in 1804, under an express stipulation that no member of the government should agitate it contrary to the royal inclination? Was the promise that had been given only binding for _three years_? Was Mr. Canning's secession from office a trick? Was his return to it a sacrifice,--a sacrifice of honour and principle,--to the miserable gratification of obtaining _power_? Alas! the public had little to thank Mr. Canning for; but they knew not, at that time, his love of place and pension.
In October, it was said the king and prince were _reconciled_; but the substance of that reconciliation was not made known to the nation. The queen had resolved to oblige her favourite son, and promote his wishes, by finally relieving him from any farther engagements with the princess, his wife; though of the various abominable schemes then in action, the king was kept entirely ignorant.
In this year, the health of Mr. Pitt began to fail; his ardour seemed cooled, and he experienced short intervals of extreme debility and pain.
In the year
1805,
certain existing evils rendered it needful and expedient, in the opinion of the ministry, that the English nation _should fear_ an invasion from Buonaparte. We will say WHY they deemed it necessary. Because the burdens of the poor were already immense, and it was requisite to give an _excuse_ for stripping thousands of families of their scanty apparel, their few mean and simple articles of furniture, and their humble home, for the purpose of enabling the "hydra-headed monster" of corruption to pursue his unlimited course over this insulted nation! And what could be better to effect this object than alarming the country with the fear of an invasion? The diabolical scheme too fatally succeeded!
In order to strengthen the power of the queen at this period, Mr. Pitt renewed his connexion with Mr. Addington, who was raised to the peerage by the title of _Viscount Sidmouth_, and succeeded the Duke of Portland as president of the council.
The minister, Mr. Pitt, cool as he was on many iniquitous subjects, could not avoid feeling pangs of remorse at the continual impositions he was _compelled_ by the queen to make (in various shapes) upon the people. His unbending pride, however, would not permit him to name his uneasiness to her majesty, as he well knew her inflexible temper and disposition would not permit her to receive _any opinion_ in preference to her own. He soon resigned his earthly vexation upon this point, as he became so indisposed as not to be able to attend his political affairs, and was obliged to seek for repose in retirement from active life.
At the commencement of the year
1806,
parliament was opened by commission; but the usual address was omitted, on account of the absence of the minister, who, as before stated, was then seriously indisposed.
On the 23rd of January, Mr. Pitt expired, in the forty-seventh year of his age. He was said to have died insolvent. Be this as it may, forty thousand pounds were voted as a plea to discharge his debts, as well as means to defray the expenses of his funeral! Probably this was the best laid-out money of the ministry for some time past. If the occasion had occurred twenty years before, what an immense saving it had produced the country!
The public life of Mr. Pitt will afford no room for praise to the faithful and just historian. When the errors and praises of his biographers shall have lost their force, future generations will behold his character in its native colours. He must then appear either in the light of an ungrateful hypocrite, or submit to the only alternative of being reckoned a man of contracted mind. Even in private life, he was not more amiable nor exemplary. The ministerial system which he had laid down pervaded the internal economy of all his actions. He appeared to imagine true dignity consisted in a coolness and reserve, (probably acquired from his queen) that banished every suitor from his presence; nor did he ever suffer a case of distress, however just or pressing the claims might be, to divert him from the routine of office, or to extort the least relief or comfort from himself. Negligent and careless in his domestic concerns, he never permitted a single ray of generosity to burst forth to animate the general frost of his character. He retained his natural sullenness and reserve; even in the best moments of convivial mirth, he never displayed a flexibility of disposition, or an openness to conviction. Often as he was obliged to submit to the decrees of necessity, whereon he imagined his continuance in office depended, yet he never had the candour to acknowledge the weakness of any measure, originating in himself, that brought on that necessity. But what a departure was this from the principles of his illustrious ancestor, the Earl of Chatham, who would never crouch to the authority of any sovereign or cabinet, when militating against his own more enlightened judgment. He resisted bribery, and generally succeeded in his views, or, if baffled, resigned his office. The son of this nobleman, however, pursued far different maxims, and pertinaciously clung to the douceurs and infamy of office; for _infamous_ it most certainly was, to practice measures his own sentiments condemned. Never did man accede to power on more just or noble principles, and never did man forsake those principles with less reserve. He forgot all obligations, and at a happy crisis, when he might have availed himself of the occasion of honorably fulfilling them, in advancing the liberty and happiness of the country, he was eternally launching out into vapid and unmeaning encomiums on the boasted excellencies of the British constitution, instead of adhering to his solemn contract, of exerting all his influence and abilities to reform its blemishes. With all the failings of this minister, his caution and plausibility were admirably calculated to entrap the confidence of the landed and monied interest, and he turned it to the best account, labouring with all his zeal to inculcate a belief of the flourishing state of the national finances, enforcing every circumstance tending to confirm this belief, and concealing every truth that would serve to diminish or destroy it. Will not such a man, then, be regarded by posterity as a time-server and an apostate?
After the death of Mr. Pitt, Mr. Fox joined the ministry; and, at the same time, Lord Sidmouth continued a member of the cabinet! But Mr. Fox did not retain his situation long. His health soon after declined, and he died on the 13th of September following.
Of this great statesman, we may say, "take him for all in all, we ne'er shall look upon his like again." He was an unbending patriot; possessed of great political ability, and loved, as well as advocated, the cause of LIBERTY. Light and shade, however, were mixed in Mr. Fox's picture. He permitted private friendship, in one instance, to over-balance his public duty. We refer to the language used by him in the House of Commons, in April, 1787, which must have been against his conscience. He there _denied_ the marriage between the Prince of Wales and Mrs. Fitzherbert, when, in fact, _he assisted at that very marriage_; but, because he had engaged secrecy to the prince, he thought proper to utter a direct falsehood rather than break his promise upon the subject!
Mr. Pitt's death was an unpleasant consequence to the usurping queen, and perhaps impelled the ardour of her determination to get her favourite son's divorce from his injured wife settled as soon as possible. The scheme for this purpose, which seemed most practicable, was the obtaining some document as evidence _against the moral character of the princess_. By the queen's express desire, therefore, Lady Douglas had removed her abode, nearly six years previously, close to Blackheath, and was purposely employed to invent some dishonourable report against the princess.
The Princess of Wales accidentally and innocently (on her part) became acquainted with this lady, and from that period no pains were spared, on the part of Lady Douglas and her husband, to increase that acquaintance, until their diabolical object should be attained. The most assiduous attentions and extravagant pains were used to entrap the generous mind of the princess; but as the object in view proved of a very difficult nature, so did the means for its accomplishment become equally numerous. This intimacy commenced in 1801, and terminated in 1804; and during that period did these base designing slanderers and ungrateful guests, by secret application, obtain an opportunity to vilify, outrage, and insult the princess, in connexion with _nearly_ every branch of the royal family, who were too closely united in one general interest not to assist each other.
The only patriotic members, the Dukes of Kent and Sussex, appeared much wrought upon by the specious and abominable fabrication brought forward by these unprincipled, time-serving, and heartless enemies of Caroline. Although their statements and depositions were taken so fully, and examined so closely,--although the prince pursued the subject with such unfeeling barbarity,--yet the princess was acquitted, most honourably acquitted. Indeed, to any rational inquirer, the wickedness of the Douglas statement was, beyond doubt, most palpable. It was full of improbabilities, of contradictions, and absurdities, which well merited punishment. Had a similar insult or a flagrant transgression been offered to the royal family in the person of any _other than the Princess of Wales_, would not the whole royal phalanx, headed by the queen, have arisen in defence of their _illustrious_ and _virtuous_ house? Nay, would not the insulting falsehoods and infamous assertions have been proved treasonable? Yes, undoubtedly; but, because the injured Princess of Wales was the INTENDED VICTIM OF A CONSPIRACY, although so gloriously acquitted, yet no prosecution of her traducers followed; neither did any branch of the royal family exemplify one pleasurable feeling upon the conclusion of this disgracefully-iniquitous business! Their chagrin was much more evident!
As if in this year a deluge of sadness and sorrow, in addition to all other trials and injuries, were to fall upon the persecuted Caroline, she had to suffer the heavy and irreparable loss of her father, William, Duke of Brunswick, at the memorable battle of Jena, October 14th, in the seventy-first year of his age.
The character of the venerable Duke of Brunswick is beyond praise; "his NAME shall be his _monument_!" If at any period the Princess of Wales needed the kind and soothing balm of friendship, it was at this trying juncture. Her friends were few in number, and their friendship was of an evanescent description. They sometimes professed their readiness to serve her, and eulogised her greatness of mind and talent; yet, when brought to the point by public opinion and inquiry, they very generally expressed their sentiments _equivocally_, or with some portion of hesitation calculated to injure, rather than benefit, the cause they professed to serve. Mr. Canning and Mr. Whitbread were two of these _particular_ kind of friends, as our after history will abundantly testify.
How wretched must have been the Princess Charlotte at this period, who was nearly deprived of all communication with her affectionate mother, and without one friend to whom she could freely speak of her sorrows and anxious wishes!
The year
1807
commenced with selfish men in office, who contrived selfish measures for the continued purposes of corruption.
The king now became very imbecile; and the queen and the Prince of Wales intimidated him from acting honourably towards the Princess of Wales, as he had so committed himself by his fatal act of BIGAMY. As his mind became proportionately depressed by the perplexities of his situation, so did his conduct become more influenced as they desired it; until, at length, he proved a mere automaton, to be moved at their pleasure!
In any case of vital importance to character, delay is dangerous; because it causes suspicion, suspicion begets mistrust, and so on do these injurious sentiments proceed, until, ere the time of trial arrives, the injured party has suffered unjustly in a two-fold way. Thus it was in the case of the unfortunate Caroline. To oblige the queen, his majesty postponed seeing his daughter-in-law as long as it suited the views of the designers against her happiness.
From the active part which Mr. Perceval had taken in defence of the princess, especially in his book, which made much noise in the world at this time, the queen thought it prudent to advise his being accommodated with office. She made her will known to the prince, who was very happy to concur in the suggestion, but only feared an obstacle in Mr. Perceval's _rigid virtue_. This, however, was not insurmountable, and Mr. Perceval was made "Chancellor of the Exchequer;" Mr. Canning, "Secretary for Foreign Affairs;" and Lord Castlereagh, "Secretary for the Department of War and the Colonies." Thus were two of the former advocates of the Princess of Wales enlisted under the banners of her most deadly enemies! As to the _honor_ they derived from their base desertion of the cause of innocence, we leave our readers to judge.
The Prince of Wales, at this juncture, made no secret of his diabolical intentions; for we well know that he has frequently raised the goblet to his lips, and drank "TO THE SPEEDY DAMNATION OF THE PRINCESS." It was very perceptible that the royal party were well aware of the injustice practised towards the princess; but, charity being a virtue of little worth in their ideas, they resolved to carry their plans into execution, no matter at what cost.
The least the late _friends_ of the princess could do was, to remain _silent_; but human beings can articulate sounds, and be oppositely communicative with their optical faculties. An individual, who accepts _place_ amongst those whom he formerly professed to despise, renders himself an object of suspicion, if not of detestation.
For the present, we abstain from further remarks upon these two late principal friends of the persecuted Princess of Wales.
Upon hearing of the Duke of Brunswick's death, the king could do no less than solicit the duchess, his sister, to visit England. As the country around her was in a deplorable state, and feeling desirous to see her daughter, she determined to accept the invitation, and arrived at the house of the Princess of Wales, at Blackheath, on the 7th of July, in one of her royal highness' carriages.
The injured Caroline was so overpowered at this interview as to cause the duchess much serious disquiet; for she plainly saw that her daughter had great cause for sorrow, the particulars of which she was yet ignorant. The princess afterwards appeared soothed; and this short interview, cheered by a fond mother's presence, proved a solace to her lacerated heart.
The king went from Windsor to see his sister, and the queen also from St. James' Palace; the Princess Charlotte, and several other members of the family, paid their respects to the duchess.
Thus, though common or decent attention was refused the daughter, while mourning over her early misfortunes and recent losses, yet, when her mother arrived, some little regard must be paid to _etiquette_, although the daughter _was to receive the visiters_. But so it was. Poor Queen Charlotte, how hard it was for her to vouchsafe or condescend to let fall one smile upon Caroline!
After the opportunity this visit afforded the Princess Charlotte, the mother and daughter were of necessity explicit, and they mourned over the seeming hard destiny each was doomed to experience.
During the remainder of this year, the king became more and more incapacitated for business of any sort; he could not even distinguish any object by either its colour or size, and was led from one place to another as if in the last stage of blindness. The long-continued distractions of his mind, and the anxiety yet remaining, caused his rational moments to be most gloomy. His favourite daughter was incurably diseased with a scrofulous disorder, from which she suffered dreadfully, and nature seemed fast declining. Throughout the whole of his family, the poor monarch had but little gratification, as every individual composing it was separately under her majesty's controul. To have contradicted _her_ order or command would have been attended with no very pleasant consequences. Her _look_ was sufficient to frighten every one into obedience!
We now enter upon the year
1808,
in which the session of parliament was opened by commission, on the 21st of January, the king's indisposition preventing him from going in person.
At this period, a very strong sensation was excited against the continuance of the pension list. The productive classes ascertained, in a very correct way, how the fruits of their industry were devoured. In consequence of which, they felt themselves imposed upon in the highest degree; but resolved to try rational entreaty and petition ere they resorted to acts of violence. The number of these dissatisfied classes, in every large town, was immensely great, and they only needed _system_ to obtain, by their SIMPLE PETITION, what they so much desired; but the authorities knew the incapacitated state of the sufferers, in the absence of that _system_, and therefore very ungenerously refused their appeal.