Part 2

much public anxiety and disquietude was manifested. Mr. Wilkes again appeared before a public tribunal for publishing opinions not in accordance with the reigning powers. The House of Commons sat so early as seven o'clock in the morning to consider his case, and the speaker actually remained in the chair for _twenty hours_, so important was the matter considered.

About the end of this year, the king became much indisposed, and exhibited the first signs of that mental aberration, which, in after years, so heavily afflicted him. The nation, in general, supposed this to have arisen from his majesty's anxiety upon the fearful aspect of affairs, which was then of the most gloomy nature, both at home and abroad. Little, indeed, did the multitudes imagine the _real_ cause; little did the private gentleman, the industrious tradesman, the worthy mechanic, or the labourer, think that their sovereign was living in splendid misery, bereft of the dearest object of his solicitude, and compelled to associate with the woman he all but detested!

Nature had not formed George the Third for a king; she had not been profuse to him either in elegance of manners, or capacity of mind; but he seemed more fitted to shine in a domestic circle, where his affections were centred, and in that sphere only. But, with all hereditary monarchies, _an incompetent person has the same claim as a man adorned with every requisite and desirable ability_!

In this year, Lord Albermarle received TWENTY THOUSAND POUNDS as _his_ share in the Havannah prize-money; while _one pound, two shillings, and six-pence_ was thought sufficient for a corporal, and _thirteen shillings and five-pence_ for a private! How far this disbursement was consistent with _equity_, we leave every honest member of society to determine.

In December, a most excellent edict was registered in the parliament of Paris, by which the King of France abolished the society of Jesuits _for ever_.

Early in the year

1765,

the queen was pressingly anxious that her marriage with the king should again be solemnized; and, as the queen was then pregnant, his majesty readily acquiesced in her wishes. Dr. Wilmot, by his majesty's appointment, performed the ceremony at their palace at Kew. The king's brother, Edward, was present upon this occasion also, as he had been on the two former ones.

Under the peculiar distractions of this year, it was supposed, the mind of the sovereign was again disturbed. To prevent a recurrence of such interruptions to the royal authority, a law was passed, empowering his majesty to appoint the _queen_, or _other member of the royal family_, assisted by a council, to act as regent of the kingdom. Although his majesty's blank of intellect was but of short duration, it proved of essential injury to the people generally. The tyrannical queen, presuming on the authority of this bill, exercised the most unlimited sway over national affairs. She supplied her own requirements and opinions, in unison with her trusty-bought clan, who made it apparent that these suggestions were offered by the king, and were his settled opinions, upon the most deliberate investigation of all matters and things connected therewith!

During the king's indisposition, he was most passionate in his requests, that the _wife of his choice_ should be brought to him. The queen, judging her influence might be of much consequence to quell the perturbation of her husband's mind, was, agreeably to her own request, admitted to the solitary apartment of the king. It is true he recognised her, but it was followed by extreme expressions of disappointment and disgust! The queen was well acquainted with all subjects connected with his majesty's unfortunate passion and marriage; therefore, she thought it prudent to stifle expressions of anger or sorrow, and, as soon as decency permitted, left the place, resolving thenceforth to manage the helm herself.

On the 31st of October, his majesty's uncle, the Duke of Cumberland, died suddenly at his house in Upper Grosvenor-street, in the forty-fifth year of his age; and on the 28th of December, his majesty's youngest brother, Prince Frederick William, also expired, in the sixteenth year of his age.

On December 1st,

1766,

his majesty's sister, Matilda, was married to the King of Denmark, and the Duke of York was proxy on the occasion. Soon afterwards, his royal highness took leave of his brother, and set out on a projected tour through Germany, and other parts of the continent. The queen was most happy to say "Adieu," and, for the first time, felt something like ease on his account.

The supplies granted for the service of this year, although the people were in the most distressed state, amounted to _eight millions, two hundred and seventy-three thousand, two hundred and eighty pounds_!

In the year

1767,

the noble-minded and generous Duke of York was married to a descendant of the Stuarts, an amiable and conciliating lady, not only willing, but anxious, to live without the splendour of royal parade, and desirous also of evading the flatteries and falsehoods of a court.

In August, the duke lived very retired in a chateau near Monaco, in Italy, blessed and happy in the society of his wife. She was then advancing in pregnancy, and his solicitude for her was sufficient to have deeply interested a heart less susceptible than her own. Their marriage was kept from public declaration, but we shall refer to the proofs hereafter. In the ensuing month, it was announced that (17th September) the duke "died of a malignant fever," in the twenty-ninth year of his age, and the news was immediately communicated to the King of England. The body was said to be embalmed, (?) and then put on board his majesty's ship Montreal, to be brought to England. His royal highness was interred on the evening of November 3rd, in the royal vault of King Henry the Seventh's Chapel.

The fate of the duke's unfortunate and inconsolable widow, and that of the infant, to whom she soon after gave birth, must be reserved for its appropriate place in this history.

The high price of provisions this year occasioned much distress and discontent, and excited tumults in various parts of the kingdom. Notwithstanding this, ministers attempted to retain every tax that had been imposed during the late war, and appeared perfectly callous to the sufferings of the productive classes. Even the land-tax, of four shillings in the pound, was attempted to be continued, though contrary to all former custom; but the country gentlemen became impatient of this innovation, and contrived to get a bill introduced into the House of Commons, to reduce it to three shillings in the pound. This was carried by a great majority, in spite of all the efforts of the ministry to the contrary! The defeat of the ministers caused a great sensation at the time, as it was the first money-bill in which any ministry had been disappointed since the revolution of 1688! But what can any ministers do against the wishes of a determined people? If the horse knew his own strength, would he submit to the dictation of his rider?

On account of the above bill being thrown out, ministers had considerable difficulty in raising the necessary supplies for the year, which were estimated at _eight millions and a half_, including, we suppose, secret-service money, which was now in great demand.

The king experienced a fluctuating state of health, sometimes improving, again retrograding, up to the year

1768.

In his speech, in the November of this year, his majesty announced, that much disturbance had been exhibited in some of the colonies, and a disposition manifested to throw aside their dependence upon Great Britain. Owing to this circumstance, a new office was created, under the name of "Secretary of State for the Colonies," and to which the Earl of Hillsborough was appointed.

The Earl of Chatham having resigned, parliament was dissolved. Party spirit running high, the electioneering contests were unusually violent, and serious disorders occurred. Mr. Wilkes was returned for Middlesex; but, being committed to the King's Bench for libels on the government, the mob rescued Wilkes from the soldiers, who were conducting him thither. The military were ordered to fire on the people, and one man, who was singled out and pursued by the soldiers, was shot dead. A coroner's inquest brought this in _wilful murder_, though the higher authorities not only acquitted the magistrates and soldiers, but actually returned _public thanks_ to them!

At this period, the heart sickens at the relations given of the punishments inflicted on many private soldiers in the guards. They were each allowed only four-pence per day. If they deserted and were re-taken, the poor delinquents suffered the dreadful infliction of five hundred lashes. The victims thus flagellated very seldom escaped with life! In the navy, also, the slightest offence or neglect was punished with inexpressible tortures. This infamous treatment of brave men can only be accounted for by the fact, that officers in the army and navy either bought their situations, or received them as a _compensation_ for some SECRET SERVICE performed for, or by the request of, the queen and her servile ministry. Had officers been promoted from the ranks, for performing _real_ services to their country, they would have then possessed more commiseration for their brothers in arms.

We must here do justice to the character of George the Third from all intentional tyranny. Many a time has this monarch advocated the cause of the productive classes, and as frequently have his ministers, urged on by the _queen_, defeated his most sanguine wishes, until he found himself a mere cipher in the affairs of state. The king's simplicity of style and unaffected respect for the people would have induced him to despise the gorgeous pageantry of state; he had been happy, indeed, to have been "the real father of his subjects." His majesty well knew that the public good ought to be the sole aim of all governments, and that for this purpose a prince is invested with the regal crown. A king is not to employ his authority, patronage, and riches, merely to gratify his own lusts and ambition; but, if need require it, he ought even to sacrifice his own ease and pleasure for the benefit of his country. We give George the Third credit for holding these sentiments, which, however, only increased his regrets, as he really had _no power to act_,--that power being in the possession of his queen, and other crafty and designing persons, to whose opinions and determinations he had become a perfect slave! It is to be regretted that he had not sufficient nerve to eject such characters from his councils; for assuredly the nation would have been, to a man, willing to protect him from their vile machinations; but once subdued, he was subdued for ever.

From the birth, a prince is the subject of flattery, and is even caressed for his vicious propensities; nay, his minions never appear before him without a mask, while every artifice that cunning can suggest is practised to deceive him. He is not allowed to mix in general society, and therefore is ignorant of the wants and wishes of the people over whom he is destined to reign. When he becomes a king, his counsellors obtain his signature whenever they desire it; and, as his extravagance increases, so must sums of money, in some way or other, be extorted from his suffering and oppressed subjects. Should his ministers prove ambitious, war is the natural result, and the money of the poor is again in request to furnish means for their own destruction! Whereas, had the prince been associated with the intelligent and respectable classes of society, he might have warded off the evil, and, instead of desolating war, peace might have shed her gentle influence over the land. Another barbarous custom is, the injunction imposed upon royal succession, that they shall not marry only with their equals in birth. But is not this a violation of the most vital interests and solemn engagements to which humanity have subscribed? What unhappiness has not such an unnatural doctrine produced? Quality of blood ought only to be recognized by corresponding nobility of sentiments, principles, and actions. He that is debarred from possessing the object of his virtuous regard is to be pitied, whether he be a king or a peasant; and we can hardly wonder at his sinking into the abyss of carelessness, imbecility, and even madness.

In February,

1769,

the first of those deficiencies in the civil list, which had occurred from time to time, was made known to parliament, by a message in the _name_ of the unhappy king, but who only did as he was ordered by his ministerial cabal. This debt amounted to five hundred thousand pounds, and his majesty was tutored to say, that he relied on the _zeal_ and _affection_ of his faithful Commons to enable him to discharge it! The principal part of this money was expended upon wretches, of the most abandoned description, for services performed _against_ the welfare of England.

The year

1770

proved one of much political interest. The queen was under the necessity of retiring a little from the apparent part she had taken in the affairs of state; nevertheless, she was equally active; but, from policy, did not appear so. Another plan to deceive the people being deemed necessary, invitations for splendid parties were given, in order to assume an appearance of confidence and quietness, which her majesty could not, and did not, possess.

In this year, Lord Chatham publicly avowed his sentiments in these words: "Infuse a portion of health into the constitution, to enable it to bear its infirmities." Previous to making this remark, his lordship, of course, was well acquainted with the causes of the then present distresses of the country, as well as the sources from whence those causes originated. But one generous patriot is not sufficient to put a host of antagonists to flight. The earl's measures were too mild to be heeded by the minions of the queen then in power; his intention being "to persuade and soften, not to irritate and offend." We may infer that, had he been merely a "party man," he would naturally concur in any enterprise likely to create a bustle without risk to himself; but, upon examination, he appears to have loved the cause of independence, and was willing to support it by every personal sacrifice.

About this time, the Duke of Grafton resigned his office of First Lord of the Treasury, in which he was succeeded by that disgrace to his country, Lord North, who then commenced his long and disastrous administration. Dr. Wilmot was a friendly preceptor to this nobleman, while at the university; but it was frequently a matter of regret to the worthy doctor, that his lordship had not imbibed those patriotic principles which he had so strongly endeavoured to inculcate; and he has been known to observe, that Lord North's administration called for the most painful animadversions, inasmuch as he advocated the enaction of laws of the most arbitrary character.

Mr. Wilkes, previous to the meeting of the Commons in January, was not only acquitted, but had damages, to a large amount, awarded him; and the king expressed a desire, that such damages should be paid out of his privy purse. The Earl of Halifax, who signed the warrant for his committal to the Tower in 1763, was finally so disappointed that he offered his resignation, though he afterwards accepted the privy seal.

It was during this year, that the celebrated "Letters of Junius" first appeared. These compositions were distinguished as well by the force and elegance of their style as by the violence of their attacks on individuals. The first of these letters was printed in the "Public Advertiser," of December the 19th, and addressed to the king, animadverting on all the errors of his reign, and speaking of his ministers in terms of equal contempt and abhorrence. An attempt was made to suppress this letter by the strong arm of the law; but the effort proved abortive, as the jury _acquitted_ the printer, who was the person prosecuted. Junius (though under a feigned name) was the most competent person to speak fully upon political subjects. He had long been the bosom friend of the king, and spent all his leisure time at court. No one, therefore, could better judge of the state of public affairs than himself, and his sense of duty to the nation animated him to plead for the long-estranged rights of the people; indeed, upon many occasions, he displayed such an heroic firmness, such an invincible love of truth, and such an unconquerable sense of honor, that he permitted his talents to be exercised freely in the cause of public justice, and subscribed his _addenda_ under an envelope, rather than injure his prince, or leave the interests of his countrymen to the risk of fortuitous circumstances. We know of whom we speak, and therefore feel authorized to assert, that in his character were concentrated the steady friend of the prince as well as of the people.

Numerous disquisitions have been written to prove the identity of Junius; but, in spite of many arguments to the contrary, we recognize him in the person of the Rev. JAMES WILMOT, D.D., Rector of Barton-on-the-Heath, and Aulcester, Warwickshire, and one of his majesty's justices of the peace for that county.

Dr. Wilmot was born in 1720, and, during his stay at the university, became intimately acquainted with Dr. Johnson, Lord Archer, and Lord Plymouth, as well as Lord North, who was then entered at Trinity College. From these gentlemen, the doctor imbibed his political opinions, and was introduced to the first society in the kingdom. At the age of thirty, Dr. Wilmot was confidently entrusted with the most _secret affairs of state_, and was also the bosom friend of the Prince of Wales, afterwards George the Third, who at that time was under the entire tutorage of Lord Bute. To this nobleman, Dr. Wilmot had an inveterate hatred, for he despised the selfish principles of Toryism. As soon as the Princess of Mecklenburgh (the late Queen Charlotte) arrived in this country in 1761, Dr. Wilmot was introduced, as the _especial friend_ of the king, and this will at once account for his being chosen to perform the second marriage-ceremony of their majesties at Kew palace, as before related.

A circumstance of rather a singular nature occurred to Dr. Wilmot, in the year 1765, inasmuch as it was the _immediate_ cause of the bold and decisive line of conduct which he afterwards adopted. It was simply this: the doctor received an anonymous letter, requesting an interview with the writer in Kensington Gardens. The letter was written in Latin, and sealed, the impression of which was a Medusa's head. The doctor at first paid no attention to it; but during the week he received four similar requests, written by the same hand; and, upon the receipt of the last, Dr. Wilmot provided himself with a brace of pocket pistols, and proceeded to the gardens at the hour appointed. The doctor felt much surprised when he was accosted by--_Lord Bute!_ who immediately suggested that Dr. Wilmot should assist the administration, as _her majesty_ had entire confidence in him! The doctor briefly declined, and very soon afterwards commenced his political career. Thus the German princess always endeavoured to inveigle the friends of the people.

Lord Chatham had been introduced to Dr. Wilmot by the Duke of Cumberland; and it was from these associations with the court and the members of the several administrations, that the doctor became so competent to write his unparalleled "Letters of Junius."

We here subjoin an incontrovertible _proof_ of Dr. Wilmot's being the author of the work alluded to:

This is a fac-simile of the doctor's hand-writing, and must for ever set at rest the long-disputed question of "Who is the author of Junius?"

The people were really in need of the advocacy of a writer like Junius, for their burdens at this time were of the most grievous magnitude. Although the country was not in danger from foreign enemies, in order to give posts of command, honor, and emolument, to the employed sycophants at court, our navy was increased, nominal situations were provided; while all the means to pay for such services were again ordered to be drawn _from the people_!

1771

was productive of little else than harassing distresses to the poor labourer and mechanic. At this period, it was not unusual to tear the husband from the wife, and the parent from the child, and immure them within the damp and noisome walls of a prison, to prevent any interposition on the part of the suffering multitudes. Yes, countrymen, such tyranny was practised to ensure the _secrecy of truth_, and to destroy the wishes of a monarch, who was rendered incompetent to act for himself.

Various struggles were made this year to curb the power of the judges, particularly in cases relating to the _liberty of the press_, and also to destroy the power vested in the Attorney-General of prosecuting _ex-officio_, without the intervention of a grand jury, or the forms observed by courts of law in other cases. But the boroughmongers and minions of the queen were too powerful for the liberal party in the House of Commons, and the chains of slavery were, consequently, rivetted afresh.

A question of great importance also occurred this year respecting the privileges of the House of Commons. It had become the practice of newspaper writers to take the liberty, not before ventured upon, of printing the speeches of the members, under their respective names; some of which in the whole, and others in essential parts, were spurious productions, and, in any case, contrary to the standing orders of the House. A complaint on this ground having been made by a member against two of the printers, an order was issued for their attendance, with which they refused to comply; a second order was given with no better success. At length, one of the printers being taken into custody under the authority of the speaker's warrant, he was carried before the celebrated Alderman John Wilkes, who, regarding the caption as illegal, not only discharged the man, but bound him over to prosecute his captor, for assault and false imprisonment. Two more printers, being apprehended and carried before Alderman Wilkes and the Lord Mayor, Crosby, were, in like manner, discharged. The indignation of the House was then directed against the city magistrates, and various measures adopted towards them. The contest finally terminated in favor of the printers, who have ever since continued to publish the proceedings of parliament, and the speeches of the members, without obstacle.

In this year, the marriage of the Duke of Cumberland with Mrs. Horton took place. The king appeared electrified when the matter was communicated to him, and declared that he never would forgive his royal brother's conduct, who, being informed of his majesty's sentiments, thus wrote to him: "Sire, my welfare will ensure your own; you cannot condemn an affair there is a _precedent for, even in your own person_!"--alluding to his majesty's marriage with Hannah Lightfoot. His majesty was _compelled_ to acknowledge this marriage, from the Duke of Cumberland having made a confidant of Colonel Luttrell, brother of Mrs. Horton, with regard to several important state secrets which had occurred in the years 1759, 1760, 1761, 1762, and 1763.